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The Candidates, from left: Nick Clegg, David Cameron, Gordon Brown
I Have Better Things to Do with My Time
Alex Kurtagic
May 10, 2010
“One long, sleepy
yawn.” That is how I described the latest United Kingdom general election when I
approached Kevin MacDonald about writing this article. My complete indifference
to the 2010 elections stands in marked contrast to my interest in the one that
was held in 1997: that year I stayed up all night watching the results; somehow
thinking that the Conservatives were different from Labour, I was worried by the
prospect, and finally depressed by the reality, of Labour sweeping into power,
so, as the broadcast begun, I had been hopeful of a miraculous, last minute
reprieve.
I might have been
mistaken about the Conservatives, but I was not deluded by Labour: under the
leadership of Tony Blair, the formerly
unelectable party of the Left
had rebranded itself as “New Labour” and had spent the previous few years
feigning the abandonment of their scarier Communistic policies. Except, as I
knew all too well, this was entirely cosmetic, and, behind Blair’s smile stood
the same old, unreconstructed Marxists, chomping at the bit. I knew that a
Labour victory would mean punitive taxation: the phlebotomizing of excellence,
promethean creativity, and hard work by the fiscal leeches, who would from then
on be on a course of anabolic steroids; and the subsidizing of mediocrity,
mean-spirited parasitism, and indolence by a rapacious, invasive, and officious
government bureaucracy that was set to grow and grow, uncontrollably, and gorge
its voracity on the productive economy. I knew that the predicted landslide
Labour victory, moreover, would mean at least a decade, if not fifteen long,
sad, miserable years, of demoralizing Marxism — a terrifying prospect for a
young man of 26 trying to grow the business he had started up the year before.
As you can see, at the time I was not educated on some of the vital issues of our time, and, although I was never an egalitarian, my outlook was entirely materialistic and self-centered; I paid no attention to immigration, foreign policy, Leftist bias in academia, or the various other factors linked to, or causally associated with, the Death of the West. Foremost in my mind was the memory of François Mitterand’s victory in France’s presidential elections in 1981, and the subsequent fiscal assault on my late uncle’s assets by the “Socialist” government. My late uncle, because a prosperous entrepreneur who was lucky enough to have inherited an estate from noble ancestors, was seen as the enemy — he, just wallet; his estate, a tax farm — by Mitterand’s hate-filed cabinet goons, which included four raving Communists.
Even at the age of 11,
I was shocked by the evil in the Communists’ “solidarity tax on wealth”, the
“generalized social tax”, and the yearly, comprehensive, every-scrap-of-paper
tax and VAT inspections. The Communist rapacity added insult to injury to a man
whose estate had already been razed by the partisans in the aftermath of World
War II: while occupying the manor in Aunay-en-Bazois, family heirlooms,
including 200-year-old wallpaper, 300-year-old oil paintings, 400-year-old
furniture, and 500-year-old books of incalculable value were used as timber by
these microcephalous, uncultured orangutans, even though they had 500 hectares
of woodland literally five meters away from the front door; they also stole
clocks, rugs, and anything of value. I first saw the manor in 1977, by which
time it had already undergone 25 years of gradual and hard-won restoration — and
even then, it was all quite bare (room temperature was up to twenty degrees of
frost in Winter). My uncle was a self-made, energetic, and uncompromising
anti-modern, with an archaically illiberal, almost Elizabethan outlook and
vocabulary, who worked 16-hour days and came from a distinguished background of
men who had served their country in the battlefield: his father alone was a
highly decorated officer who served in both World Wars.
You must also remember
that my parents spent several years in Caracas, Venezuela during the late 1970s
and early 1980s. Over a third of the population live below the poverty line in
that country, and hundreds of thousands of deformed, ape-like creatures live in
the labyrinthine, gun-infested shantytowns lining Caracas’ surrounding hills. As
early as 1979 I knew that Communism was the ideology for these creatures. Indeed, I
remember overhearing adult conversation that complained about the corrupt
mainstream political parties and that speculated about the day when the simians
on the hills would lose their patience and stream down to the city in an angry,
yelping horde of revenge to torch every villa, smash every car, loot every shop,
and kill every rich White man and kleptomaniacal plutocrat in sight.
This was the
experiential background against which I witnessed Labour’s electoral victory on
Friday, 2 May 1997.
I remember overhearing
through my open window my neighbors conversing by the rubbish bins outside and
exchanging exclamatory remarks about the slaughtering of the Conservatives. I
remembered hearing the BBC’s Radio 4 broadcasting the exultations of Labour
supporters, who said they were “overjoyed” by the Blair victory, and the
self-congratulatory voice of the
philandering John Prescott,
who in 1997 became Deputy Prime Minister, saying that he looked forward to a
“bumpy ride”.
Of course, I did not
imagine a return to the thieving 98% marginal rate of personal income tax of the
Labour government of Harold Wilson. But I did anticipate a creeping but
incessant increase in the tax burden, hidden with all manner of subterfuges.
This expectation was
fully met (indeed, the
government gobbles around 40% of private earnings, while personal debt, not
unrelated, has nearly tripled).
I also anticipated a
crippled economy and a long-term deterioration of public finances, resulting
from faster-than-growth public spending and the expansion of the welfare system.
And, of course, the economy went from expanding by 3.3% in 1997 to contracting
by 5.0% annually in 2009 — the worst performance in thirty years. Moreover,
after 13-years of the Labour regime, the national debt tripled and government
borrowing nearly septupled, which has finally put the United Kingdom’s credit
rating in jeopardy. Labour apologists might want to argue that this was the
result of the financial meltdown that began with the subprime mortgage crisis in
the United States, which infected the entire Western world, but it did not have
to be this way. During the early years of the regime, Gordon Brown, who was
Chancellor of the Exchequer until 2007, enjoyed a fat economy, averaging 2.7%
annual growth. Yet he somehow managed to squander it all, committing himself to
Pharaonic spending programs and giving away 60% of the country’s gold reserves
at $275 an ounce, always basing his spending on overoptimistic growth forecasts
and leaving nothing aside for a rainy day. So much for abolishing “Tory
boom and bust”.
Finally, I anticipated
that the increased taxation and spending would yield no improvements in public
services. And, unfortunately, I was not proven wrong: school leavers have grown
dumber and more ignorant every year (see
here,
here,
here,
here,
here,
here,
here,
here,
here,
here,
here,
here,
here, and
here); London tube fares have
risen astronomically, and commuters are still packed like sardines inside the
trains; and the cost of postage has doubled while more packets go missing or
take longer in the post than ever before. (Apparently, the Royal Mail now even
auctions off the “lost in the
post” items on eBay, for profit!)
Even more
unfortunately, my gloomiest expectations were generously exceeded. The
discipline that the Blair government lacked in fiscal matters was made up by an
obsessive preoccupation with
presentation and spin. At this
time I still watched television, and I remember feeling exasperated during the
late 1990s by the lockstep regurgitation of empty slogans and rhyming sound
bites by the arrogant “New” Labour politicians, repeated over and over and over
again, irrespective of the question being asked. All the same, despite promising
to be “whiter
than white”, the scandals piled high: over the years, we have had
to endure the
cash for peerages scandal, the
officegate scandal, the
Hinduja affair scandal, the
foot and mouth outbreak scandal,
the
Jo
Moore scandal, the
Iraq
dossier scandal, the
September dossier scandal, the
Jowellgate scandal, the
Smeargate scandal, the
data
discs loss scandal, the
parliamentary expenses scandal, various donations scandals (see
here
and
here),
two consecutive cash for influence scandals (see
here
and
here),
and a
high-level government conspiracy to make Britain even more
multicultural through mass immigration in order to demoralize the opposition on
the Right. This is only a small fraction of Labour’s achievements; writing them
all would require more
yottabytes of server disc space than there are atoms in the
universe.
Where do you think I
got the inspiration for my dystopian novel,
Mister? Is it any surprise that readers
survive, rather than enjoy this piece of fiction?
And the aforementioned
yottabytes are used up before we even mention Tony Blair’s illegal wars in Iraq
and Afghanistan, which, like the constantly expanding foreign aid program, are
burning through thousands of millions of tax payers’ money every year, while
pensioners who have paid into the system for decades
freeze to death in Winter, and the National Health Service
remains underfunded and overstretched, relying on
overworked and
underpaid
Third
World immigrant labour. Luckily, I am in good health and have not
had to go to a
bug-infested hospital; and, even more luckily, I was not using
the London Underground or the double-decker bus at Tavistock Square on 7 July
2005, when four British-born Muslim immigrants, angered by the pro-Zionist Blair
regime’s involvement in the Iraq War, decided to
blow
themselves up and everyone around them, in the name of Allah.
It is baffling,
exasperating, given this record of incompetence, waste, perfidy, deception,
idiocy, theft, and treason, that the Labour party still managed to scrounge a
not-so-bad electoral result, 13 years after Blair walked onto the stage of his
victory rally at the sound of D:Ream’s “Things Can Only Get Better”.
In a just world, Labour would have been annihilated at the ballot box,
expunged, down to the last MP. The House of Commons would have been fumigated
and scrubbed down with potent disinfectants. Many among the freakshow of Labour
politicians would eventually have been fined and thrown headfirst into a deep,
dark dungeon. Some would have been hanged, even, despite Tony Blair’s having
abolished the death penalty for treason in 1998, thereby averting future
retribution. In times past, many have been hanged for less.
Perhaps it is the fact
that the public is woefully miseducated and misinformed: even highly intelligent
individuals, who keep abreast of current affairs, are astonishingly ignorant of
the true nature of contemporary politics and politicians, particularly with
regards to the identity and affiliations of a number of their most important
donors.
Perhaps it is the fact
that there is no real alternative: the Conservatives, after a failed and largely
superficial feint to the Right, eventually converged with Blair’s New Labour,
becoming virtually indistinguishable on all the vital issues; the fact that they
can negotiate forming a coalition government with the Liberal Democrats,
slightly to the Left of Labour, betrays the high overall redshift value of the
contemporary mainstream political establishment.
Perhaps it is the fact
that people do not want to waste their votes: it seems many vote for whomever
they think is going to win, aided in their decision by polls and newspaper
endorsements, and there is a generalized fear of fundamental change, of
experimenting with marginal, inexperienced, and sometimes not wholly
professional political parties. The BNP, presently the only viable party
representing an alternative, has emerged as the fifth largest one in this
election, behind the UKIP, which sceptics see as an establishment pressure
valve. A 2006 YouGov
survey found that the BNP’s policies were very popular with the
public, and even more when said policies were not attributed to the party; but
with 1.9% of the votes, unless proportional representation is introduced and
short of a truly cataclysmic event, the BNP is still lightyears away from even
one seat in the House of Commons. More credible alternatives are needed.
Whatever the
explanation, the fact remains that, in the absence of an overall majority, even
if the Conservatives manage to forge a coalition with the Liberal Democrats,
nothing will change: all three mainstream political parties offer more taxes,
more debt, more immigration, more equality, more political correctness, more
nanny state, more support for Israel, more suicide bombers, more anti-White
policies, more state surveillance, and more invasive controls at the airports.
We have not seen the end of the days when staff at a state-run nursery
confiscate a toddler’s cheese sandwich, prepared by his mother,
because it does not contain a piece of lettuce and is therefore in violation of
healthy eating regulations. As coalitions tend to be unstable, I anticipate
drama and another election relatively soon, maybe in a few months, but not later
than two years. And of course, the end product will be the same no matter who
wins, so I will not be staying up all night to watch the results.
Frankly, I have better
things to do with my time.
Alex Kurtagic
(
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