The Myth of the Right-Wing Extremist

Andrew Joyce, Ph.D.


Neither man nor angel can discern
Hypocrisy, the only evil that walks
Invisible
John Milton, Paradise Lost

The Anglosphere stands transfixed by an elusive bogeyman: ‘right-wing extremism.’ And more than any other nation at the present time, the United Kingdom seems to be in the grip of a media-engineered moral panic bordering on paranoid hysteria. This same country, it should be recalled, banned Richard Spencer in June because he had the temerity to advocate for the founding of a White nation on lines similar to those of the State of Israel. Spencer also dared to suggest an ideal of racial self-improvement. In the view of the British Home Office, then under the authority of Theresa May (now Prime Minister), if Spencer continued making such suggestions on British soil it would not be “conducive to the public good.” Furthermore, and without any self-awareness of its own hyperbolic unreason, the same department claimed that Spencer’s positions amounted to the “fomenting” of “serious criminal acts,” “terrorist acts,” and “inter-community violence in the UK.” Spencer, according to this narrative, is an ‘extremist.’

Given such an assessment, one might expect that the aftermath of an average NPI conference would be a veritable war zone. One imagines minorities fleeing the disintegrating streets of Washington D.C., pursued by radicalized and frenzied militants in trendy three piece suits. All, presumably, against a cacophony of explosions and the distant drone of an Aryan war chant.

Like many forms of madness, this strain of political dementia has its darkly humorous aspects. However, the political and cultural expressions of this socially-engineered panic are no laughing matter. In many cases, the legislative actions undertaken in such contexts are oppressive, tyrannical, and a dire threat to our most cherished freedoms. The myth of the ‘right-wing extremist’ is ultimately a rather calculated tool, regularly employed with the sole aim of stifling White voices.

The myth is built on a foundation of disingenuousness and moral perversion. Ever-amplified, the myth of right-wing extremism is regularly and artificially boosted by government and media, while violence arising directly from Leftist terrorists, or indirectly from Leftist pet projects such as mass immigration, prompts only silence, evasion, or logically gymnastic apologia.

Even a cursory glance at the relevant statistics reveals a stunning neglect of the Leftist threat both historically and in contemporary contexts. According to a 2001 report commissioned by the U.S. Department of Energy, Leftist extremists were “responsible for three-fourths of the officially designated acts of terrorism in America in the 1980s. From an international perspective, of the 13,858 people who died between 1988 and 1998 in attacks committed by the 10 most active terrorist groups in the world, 74 percent were killed by Leftist organizations.” (Editor’s note: At the November, 2016 NPI conference it was leftist antifas who assaulted Aryan Gondola, the cameraman for Emily Youcis, while shouting “die, die, die.” Many attendees were afraid to leave the building during breaks for fear of similar assaults and with the expectation that the police would do nothing. Sam Dickson recounts several other assaults by leftists at this event. And at last year’s NPI conference, an attendee was also assaulted by an antifa.  Despite an arrest, no charges were filed.)

Hypocrisy is rampant. While affable, and clearly non-violent, figures like Richard Spencer receive continent-wide banning orders, highly volatile groups like Black Lives Matter are indulged with fawning press coverage, and treated with kid gloves by government, academia, and law enforcement. This despite the fact that while BLM may posture as having a purely political and community-based agenda, the same can also be said of those Black Leftist groups of the 1970s that gave rise to terrorist groups like the Black Liberation Army and the Republic of New Afrika. By indulging Black agitation, feeding Leftist paranoia about ‘rigged’ elections, and stoking a panic over the ‘extreme right’ folk devil, the media-government symbiont is stirring a witch’s brew of anti-White resentment that gives moral justification for anti-White violence and threatens to erupt at any moment.

In just one example of what can happen when these ingredients are brought together, one might consider what happened when the Black Liberation Army (1970–1981) joined forces with Leftist terror group the ‘Weather Underground’ (1969–1985), the brainchild of Jewish radicals John Jacobs, Eleanor Raskin, Mark Rudd, David Gilbert, and Kathy Boudin. In October 1981, in the village of Nyack, NY, Boudin and several Black associates, fuelled by a joint desire for ‘class war’ and the ‘appropriation’ of White wealth, robbed an armored Brink’s truck of $1.6 million. In the process, they murdered one Brink’s guard and critically injured two others. The 2001 report commissioned by the Department of Energy further recalls that, “At a police roadblock five miles from the robbery, they killed two police officers and wounded a third.”

In order to shed light on the hypocrisy underpinning the myth of the right-wing extremist, and while not advocating violence in any form or from any quarter, the aftermath of the events described above need to be placed in some kind of comparative context. In particular, it should be noted that even this single act alone, perpetrated by the alliance known as the May 19th  Communist Organization (M19CO), exceeded in violence the entire criminal career of a group known as The Order, also active in the 1980s. The media and judicial treatment of both groups in the aftermath of their respective criminal activities is incredibly telling.

Kathy Boudin, who was heavily involved and present during the Brink’s robbery, is now an adjunct professor at Columbia University, having previously enjoyed a stint as Scheinberg Scholar-in-Residence at New York University School of Law. Mark Rudd wasn’t involved in the Brink’s robbery, but was heavily implicated in the attempted bombing of a servicemen’s ball in March 1970, a prospect that was only averted because the device exploded prematurely, killing its manufacturers — Jewish Marxist terrorists Terry Robbins and Ted Gold, along with Diana Oughton, the non-Jewish girlfriend of Weather Underground co-founder (and now retired professor of education at the University of Illinois–Chicago) Bill Ayers. Rudd went on to be a mathematics instructor at Central New Mexico Community College and is now retired. Eleanor Raskin is now an adjunct instructor at Albany Law School, and an administrative law judge at the New York State Public Service Commission. Other notable Weather Underground figures include Naomi Jaffe, a Jewish former undergraduate student of Herbert Marcuse who participated in the infamous Flint, Michigan War Council (1969) that plotted a series of bombings and murders, including those targeting judges and congressmen. Jaffe currently lives comfortably in New York where she directs an organization devoted to women’s issues and ‘anti-racism.’

Nor should we neglect to mention the later years of the Black terrorists. An excellent example is the early Black Panther Party leader Eldridge Cleaver. Cleaver, a compulsive criminal, once advocated raping White women as “an insurrectionary act,” and, having followed his own advice, remarked that “it delighted me that I was defying and trampling upon the white man’s law … defiling his women.” He derided what he called “white pigs,” and added “we encourage people to kill them.” Cleaver died a free man in 1998. An extremist and criminal by any definition of those terms, he was never banned from entering Europe, and even lived in Paris during the 1970s, after his vision of living in Africa ended in an ignominious departure from Algiers.

Rather than being subject to serious media critique, during their heyday both Cleaver and the Black Panther Party were the darlings of liberal intellectuals. For example, the composer and conductor Leonard Bernstein is just one member of the Left-liberal cultural elite known to have held Manhattan fund-raisers for them. Posthumously Cleaver would receive fawning academic tributes, the most absurdly bucolic emerging from a Professor Richard Rose of the University of La Verne, who described Cleaver as a “gentle spirit.” One is reminded of similar sentiments recently expressed after the death of Fidel Castro, a figure who ended a speech marking the 40th anniversary of the Cuban Revolution with the words: “Socialism or death!”

Perhaps more important than the benign fates of these anti-White Leftist terrorists is the fact that their legacy has been one of rose-tinted recollection, white-washing, and ideological triumph. These terrorists produced a political theory that sought to pose every one of their criminal acts as an ‘anti-imperialist,’ ‘anti-racist’ struggle; and they were the first to articulate the formulation of White guilt-inducement known as ‘White privilege.’ Their comfort in middle age and beyond is a reflection of the victory of the ideas they conceived in their youth; ideas that led to the theft of millions of dollars, at least seven major bombings, and the deaths of innocents.

Expressed in simple terms, these terrorists and their contemporaries are triumphant because they convinced society, or at least its most influential elements, to adopt their terminology, their ideology, and their moral schema. Expressed in more complex terms, we might refer to the teachings of Kathy Boudin’s mentor, Herbert Marcuse, who wrote that:

Once a specific morality is firmly established as a norm of social behavior, it is not only introjected — it also operates as a norm of ‘organic’ behaviour; the organism receives and reacts to certain stimuli and ‘ignores’ and repels others in accord with the introjected morality.[1]

The meagre judicial treatment of these terrorist figures, and their comfortable later lives, are thus both a sign and a symptom of the corruption of social morals and norms. The moral norms that currently prevail preclude a rational response to ‘stimuli’ like Leftist terrorism.

In the context of a society given over to a corrupted sense of morality, one would expect responses to vary not according to scale of violence and the extent of threat, but according to disturbances to the introjected moral schema. Rationality is dispensed with. In such a society, extremely violent Islamic terror can evoke less intense responses than threats from and toward abstract protagonists. We are all familiar with the side-stepping of Muslim bombings and beheadings in favor of public handwringing over ‘shared values’ and the putative need to guard against ‘hate.’ Note how the debate is lifted from emergency rooms and placed in the philosopher’s chair. Equipped with this understanding, we should not feel any sense of surprise that the fates of the ‘Weathermen’ contrast sharply with those of The Order, a smaller, less lethal, and less influential group whose members were afforded quite different treatment by the media, government, universities, and judiciary.

By espousing an ideology with White identity at its core, as opposed to the anti-White ideology of M19CO, The Order was in direct conflict not only with the law but also with the prevailing moral schema. Its fate would reflect that. The group’s leader, Robert Mathews, was surrounded by the FBI in December 1984. A decision was taken to fire incendiary rounds into the home Mathews had barricaded himself in, resulting in him being burned alive. Of the remaining members, David Lane was sentenced to 190 consecutive years in prison, his main crime being that he denied the civil rights of Alan Berg, a Jewish talk show host. Lane was subjected to long periods of solitary confinement before dying in prison in 2007. Bruce Pierce was handed a similar fate, having been sentenced to 252 years on the same charges, dying in prison in 2010. Richard Scutari was given a 60-year prison sentence in 1986 and remains incarcerated.

On a cultural level, matters are much the same. David Lane’s ‘Fourteen Words,’ impelling the survival of Whites and their progeny, cannot be articulated in public without punishing consequences. In stark contrast, the ‘White Privilege’ meme, concocted by the Weathermen, Black radicals, and their New Left associates, saturates every aspect of contemporary culture and politics.

To be clear, the argument presented here is not that the right-wing extremist is entirely mythic or fictional because figures committing crime in the name of White identity have never existed. They have existed, but the facts tell us that they are both extremely rare and often very much disengaged from the heart of the movement. Despite recurrent breathless claims, such as Kurt Eichenwald’s Newsweek article claiming that right-wing extremists are more dangerous than ISIS, the reality is far different.  FBI agent Michael German, who spent years undercover with White identity groups and is certainly no friend of our ideas, has remarked that “There are millions of racists in the United States. There are hundreds of thousands of people who are with organized white supremacist groups. Very few actually commit acts of violence.”

The argument presented here is rather that the myth of the “right-wing extremist” is always greater than the sum of his parts, whereas the Leftist extremist is always somehow less than the sum of his. Furthermore, because it is moral infraction more than violent threat that lies at its heart, the myth of the right-wing extremist envelopes even the most non-belligerent advocate of contrarian ideologies. The violent Leftist, the anarchist, the Black ‘liberationist,’ on the other hand, is forever a ‘gentle spirit.’

Disinformation is crucial to the maintenance of the myth. The Southern Poverty Law Center is one of the world’s leading producers of propaganda in this regard, primarily through its Intelligence Report and Year in Hate and Extremism. In the words of Alexander Cockburn, SPLC President Morris Dees “has raised an endowment of close to $100 million [now $302.8 million], with which he’s done little, by frightening elderly liberals that the heirs of Adolf Hitler are about to march down Main Street, lynching blacks and putting Jews into ovens. The fund raising of Dees and the richly rewarded efforts of terror mongers like Leonard Zeskind offer a dreadfully distorted view of American political realities.”

Such distortion is a defining feature of the myth of the right-wing extremist. Faced with increasing violence from immigrants and ethnic minorities, interested parties in government, the media, and academia have been forced to heighten the level of distortion still further, in order to maintain the pretense that a greater threat emanates from the Right.

In recent weeks, Spencer-free Britain has had its introjected morality triggered continually by wave upon wave of engineered ‘news.’ The Guardian, a bastion of Left-liberal elite smugness, has been at the forefront in provoking a falsehood-fuelled social panic about the Right. In late November it led with a piece claiming that “a top counter-terrorism officer has said police fear the threat of far-right violence is growing and poses a similar danger to communities as other forms of extremism.”

In actual fact, the officer in question responded to loaded questions in the wake of the death of murdered MP Jo Cox with only cautious and non-committal statements on the Right, and stated that “currently just under 10% of all Prevent [a government ‘anti-extremism’ education program] referrals relate to the extreme right-wing.” It is understood that these involved teenagers engaging in stickering and handing out pamphlets. Far from posing a “similar danger to communities as other forms of extremism,” the officer further elaborated that “the overriding threat remains from Daesh-inspired groups,” that is to say, groups derived predominantly from the Guardian’s much-cherished immigrant populations.

Faced with a White identity movement that remains, frustratingly for its opponents, law-abiding and peaceful, we can expect an elaboration on existing tactics. The meaning and definition of words like ‘terrorism’ and ‘extremism’ will themselves be expanded to encompass non-violent entities and individuals in an effort to drag them into hastily constructed spheres of illegality and, thus, deeper social opprobrium and even prison sentences. The banning of Richard Spencer from the UK as an ‘extremist’ is an excellent case in this regard. Another is the prison sentence given to Joshua Bonehill for harassing a Jewish MP on social media.

The phenomena outlined above should be sufficient for us to dispense with any lingering hopes that the political and cultural contest we are engaged in is governed by ‘fairness.’ In this Great Game, the rules are constantly changing, the goal always elusive. I often feel that our victory will not be in the form of a majestic sweep to power, but will instead resemble the achievement of a victor marked by his powers of will and endurance. In this scenario, we drag ourselves over the finish line with bloodied fingertips.

Despite the purity of our intentions, the merit of our cause, and the honor in our motivations, I fear that there will be sacrifices along the way. There will be more smears, more falsehoods, more libels, and more oppressions. Glory will come to he who can shoulder them and move ever forward.

I opened with Milton. I’ll close with him:

Awake, arise, or be for ever fallen


[1] Herbert Marcuse, ‘Essay on Liberation,’ 1969.

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