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The Christian Question in White Nationalism
There is a strong anti-Christian tendency in contemporary White
Nationalism.
The argument goes something like this: Christianity is one of the
primary causes of the decline of the White race for two reasons. First, it gives
the Jews a privileged place in the sacred history of mankind, a role that they
have used to gain their enormous power over us today. Second, Christian moral
teachings—inborn collective guilt, magical redemption, universalism, altruism,
humility, meekness, turning the other check, etc.—are the primary cause of the
White race’s ongoing suicide and the main impediment to turning the tide. These
values are no less Christian in origin just because secular liberals and
socialists discard their supernatural trappings. The usual conclusion is that
the White race will not be able to save itself unless it rejects Christianity.
I think that this argument is half right. I do believe that
Christianity is one of the main causes of White decline, for the reasons given
above. But I do not believe that discarding Christianity is a necessary
condition of White revival. I am not a Christian. But the fact that I am not a
Christian might lend credibility to my argument that the White Nationalist
movement need not and indeed should not be anti-Christian.
First, although intellectual debate is definitely part of White
Nationalism (perhaps too large a part), we must never lose sight of the fact
that White Nationalism is a political movement, not an intellectual one.
Intellectual movements require agreement on first principles as well as ultimate
goals. Political movements require agreement only on practical goals.
Our goal is a White homeland in North America. This political goal
is, as a matter of fact, shared by Christians and non-Christians alike. To
achieve a White homeland, we have to work with our allies, not against them. We
might wish that they agree with us on other matters besides the goal of a White
homeland. But this is not necessary, and emphasizing differences of opinion is
not productive. When one is on the barricades, one does not turn to one’s
comrades and start finding fault.
Not emphasizing differences of opinion is not the same thing as
hiding them, however. A mature and healthy White Nationalist movement should
cultivate a culture of openness and frankness. We need to be as willing to
express our differences in a civil manner as we are to put them aside to work
for the common good.
Second, Christianity may be a necessary condition of White racial
suicide, but it is not really the driving force. Christianity has long ceased to
be the ruling power in Western societies or individual Christian lives. Instead,
the churches preach White suicide and Christian Zionism because they wish to
suck up to the real intellectual and political power structure, and today that
power structure is overwhelmingly dominated and defined by Jews and Jewish
interests.
This is not a new phenomenon, either. The church has long trimmed
its sails to the winds of expediency. When there were absolute monarchs, the
church preached the divine right of kings. When there was slavery, it bade
slaves to obey their masters. When there was patriarchy, it taught wives to obey
their husbands.
It is tempting to condemn this tendency as mere political
opportunism, but that would be a mistake. The church has always been supple at
bending to the reigning political and intellectual orthodoxies because,
ultimately, its kingdom is not of this world. In spite of aberrations like the
Social Gospel movement, the church has always been more concerned with saving
individual souls than with social justice. Thus churchmen regard sucking up to
the secular powers as a small price to pay to stay in the soul-saving business.
What this implies for White Nationalism is that the church will
resist us less fervently than those whose aims are primarily secular, such as
Jewish organizations, non-White ethnic organizations, and the secular left. And
when we gain power, ministers will begin hunting for Bible verses to justify the
new regime. There is no reason why a White Nationalist regime cannot become a
new Caesar, to whom Christians render their secular loyalty while reserving
their religious loyalty for God.
Third, it is a basic principle of political struggle that one
should always work to preserve the unity of one’s ranks while sowing division
among the enemy. Christian resistance to White Nationalism will be weaker if the
churches are divided, and they can be divided if there are Christians in our
ranks, especially Christians with personal ties to church leaders. Resistance
will be stronger, however, if White Nationalism ceases being a merely political
movement and takes on the aspect of an anti-Christian crusade.
Once a White Nationalist regime emerges, White Nationalist
Christians can use their ties with the churches to better bring them into
compliance with the new order.
Although the presence of Christians in the White Nationalist
movement will help split the churches and weaken their resistance, their
presence will not split or weaken White Nationalism as long as it remains a
purely political movement unified solely by the pursuit of a White homeland.
Today White Nationalism is a movement of the political right.
Someday, however, it may become the common sense of White people up and down the
political spectrum. To my mind, this would be a positive development, because
when it comes to religion and politics, I am very much a liberal: I believe in
the separation of religion and politics and in basing political decisions on
secular reason.
To me, it seems fortunate that the separation of church and state
in the White homeland may well be necessitated by political reality. The White
Nationalist movement must unite Whites of widely different religious convictions
in the struggle for a homeland. That means we must build religious pluralism and
tolerance into our movement today, which means they will be built into our
homeland tomorrow.
Greg Johnson is the Editor-in-Chief of Counter-Currents Publishing, Ltd. He can be reached at editor@counter-currents.com.
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