How the Jews won the Battle of Charlottesville

“We have been working on the ground and behind the scenes leading up to, during, and after the rally.”
Anita Gray, regional director of the Anti-Defamation League.

It was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the high point in a period of increasing Alt Right confidence and activism, and it was the moment that marked our first major clash with the globalist hydra. In the wake of Charlottesville, the System that we now find ourselves in more or less open conflict with has followed its dissemination of false narratives of the day’s events with opportunistic boldness and a series of actions. In the first few days after ‘Unite the Right’, an event which saw the apparently co-ordinated ambush of White Identitarian attendees, various arms of the Alt Right have suffered logistical attacks on their internet-based activities, Steve Bannon has left the White House, the myth of the ‘right wing extremist’ has been resurrected with a vengeance, and dangerous precedents have been established on the vital issues of internet freedom and freedom of speech. We are, to a greater degree than any point in recent memory, backed into a corner.

However, despite these strained circumstances, and the hectic and confused media coverage of events in Virginia, it is crucial to understand that none of these actions and reactions against the Alt Right have been spontaneous or ad hoc. Rather, what we have witnessed is the culmination of intensive efforts by our opponents to forge a hegemonic anti-White interface encompassing Jewish ethnic activists, the police, all levels of government, Antifa, and the incentivized agents of globalism and Cultural Marxism. In the following essay I want to step back from the finer points of events in Charlottesville in order to illustrate and contextualize some of the broader patterns of Jewish activity that are in evidence.

The most important aspect of the ‘Unite the Right’ rally was that it wasn’t allowed to go ahead. In this regard, we are supposed to believe that local police botched the placement of opposing factions, and then had a knee-jerk reaction to the resultant early disturbances, subsequently (and conveniently) declaring a state of emergency and ending the rally before it began. The apparent surprise of leading Alt Right figures to this forced abortion was puzzling to me, not least because the actions of Charlottesville police were entirely predictable in light of emerging patterns of Jewish-orchestrated law enforcement indoctrination, and the fact that the expression of White Identitarian ideas are on course to be exiled beyond the bounds of legal protection. Setting aside the fact that police forces throughout the West are now politicized to an unprecedented degree, they are now regularly subjected to intensive indoctrination with propaganda produced and disseminated by Jewish organizations, the ADL and the Jewish-funded and Jewish-staffed SPLC foremost among them. Moving forward as a movement, it is imperative that the complicity of law enforcement in hostile actions is anticipated and taken into account when formulating street actions and other areas of political and social strategy.

The involvement of Jewish activist organizations in the politicization and weaponization of law enforcement, in the form of ‘race training,’ is little discussed in our circles, but it is well-attested. The earliest forms of ‘race training’ were pioneered by Jewish academic Judy Katz, who formulated a program called ‘White Awareness Training,’ also the title of her handbook published in 1978. The program was built on the premise that “racism is a pathological condition from which white people suffer, and by which they are subsequently immobilized. The program concentrates on enabling white people to take responsibility for tackling their own racism and that of other whites at a personal level, and to act on this in their subsequent lives.” The format was eagerly adopted by the Anti-Defamation League, and by 2013 the ADL began describing itself as “the foremost non-governmental organization in the United States that offers law enforcement training on terrorism, extremism, and hate crimes.” During the period 2003–2013 the ADL claims to have trained “well over 100,000 federal, state, local and military law enforcement officers.” This ‘training’ consists of the intensive indoctrination of attendees with the ADL’s own hyperbolic and extremely biased ideology on matters such as White identity politics and multiculturalism; it is offered free of charge as an added incentive for departments to participate. Far from involving mere beat cops and detectives, even the very highest ranks are drawn into the ADL’s ‘education’ network.

The ADL boasts that “more than 1000 law enforcement executives and commanders” have graduated from its programs, which includes a course on “implicit bias” and another titled “Lessons of the Holocaust.” The ‘lessons’ in question are that everyone involved in law enforcement has a duty to ensure a ‘tolerant,’ ‘diverse,’ and ‘multicultural’ society, and the definition of these terms is of course fully in keeping with Jewish interests. Agencies subscribed to this program include “the Federal Bureau of Investigation, U.S. Secret Service, and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, while local departments include the Washington, D.C., Metropolitan Police Department, the Philadelphia Police Department, and dozens more, … It has also been incorporated into the curriculum of the FBI National Academy, the FBI National Executive Institute, and the FBI Law Enforcement Executive Development Seminar. In addition to the original program in Washington, DC, it is also now offered in Los Angeles, Tampa, Nassau County (NY), Houston, and St. Louis.” In short, every influential arm of American law enforcement is now under the propaganda reach of one of the most malicious and insidious Jewish activist groups.

Such ‘educational’ links breed wider and deeper associations and levels of co-operation. The ADL, by its own admission, was working intensively “behind the scenes” with police and government networks in Charlottesville. Anita Gray, regional director of the Anti-Defamation League, told one Jewish media outlet in the aftermath of ‘Unite the Right’:

We have been working on the ground and behind the scenes leading up to during and after the rally. Our Center on Extremism has been collaborating with law enforcement for weeks, providing intelligence on the various white supremacist groups who subsequently showed up in Charlottesville, and investigating specific threats in real time. We remain in close contact with law enforcement, elected officials, community leaders and others and continue to provide critical research, resources and community support. All of our offices have been working around the clock to respond, inform and take action [emphasis added].

Gray’s statement can be interpreted with little effort as meaning that the ADL stepped up its ‘educational’ efforts with law enforcement in Charlottesville, saturating both the local police department and presumably also the state police with horror stories warning of dire potentialities at the hands of White Identitarians, no doubt invariably described in their seminars as ’domestic terrorists.” Even if the shambolic handling of the opposing factions in the city was not pre-planned — a theory I am reluctant to totally discount, it was pre-ordained by virtue of the fact that law enforcement had been primed by Jewish ethnic activists to view the event as being potentially violent on a catastrophic scale. This for a rally of moderate size intended merely to protest the removal of a historical monument.

Media exaggerations aside, and despite the placement of opposing sides in close proximity, the aborted event was not the scene of catastrophic violence or city-wide disturbance. More destructive violence has been witnessed at Black Lives Matter rallies or, indeed, in any given weekend in cities like Detroit or Chicago. However, in a media masterstroke, Charlottesville became the subject of a carefully orchestrated ‘moral panic,’ which was relentlessly stoked until it was ‘hot’ enough to be tactically useful to Jewish interests, and to the achievement of Jewish goals which have hitherto proven elusive.

I have to confess to being taken aback by the skill with which this ruse was presented. I was in Europe as events unfolded in Charlottesville, but on the day of the rally I was in close contact with a number of participants. I followed proceedings via a combination of their communications, a separate live feed, and the mainstream media. A disparity between what was actually taking place, and the mainstream media narrative was almost immediately apparent. In the European mainstream media, the rally was presented exclusively as a ‘hate rally’ organized by neo-Nazis and the Ku Klux Klan, and was very often linked to a putative ‘rise in hate’ caused by the election of Donald Trump. The steady erosion of the White racial presence in America — the broader theme of ‘Unite the Right’ — was totally absent, as was the exceptionally restrained behavior of the overwhelming majority of Identitarian attendees. The mass audience was thus primed from the beginning to perceive events in a biased manner.

Although I despise his Marxist affiliations, I’ve always agreed with Slavoj Žižek that the Left is addicted to its failures and notions of victimhood in order that it might deny that it is in, or has ever genuinely held, power. Such a position, described by Žižek as a ‘comfortable position of resistance,’ is what permits the Left to indulge in such fantasies as “real socialism has never been tried” or “Communism would have worked if only….” It also permits it to assert un-ironically that we currently live in a quasi-fascistic society.

Taking the ideas of Žižek further, I argue that radical factions of the Left make even more of a fetish of victmhood. As such, the radical Left craves situations in which its members may be killed — the ultimate form of victimhood, and perhaps the only one remaining to it since the Marxist social form is now, by all cultural and political metrics, in power. It is my contention that many of the highly neurotic White elements of Antifa, often from wealthy backgrounds yet preaching ‘class warfare,’ engage in extreme violence primarily in order that they may have extreme violence visited upon them. Antifa’s intellectually and emotionally dubious act of obstructing and attacking moving vehicles is an excellent case study in this regard, and in Charlottesville the Left received its martyr will gory glee, screaming through the tears with an apparent mixture of horror and satisfaction.

The hagiography of the British M.P. Jo Cox illustrated well the fact that the Left cherishes its martyrology. It is so rarely confronted with victims by its opposing ideology that it can name them, praise them, remember them, and bestow secular sainthood upon them. By contrast, the untold millions of faceless and nameless victims of Communism, and the untold tens of thousands of forgotten victims of multicultural and Islamist violence, are simply too much for the Right to fully digest and venerate. We drown in the glut of our martyrs while the Left glories in the personal touch afforded by the paucity of its fallen. The death of Heather Heyer, detached in Leftist minds from its questionable circumstances, was somehow much-needed ‘proof’ that the Alt Right really were ‘domestic terrorists.’ This ‘proof’ in hand, the media, the political establishment, the hostile cultural apparatus, the ‘deep state,’ and the technocracy in Silicon Valley could move into over-drive in their generation of, and response to, an entirely artificial moral panic.

On the whole, European mainstream media attention to the non-event in Charlottesville lasted an astonishing three full days, and at time of this writing some newspapers are still trying to drain a few more drops of coverage and commentary. In air-time and spilled ink it approximates coverage devoted to instances of Islamic terror and eclipses Western coverage devoted to serious terrorist incidents in the Middle East. Much of the reason for this can be found in the way Charlottesville has been packaged for mass consumption. Media narratives have been attempting to spin the banned rally as some kind of defining historical moment — a litmus test for the tolerance of contemporary society and the tattered, rotting remains of Obama’s ‘post-racial’ vision of America.

Jews have clearly been prominent in this ‘packaging’ process. Most recently, Rep. Steve Cohen of Tennessee announced he is introducing articles of impeachment against President Trump, citing his grievance with the latter’s response to events in Virginia. In a lengthy statement, predictably full of misrepresentations and hyperbole, Cohen said:

I have expressed great concerns about President Trump’s ability to lead our country in the Resolution of No Confidence (H.Res. 456) that I introduced in July with 29 of my colleagues; however, after the President’s comments on Saturday, August 12 and again on Tuesday, August 15 in response to the horrific events in Charlottesville, I believe the President should be impeached and removed from office. Instead of unequivocally condemning hateful actions by neo-Nazis, white nationalists and Klansmen following a national tragedy, the President said ‘there were very fine people on both sides.’ There are no good Nazis. There are no good Klansmen. …When I watched the videos from the protests in Charlottesville, it reminded me of the videos I’ve seen of Kristallnacht in 1938 in Nazi Germany. It appeared that the Charlottesville protesters were chanting ‘Jews will not replace us’ and ‘blood and soil,’ an infamous Nazi slogan, as they marched with torches that conjured up images of Klan rallies. None of the marchers spewing such verbiage could be considered ‘very fine people’ as the President suggested. …As a Jew and as an American and as a representative of an African American district, I am revolted by the fact that the President of the United States couldn’t stand up and unequivocally condemn Nazis who want to kill Jews and whose predecessors murdered 6 million Jews during the Holocaust, and could not unequivocally condemn Klansmen whose organization is dedicated to terrorizing African Americans. President Trump has failed the presidential test of moral leadership. No moral president would ever shy away from outright condemning hate, intolerance and bigotry. No moral president would ever question the values of Americans protesting in opposition of such actions, one of whom was murdered by one of the white nationalists.

While there is much that could be unpacked from this vulgar, disingenuous, and ultimately subversive document, the stand-out features for our purposes are that Cohen presents the ‘Unite the Right’ rally as a post-modern Kristallnacht (historians now agree that the original Kristallnacht was itself a media-exaggerated moral panic), and the context in which it took place as being one in which the imminent genocide of Jews in America is a distinct possibility. Cohen’s emphasis on Trump’s duty to be a ‘moral president’ (the phrase is notably repeated) is intended both to underscore the expectation that holders of public office or influence (much like the indoctrination of law enforcement) have a duty to the new ‘moral’ paradigms of tolerance and diversity underpinning the modern multicultural globalist state, and to signal to the general public that this criterion should dominate their own political and social behaviors.

The framing of Charlottesville as a serious moral crisis has also enabled influential figures in Silicon Valley to abandon previously held principles such as free speech and freedom of the internet. This is potentially the most catastrophic consequence of events in Virginia because the precedent has now been set for internet censorship based on the same interplay of ‘morals’ and politics espoused by Cohen. Much like the indoctrination of law enforcement by the ADL, the foundations for internet censorship had already long been laid by Jewish activist organizations. During the last four years the ADL and similar organizations in Europe have lobbying against ‘cyberhate’ and forming ‘working groups’ with access to the highest levels of leading internet providers, civil society, the legal community, and academia. Multiple consultations have also been held with representatives of Facebook, Google/YouTube, Microsoft, Twitter, and Yahoo. The Southern Poverty Law Center and affiliated groups have also lobbied financial platforms such as PayPal with the goal of having access to those platforms denied to organizations deemed to be ‘hate groups’ by multiculturalists. Until Charlottesville, intensive Jewish lobbying for internet censorship hasn’t been as successful as those behind it might have hoped (I’ve previously written in more detail about this topic). However, the moral panic surrounding Charlottesville enabled these Jewish groups to finally claim a number of prominent scalps in record time, with internet-based actions taken by Google, PayPal, CloudFlare, and Facebook against the Daily Stormer, the National Policy Institute, Radix Journal, Identity Europa, VDare, Counter-Currents and many individuals and smaller associations linked to the Alt Right. Again, while the moral panic provided the indignation and immediate emotional cover for these actions to take place, the ideological foundations for such moves against internet freedom were pre-existing.

Jewish agitation against the Trump administration also pre-existed Charlottesville, but the moral panic appears to be hitting the White House hard. The full details of the departure of Steve Bannon from the Trump administration are yet to be divulged in full, but it appears a tremendous coincidence that Bannon, long smeared as a racist and anti-Semite by the Jewish press, should leave within a week of the media swindle on Virginia. It has certainly been greeted as another Jewish victory, with the Huffington Post even adopting the headline “Goy, Bye!” to celebrate Bannon’s exit. Organized Jewish groups in Congress, the media, and society have also, like Steve Cohen, taken Charlottesville as their cue to commence renewed attacks on Trump, who continues to refuse to grovel to the extent dictated by Jewish tastes. Trump’s inclusion of Leftist agitators in his denunciation of Charlottesville, and his insistence that there were  still some good people on both sides, led the Republican Jewish Coalition to issue a statement “calling upon President Trump to provide greater moral clarity in rejecting racism, bigotry, and antisemitism.” Marvin Hier, founder and dean of the Los Angeles Simon Wiesenthal Center was given a media platform to utter the banal and meaningless remark: “No one, whether Republican, independent or a Democrat … wants to see the Klan or Nazis parading down the streets of the United States, as if they’re taking over. No one could ever compare neo-Nazis, the Klan and white supremacists to demonstrators that are demonstrating against them. To equate the two sides is preposterous.” Rabbi Elazar Muskin, president of the Rabbinical Council of America, returned to Steve Cohen’s ‘moral leadership’ devices for his statement, in which he argued that “There is no moral comparison. Failure to unequivocally reject hatred and bias is a failing of moral leadership and fans the flames of intolerance and chauvinism.”

Whether or not Charlottesville was a battle in the physical sense, it certainly became so in the immediate aftermath of the day’s events. In the battle for narratives and results, it is an unfortunate fact that Jewish interests, at time of this writing, appear to be triumphant. This is largely the case because of the manner in which Charlottesville played into longer-term Jewish strategic efforts. This is not, and should not be, a ‘black pill’ moment, or a cause for undue despair. Charlottesville was, after all, merely a single battle in a broad conflict older than any of us. There will be other battles, and the war is far from over.

It is crucial, however, that some lessons are learned. A summary of lessons from Charlottesville should include the realization that law enforcement are not there to protect your rights or keep you safe. They are pre-programed by our opponents to despise you and your ideology, and they will always view you, despite all evidence to the contrary, as the primary danger.

Another realization should be that our internet activity, the élan vital of the contemporary movement, has a half-life in the sense that our opponents will try to further restrict our online presence. We will need to be creative in developing a Plan B. A further realization should be that the primary importance of street activity is always going to be in relation to internal impacts — the development of cohesion and trust. As long as mass narratives are determined by the hostile media, our street activities, no matter how benign and polished, will be invariably portrayed as the worst of the worst. Perhaps a final realization is that we should make hay while the sun shines, by which I mean that entrenched interests are simply not going to rest until Trump fails utterly in even his most modest attempts to resist globalism, and disappears from political life. I believe that although Trump isn’t perfect, with Bannon gone, he is effectively all that we have left in terms of a powerful political figure at the top level advocating for ideas even remotely congruent to our own. We need to capitalize on every minute he is in power.

For now, our primary focus should be on letting our opponents know that we’ve weathered the storm. They’ve raised their game, and the spotlight is now on us. If they wanted an escalation, they should know that we aim to please.

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