White Racial Consciousness and Advocacy

William H. Regnery II: In Memoriam

Bill Regnery died on July 2 of this year at the age of 80. He was a morally upright man, proud of his family with its long history of involvement in conservative politics going back to his grandfather, who was a founding member of the America First Committee that attempted to keep America out of World War II and whose spokesman was Charles Lindbergh. Lindbergh was seen as an anti-Semite for (truthfully) calling attention to Jewish involvement in promoting the war and for noting Jewish influence on the media, most famously in a speech on September 11, 1941 (discussed here, p. viii ff). I never discussed with Bill how his forebears viewed Jewish influence, but Bill was definitely aware of its importance in understanding politics and culture in America.

Perhaps his most lasting contribution was founding in 2001 the Charles Martel Society, named after the Frankish king who defeated a Muslim army at the Battle of Tours in 732, likely saving Western civilization and its unique genetic and cultural profile. The name of the society is a good indication of Bill’s attitudes on the central issue of preserving the West. The CMS has never shied away from discussing Jewish influence, and Bill was a regular attendee and sometime speaker at their annual conferences, until attendance became impossible because of declining health. I thoroughly enjoyed our conversations at these meetings. He was very intelligent, well read, and deeply committed to the cause of preserving White America and the West in general.

The CMS is the publisher of The Occidental Quarterly: Western Perspectives on Man, Culture, and Politics, which I edit. The journal is now in its twentieth year of continuous publication of scholarly articles. The best way to honor Bill’s memory would be to subscribe to TOQ if you haven’t already. It comes as no surprise that TOQ has been de-platformed from credit card processing, which has resulted in problems with recurrent subscriptions. But we are absolutely determined to keep TOQ going. It’s the least we can do for Bill and for the cause generally.

Bill’s passing makes us once again aware of the importance of money in activism of any kind. Perhaps the biggest problem we have is that the mega-rich billionaires are mainly on the left, with some few on the mainstream (worthless, often counter-productive) conservative right. The political contributions of the very wealthy Jewish community are legendary, and none will ever go to the causes Bill supported. Bill understood the importance of money in creating a movement, and he did what he could. One can only hope that someone will step up into the vacuum created by his passing.

On July 17, James Edwards devoted an hour of his regular Saturday night Political Cesspool program to remembering Bill, along with Sam Dickson, Jared Taylor, and me. It’s well worth listening to.

Bill’s last bit of writing appeared on TOO on August 30, 2020. He was already in declining health — I guess we all knew it wouldn’t be long. He did all he could do for the cause—which we should all hope is said about each of us after we die. He will be missed.


Surviving the Contemporary Black Racial and White Intra-Racial Conflict: Anti-Millenarian Whites Must Seek Political Separation

In 1946 Winston Churchill delivered a speech at a small college in Fulton Missouri that offered this prescient analysis: “From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an ‘iron curtain’ has descended across the continent.” This Soviet invasion made a prison out of the entire area for half a century. Dissenters were severely punished.

Without notice or debate, a similar regimen of speech control is descending on North America, from Bar Harbor, Maine on the Bay of Fundy to Nome, Alaska on the Arctic Ocean, and south to the Rio Grande and the Straits of Florida.

Political correctness, a phrase used almost playfully in the 1990s, has morphed into the viciousness and moral smugness of our current cancel culture, replacing the spirit of the First Amendment. By way of example, I offer the following observation from an early victim of cancel culture, my friend the late Sam Francis.

“The civilization that we as whites created in Europe and America could not have developed apart from the genetic endowments of the creating people, nor is there any reason to believe that the civilization can be successfully transmitted to a different people.”

Comments like this led to Francis being fired from his position as columnist for the Washington Times in 1995 and put him into media purgatory and economic distress until his premature death 10 years later.

Sam’s proposition makes no moral distinctions and is not much more than a paean to what in reality is his extended family. In the same context the creating people of Great Zimbabwe were Bantus, the creating people of China were Han, and the creating people of the Inca Empire were Quechuas. If, instead of making a claim about the racial origins of Europe and America, Sam had instead substituted any of these other peoples into his statement, it would have been equally plausible but would not have resulted in Sam’s discharge.

The frenzy to stigmatize any mention of genetics especially as playing a role in the development of White civilization began early in the twentieth century, essentially eradicating what had been a robust intellectual exchange based on the reality of race and the idea that there are important racial differences in behavior around the world. This anti-biologism came to dominate academic thinking after World War II and has become a bedrock attitude among those who are now labeled progressives. Such thinking is woven into contemporary intellectual tapestry; it is taught throughout the school system from elementary school through the university, and it characterizes  entire mainstream media landscape. Among its White adherents, it has assumed a millenarian vision of a utopian future free from all racial conflict—the same sort of millenarianism that has characterized the moral crusades of the past, from the Civil War to World War II, to our contemporary regime-change wars in the Middle East.

Susan Sontag proclaimed “The white race is the cancer of human history.” If we limit her universe to the U.S., I’d say that she was about 40% right as this was the Hillary Clinton fraction of the White vote in the 2016 presidential election. This means that the remaining 60% of White voters represent our side of the family—at least potentially.

One birthday short of becoming an octogenarian, I charge the dissident right with the mission to  begin the intergenerational process of founding an independent political jurisdiction in which anti-millenarian whites can gather, regroup and flourish. Along the way we will support other races with  the same aspiration.

To this end,  we must extract our side of the family from the embrace of the “White millenarians” who are yet intent on imposing their heretical notion of equality on Earth as it art in Heaven —even though the misery from such tampering with human nature abounds in history and has been particularly evident in the recent past.

Our goal must be a Bohemian Divorce of mutual self determination as deliberate and bloodless as the split between the Czech Republic and Slovakia in 1993. To this end there is long standing precedent which stretches back to the founding of the Republic when separation was recognized as a humane means  of resolving ethnic and racial conflicts and sovereign tracts of land were ceded to indigenes.

Once separation is established, the internal political arrangements are less important than the maintenance of a unifying ethos by enforcing a variant of the Amish practice of Rumpspringa. This exercise encourages youthful apostates to leave the commonwealth before achieving citizenship.  So that a mistake of inclusion is not immutable, I recommend making exile a part of the criminal and civil code, directed at those who are in fundamental disagreement with the ideal of a separate White community. Such a provision could also be used to correct immigration blunders.

We have entered very dangerous times for Whites in America. The  summer riots of 2020 carried out with the blessing of much of the Establishment and the entire left is a clear indication that the American racial experiment is careening toward disaster. Whites need a separate political jurisdiction.

William H. Regnery II is the founder of the Charles Martel Society.

 

White Politics and Secession in South Africa

It seemed like an act of desperation. Twenty-five years after the fall of apartheid, South Africa’s Whites were counting on a Black man to save them from the corruption and malignancy of Black-majority rule. Its failure should have surprised no one.

By all appearances, Mmusi Maimane was a South African Barrack Obama. Smooth and polished, he seemed like the ideal candidate to win just enough Black votes from the tottering ANC to fulfill the promise of a multi-racial democracy.

The Democratic Alliance (DA) had long been viewed as the party of White people, but that was a handicap when Whites were just eight percent of the population. The party traced its roots back to the Progressive Party, the liberal opposition during the apartheid era, but few Black voters cared about that. Instead, the party drew most of its non-White support from the nation’s “coloured” population, a mixed-race group that shared just one thing in common with the nation’s Whites: a mutual fear of Black domination in the allegedly harmonious “Rainbow Nation.”

Maimane was supposed to be the DA’s ticket out of this electoral dead end.  The “Obama of Soweto” would lead them in the 2019 elections to a promised land where everyone would be treated equally and race no longer mattered.

It blew up in their faces.

The Afrikaners

It all could have worked out very differently. Nearly 30 years ago, in November 1993, President F.W. de Klerk convened his cabinet to inform them that he had accepted Nelson Mandela’s demands for majority rule in the new government.  Upon hearing the news, Tertius Delport, one of his negotiators, was stunned. They had given in on virtually everything. Resolved to resign, he walked down the hall to confront the president directly.

When de Klerk opened the door Delport grabbed him by his jacket lapels and cried out, “What have you done?  You have given the country away!  You allowed children to negotiate!”

“What are you going to do?” de Klerk asked coolly.

“I intend to rally enough colleagues,” Delport answered. “Together with the Conservative Party caucus, you will no longer have a majority.”

“Then there will be civil war,” de Klerk responded.

It was not out of the question. De Klerk had always viewed the military with a mixture of suspicion and disdain. Many of them viewed him as a traitor. He had already removed Magnus Malan, his widely respected defense minister. In late 1992, he resolved to clean out the rest of the dissidents in the military ranks.

“We are not playing with children,” one of his ministers warned him. “We are governing because the Defense Force allows us to do so. … The top command could decide to get rid of us and seize power. And where are we then?”

That did not dissuade de Klerk. The following day, he suspended or forcibly retired 23 senior army officers in what later came to be known as the “Night of the Generals.”

When retired General Constand Viljoen entered politics in 1994 to launch the Freedom Front, some viewed him as the country’s last chance. Many thought him capable of raising an army of up to 50,000 men from various defense forces and civilian paramilitary units that were loyal to him. Anticipating this, General Georg Meiring warned de Klerk and then met with Viljoen to sound him out.

“You and I and our men can take this country in an afternoon,” Viljoen reportedly told him. “Yes,” Meiring replied, “but what do we do in the morning after the coup? The internal resistance and foreign pressures and the stagnant economy will still be there.”

For Viljoen, the lack of support from the armed forces was decisive. “I could have stirred things up in 1994—but for what purpose?” he later said. “I don’t think any action from my side would have resulted in a major part of the Defense Force siding with me.”

Viljoen’s decision was controversial among some Afrikaners, many of whom were more than willing to fight and die to save their country. Instead, Viljoen decided to use the threat of war to win an Afrikaner homeland — a volkstaat — by peaceful means.  To placate him and his supporters, de Klerk and the ANC readily agreed to create a council to review the options. But it was just a ploy. Neither de Klerk nor the ANC ever took the idea seriously.

In the 1994 elections, the first held after the end of apartheid, Viljoen’s Freedom Front earned a little over two percent of the vote. The party was, and remains, an important voice for Afrikaners, as are advocacy organizations like AfriForum and Suidlanders, a civil defense group. But their power is limited by numbers. Whites are a small minority in South Africa. Conservative Afrikaners are just a minority within the minority.

Viljoen never had any illusions about this. His primary focus had always been the creation of an Afrikaner homeland. Consistent with the accord he signed with the ANC, a council was soon created to consider the creation of a such a volkstaat. But then, as now, the council soon faced a major obstacle: Afrikaners were spread too thinly across too many areas of the country for any single region to stand out as the obvious location.

The council considered several options, including one based primarily in the Northern Cape that eventually drew the endorsement of the Freedom Front (shown in the map below). Other proposals included carve-outs in and around Pretoria, where the largest numbers of Afrikaners live.

But each of these proposals would have required large numbers of Afrikaners to uproot and move to the new state for it to be viable. Instead, a 1993 poll indicated that just 29 percent of White South Africans backed the creation of such a homeland. Just 18 percent said they would consider moving there if one were created.

“Afrikaners do not want their own homeland,” Johann Wingard, chair of the council, eventually concluded. “They want to live anywhere in their beautiful country where they can make a decent living.” Interest in the idea soon dissipated and the council was dissolved. For many, the dream of a volkstaat seemed dead and buried.

Carel Boshoff, son-in-law of former South African Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd, had different ideas. In 1990 he bought a patch of land on the banks of the Orange River at the far eastern edge of the volkstaat proposed by the Freedom Front. The first few residents of the new Afrikaner town, called Orania, arrived the following year. The population has since grown to over 1,700, over a third of whom are children.

“They initially drew support from idealists,” said Dan Roodt, an Afrikaner activist. “They struggled financially in the beginning. In the early 2000s, you could buy a plot of land for a couple a hundred dollars. Now the price is 50 times that much.”

The town’s growth was powered by a strong desire for shared community and growing disenchantment with the rest of South Africa. It would have grown even faster if not for its commitment to using Afrikaner labor. “Orania does not use black labor,” Roodt said, “so it can’t build fast enough to build all the new housing they need.”

Orania had shown that the idea could work. And before long, public opinion would change.

Democratic Alliance

The Freedom Front — later renamed the Freedom Front Plus after it merged with the Conservative Party — was never the primary party of South Africa’s Whites. In the 1994 election, that distinction fell to the Nationalists under F.W. de Klerk. But there was also a third party contending for the White vote that year. The Democratic Party was barely a footnote, receiving fewer votes than the Freedom Front.  But in time — and with the backing of most of the White establishment, the media, and a healthy dose of luck — it soon propelled itself forward to become the nation’s primary party for Whites, second in size only to the ANC.

In 1994, however, it was caught in a bind. Its traditional base of support had always been urban, politically liberal Whites. That became a problem when de Klerk lifted the ban on the ANC. Suddenly the party found itself being squeezed on both sides — by the ANC on the left, which drew away some of its White liberal support, and by the Nationalists on the right, who were viewed by most Whites as the only viable check against the ANC’s growing power.

Instead of capitalizing on this advantage, however, de Klerk fumbled it away. Thinking he could retain power and influence by working with the ANC, he allied with them in a post-election “unity government.” But this only alienated the Nationalists from their base of White voters. Worse, they were blamed for failing to stop the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which persecuted numerous White officials and military officers for their role in apartheid.

The Democratic Party took full advantage of the situation, challenging the Nationalists from the right in the 1999 elections. With the rallying cry “Fight Back!,” the party gained ground among White voters. After the election, the Nationalists continued to hemorrhage White support until 2005, when the party finally disbanded.

With its principal competition for White voters now gone, the newly renamed Democratic Alliance was free to expand its outreach to other racial groups, first to the “coloured” vote and later to the Black middle class. Like White establishment parties just about everywhere, it downplayed race and emphasized colorblind individualism and classical liberalism to maximize its cross-racial appeal. Using this strategy, it gained support in every subsequent election until 2014, when it peaked at 22 percent of the overall vote.

After that election, Helen Zille, the party’s leader, began looking for a successor. Her ideal candidate would be someone like Barrack Obama, who was then closing out his second term. Mmusi Maimane seemed to fit the bill. With Zille’s backing, he drew overwhelming support from the party in 2015.  The party then marketed him in ways that amounted to virtual plagiarism — including blatantly copying Obama’s “Hope” poster and substituting Maimane’s image instead.

But Maimane did not play along. He was not interested in being the Black face of a White party. If the DA wanted his leadership to reach Black voters, then he would force it to swallow his message — and that message was one of Black nationalism.

In his acceptance speech, he warned the party that colorblindness was not enough. “These experiences shaped me, just like they shaped so many young Black people of my generation,” he said, echoing the criticisms of South Africa’s woke left. “I don’t agree with those who say they don’t see color. Because, if you don’t see that I’m Black, then you don’t see me.”

It was not long before Maimane was locked in a power struggle with senior members of his own party, advocating for affirmative action and straying from its emphasis on non-discrimination. Under his command, the party soon came to be seen as ‘ANC-lite,’ and the DA’s White leadership was not happy.

Neither were some of its other Black leaders, but for different reasons. ”I feel powerless when my activists come to me and say they are victims of racism from senior people in the party, who say they should be grateful that the DA keeps them busy because otherwise they would probably be out stealing and killing people somewhere,” one grumbled. “I mean, what is that?”

The DA paid the price for these divisions at the ballot box. In the 2019 elections, the party lost ground for first time since 1994, failing to gain any traction against the ANC and losing White voters on the right to the Freedom Front Plus. The ANC also lost ground, but not to the “colorblind” DA. Instead, it lost votes to the explicitly Black nationalist Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) under Julius Malema, who had pledged to “cut the throat of Whiteness.”

The lesson from the election was clear. In an increasingly chaotic nation, Black nationalism was the future. White voters and their parties had gone as far as they were going to go.

After the election, the knives came out. Helen Zille, the DA’s previous leader, was elected to a powerful party position by the old guard and she quickly challenged Maimane from within. Her predecessor, Tony Leon, chaired an internal party review that laid the blame squarely at Maimane’s feet. The Institute for Race Relations, an establishment-backed think tank, said he had abandoned the party’s cherished principles.

Maimane saw the writing on the wall, but he did not go quietly. At his resignation speech he called out the DA’s White leadership in explicit terms. “Over the past few months it has become more and more clear to me that there exists those in the DA who do not see eye-to-eye with me, who do not share the vision for the party and the direction it was taking,” he said. “There have been several months of consistent and coordinated attacks on me and my leadership, to ensure that this project failed, or I failed.”

Other Black party leaders followed him out the door. “I cannot reconcile myself with a group of people who believe that race is irrelevant in the discussion of inequality and poverty in South Africa,” said Herman Mashaba as he resigned from the party and as mayor of Johannesburg, the nation’s largest city.

Malema’s EFF released a gloating statement calling the DA a “White political party in which Whites and their interests as Whites must always dominate and come first.” Maimane was later seen hobnobbing with Julius Malema in what some called an emerging ‘bromance.’

Last November, the party overwhelmingly elected a new White leader, John Steenhuisen. He trounced his primary Black challenger, Mbali Ntuli, with 80 percent of the vote. The party, it seemed, was no longer pretending. Some are now questioning how it could possibly avoid a backlash by non-White voters in the next election.

Secession

Two decades ago, the idea of a White homeland in South Africa seemed dead in the water. Any area reserved for Whites that was too far away from the cities or from employment opportunities seemed impractical. Many Whites at the time also believed, or at least hoped, that South Africa would soon become the harmonious and prosperous multiracial nation that had been promised.

That hope is now gone. A worsening economy, ever-present crime, and rising corruption have all left their mark (detailed in my previous article, South Africa’s Protection Racket). According to public opinion polls, South Africans have grown increasingly pessimistic. The situation briefly stabilized when Cyril Ramaphosa replaced Jacob Zuma as president in 2018, but his promised reforms never materialized. Now public sentiment seems to be worsening again. The DA’s failed “colorblind” political strategy has only further darkened the mood among those who had hoped for more.

These negative views are most prevalent among Whites in general and in the Western Cape in particular, one of the few regions in the nation where Blacks are not a majority. In 2009, Whites in the province allied with the local coloured population and ousted the ANC in local elections. It has been ruled by the DA since then.

“Ever since the DA came to power in Cape Town and in the Western Cape one has heard a growing chorus from visitors that ‘It feels like a different (and better) country down here!’” wrote one local observer. “The public hospitals and schools work far better here than anywhere else in South Africa, the traffic lights work better, the city center is safer, there is less litter and generally there is better governance.”

Local rule was a step in the right direction, but some activists wanted more. In 2007, they formed the Cape Party to fight for genuine independence. The party never gained traction in the few elections it contested — partly because the timing was wrong and partly because voters inclined to support separatism already had a political home in the Freedom Front Plus.

Nine years of Jacob Zuma’s presidency changed that, however, and several new organizations have emerged. Following the success of the Brexit vote in Britain, CapeXit was founded in 2018 to seek independence through international law. Another organization, the Cape Independence Advocacy Group (CIAG), was launched in 2020.

It seemed like public opinion had changed, but independence advocates decided to sponsor a poll to be sure. Unsurprisingly, the poll found overwhelming opposition among Black voters. But it also showed that Whites now strongly supported the idea, especially those who were supporters of the Freedom Front Plus.

Coloured voters — who constitute a majority of the Western Cape’s population — were more divided. While most were not yet ready to endorse full independence, the majority (68%) agreed that the Western Cape should be given more power to choose its own policies. Advocates now believe that this bloc of voters can be won over, particularly if the nation’s economy continues to deteriorate.

These poll results, which drew wide attention, have put the DA in a box. Much of its White leadership privately supports independence, but it has remained publicly silent to avoid alienating voters both inside and outside the province who do not support the effort. The Freedom Front Plus, which has endorsed independence, sees this as an opportunity. They plan to challenge the DA on this issue in the upcoming 2021 municipal elections.

Despite this growing support, however, some have condemned the independence movement as unrealistic. “Fringe groups have long advocated for the secession of the Western Cape from the rest of South Africa,” wrote Pierre De Vos, a constitutional law professor at the University of Cape Town. “Obviously, the Western Cape is not going to secede and there is no chance of the creation of an independent state.”

“Even if the Western Cape Premier calls a referendum (he won’t), and even if a majority of voters vote for secession (they won’t either), the referendum will have absolutely no impact as the president and his party will have no legal or ethical obligation to adhere to the results,” he wrote. Critics argued that the ruling ANC would inevitably reject Cape independence, not least because the Western Cape and Gauteng, the two provinces with the bulk of South Africa’s White population, provide most of the tax dollars that line the ANC’s pockets.

Supporters counter that international law, not the South African constitution, is the final word on the matter. “Countries secede on a regular basis, and the constitutional law of the parent state is almost never an insurmountable object if the other conditions required by international law are in place,” wrote Phil Craig, CIAG’s co-founder. Political will, not constitutional law, would decide this issue, as it has in nearly every other case of secession.

Bangladesh seceded from Pakistan despite the latter’s objections. Kosovo seceded from Serbia despite Serbia’s objections, and with the International Court of Justice advising that there is no prohibition of the (unilateral) declaration of independence under international law. Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Croatia, Slovenia, East Timor, South Sudan. The list goes on.
Closer to home, did the previous South African constitution prevent the end of apartheid, or Namibian independence? Countries secede on a regular basis, and the constitutional law of the parent state is almost never an insurmountable object if the other conditions required by international law are in place.

Whatever the objections, the politics of the issue are clearly trending in the supporters’ direction.  Numerous economic experts and political analysts now see South Africa entering a death spiral. Last year, the nation lost its last investment-grade credit rating when Moody’s downgraded it to “junk” status. Investors have been fleeing the country for years. According to IMF estimates, unemployment is fast approaching 40 percent. The Covid crisis has only made matters worse, contributing to widespread protests. At least one analyst estimates that if its existing economic policies are not reversed, the country faces economic and political collapse by 2030.

Despite such warnings, President Cyril Ramaphosa seems powerless to implement needed reforms. According to analysts at the establishment-backed Institute of Race Relations, power in the ANC has now shifted decisively to leftist Black nationalists. If Ramaphosa were to challenge the party’s top leadership in any meaningful way, they would remove him from office.

This worsening economic and political outlook will only heighten public support for secession over time. The final trigger could be an independence referendum in the Cape, an IMF bailout that imposes cuts on ANC-favored spending priorities, a forced removal of Ramaphosa by the ANC leadership, or a national election that forced the ANC into a governing coalition with the far-left EFF to maintain Black majority rule.

Regardless of the cause, if the Western Cape seceded, it would probably trigger similar efforts in other parts of the country. This might include some or all of the Northern Cape, which has similar demographics and is home to Orania. Another possibility is the Whiter regions in and around Pretoria and Johannesburg, which might also demand increased local autonomy. Absent that, many of these Whites might flee to a newly independent Western Cape, just as Whites fled Zimbabwe to South Africa during Robert Mugabe’s reign.

The Rainbow Nation’s days may be numbered, but now there is something new to hope for. An independent Western Cape would not be the volkstaat — nor indeed an ethnostate of any kind. But it would at least free the nation’s White population from the worst excesses of majority Black rule and reestablish the right of self-determination.

When reporters travel to Orania, they sometimes ask the residents why they chose to move there. “We want to build a better place for our children and ourselves,” one recently said.

It is a simple answer, one that anyone could have given, but now more people are beginning to realize that it is something that cannot be taken for granted. Self-rule has long been an aspiration for many White South Africans. Now, after all these years, it may finally be within reach.

Patrick McDermott is a political analyst in Washington, DC.

Joyeux Noёl: The Beginnings of WWI and the Christmas Truce of 1914

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Editor’s note: Christmas is a special time of year, and over the years TOO has posted some classic articles that bear on the season. This article by F. Roger Devlin was originally posted in December, 2013. It is an important reminder of the disastrous intra-racial wars of the twentieth century—wars that may yet deal a death blow to our people and culture given the processes that they set in motion. 

With the hindsight offered by ninety-nine years, it is obvious that the outbreak of the World War I marked not merely the beginning of the most destructive war in history up to that time, but a fundamental civilizational watershed. While the fighting was going on, nearly all participants assumed they had been forced into the struggle by naked aggression from the other side. It took historians years to unravel what had actually happened.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the German Army was the best in Europe, capable of defeating any individual rival. Yet Germany had no natural borders, and was vulnerable to a joint attack on two fronts: by France and Britain in the West and the Russian Empire in the East. A German defeat was considered virtually inevitable in such a scenario.

The Franco-Russian alliance of 1894, which became the Triple Entente when Britain joined in 1907, realized Germany’s worst fears.

However, there were important differences between Germany’s Western and Eastern rivals: France and Britain were modern, compact, efficiently-organized countries capable of rapid mobilization, while sprawling Russia with its thinly spread population and economic backwardness was expected to require up to 110 days for full mobilization. Taking advantage of this asymmetry, the German High Command developed the Schlieffen plan: upon the outbreak of hostilities, close to ninety percent of Germany’s effective troops would launch a lightning attack in the West; this campaign was to be completed within forty days, while lumbering Russia was still mobilizing. With the Western powers out of the way, massive troop transfers to the Eastern front were expected to arrive in time for Germany to face down Russia. Speed—of mobilization, of offensive operations, and of troop transfer—was critical to the success of this plan.

The assassination of the Austro-Hungarian Arch-Duke by a Serb nationalist in June, 1914, is the perfect example of an event which occasioned events which followed, but did not cause them; the men of Europe’s great powers did not slaughter one another for four years over a political assassination in the Balkans. Rather, the assassination occurred in the context of Russian guarantees to Serbia and German guarantees to Austria, which inevitably brought the Triple Entente into play. A diplomatic game of ‘chicken’ ensued, in which no side was willing to be the first to back down.

When Austria declared war on Serbia on July 28th, the Russian Tsar, conscious of his Empire’s military backwardness, ordered a partial mobilization. This action was intended merely as a precaution in case of a war that still seemed unlikely. But for the Germans, with their Schlieffen plan requiring utmost speed, the Tsar’s order had the effect of an electric shock. Germany felt it had to mobilize as well. Russia responded two days later by ordering full mobilization. Germany gave Russia an ultimatum; and the Tsar, unwilling to knuckle under, allowed the deadline to pass. Within hours, everyone was involved in a war that none of the parties had originally wanted or intended.

German historians call such a series of events a Betriebsunfall: a quasi-mechanical accident such as might occur in the machinery of a factory. Men were drawn into the gear work and crushed when no one was able to throw the emergency switch in time. It was a tragedy in the fullest sense of the word—a disaster brought on by well-intentioned but flawed men acting rationally under conditions of imperfect knowledge. The consequences are well-known: ten million dead, twenty-eight million more wounded or missing, Communism established in Russia, the Balfour Declaration setting the stage for today’s ongoing Middle East conflict, and the whole crowned by a shameful ‘peace’ treaty that all but guaranteed a future war of German revenge.

Yet, as we can see from newsreel footage of August 1st, the popular reaction to the outbreak was war fever on a scale not seen since the crusades. Europe had been enjoying forty-three years of peace and unprecedented material prosperity, and the young greeted the war as a romantic adventure.

The planned rapid German advance through the Low Countries into Northeast France was unexpectedly halted  in early September—the “Miracle of the Marne”—foiling the Schlieffen plan. On the 13th, the German Army responded by attempting a flanking action around the French lines; the French then rapidly extended their own defensive lines in what became known as the “race to the sea.” Since neither side could dislodge the other, and neither was willing to retreat, soldiers began digging themselves in to their positions—the beginning of trench warfare. By the time winter set in, the pattern of the next four years had been clearly established: a war of attrition involving trivial advances and retreats across a few acres of mud.

But as Christmas approached that year, something unexpected began unfolding. On the frontline sector south of Ypres, Belgium, German troops began decorating the area around their trenches for Christmas Eve. As Wikipedia describes it:

The Germans began by placing candles on their trenches and on Christmas trees, then continued the celebration by singing Christmas carols. The British responded by singing carols of their own. The two sides continued by shouting Christmas greetings to each other. Soon thereafter, there were excursions across No Man’s Land, where small gifts were exchanged, such as food, tobacco and alcohol, and souvenirs such as buttons and hats. The artillery in the region fell silent. The truce also allowed a breathing spell where recently killed soldiers could be brought back behind their lines by burial parties. Joint [religious] services were held.

The ceasefire spread to other sectors of the front, with as many as 100,000 men eventually participating. In some areas, soccer games between the belligerents replaced combat.

joyeux-noel

By December 26th, it was over. The authorities got word of the breakdown in discipline and intervened vigorously.

In 2005, an international consortium from France, Germany, the United Kingdom, Belgium, and Romania produced a film about the Christmas Truce: Joyeux Noёl. The film opens with scenes of children in French, British and German grade schools reciting rhymed curses they had been taught against the opposing side: the British child’s curse calls for the complete extermination of Germans.

The scene switches to Scotland, where an enthusiastic young man, William, rushes into his local Catholic church breathlessly to announce to his younger brother Jonathan that war has been declared; they are to begin basic training in two days. “At last, something’s happening in our lives,” he rejoices. The priest, Fr. Palmer, looks notably less enthusiastic.

At the Berlin Opera, a performance is interrupted by an officer walking on stage to announce that war has been declared. The lead tenor, Sprink, is quickly called up.

In a French trench, Lieutenant Audebert wistfully looks at a photograph of his pregnant wife moments before being called to lead an assault on the German lines. In the ensuing action, Scottish William is mortally wounded; his brother Jonathan is forced to leave him behind, a psychological trauma from which he never recovers. Audebert’s men pour into a German trench, but as they turn a corner, some one-third of them are mown down by a German machine gun.

Meanwhile, Sprink’s lover, the Danish soprano Anna, receives permission to sing before the Crown Prince of Prussia. Sprink is called back from the front to perform with her, and is impressed with the luxurious comfort in which the German commanders are living. When he returns to the front, Anna insists on accompanying him, determined to sing for the ordinary frontline soldiers as well as the officers at headquarters. (The presence of a woman at the front is poetic license on the filmmakers’ part.)

The German soldiers begin setting up Christmas trees along their trenches, to the bewildered suspicion of the French soldiery. After the singers conclude their first number, a cheer goes up from the Scottish trenches. Fr. Palmer plays the first few bars of another Christmas song on the bagpipes, and Sprink responds by performing the song, climbing out into No Man’s Land. Lieutenant Audebert motions to his men to hold fire. Soon, men are pouring out of the trenches on both sides, sharing food and drinks. Fr. Palmer holds a Christmas Eve Mass for all the men.

On Christmas morning, the officers renew the truce and arrange for exchanging their dead. Dozens of men are buried between the lines. A soccer match ensues. The officers realize the situation is untenable and attempt to restore discipline, but by this time the men are refusing to fire upon each other.

A bundle of soldiers’ letters is intercepted by the French authorities, alerting them to the situation. Fearful of having their war spoiled, they dissolve the division and repost its members to various unaffected sectors of the front. The Germans are transferred to the Eastern front to face the Russians. Fr. Palmer is replaced by a Bishop who preaches a sermon urging new recruits to exterminate German men, women and children.

A major theme of the film is music. Sprink’s superior officer begins by telling him that, being a singer, he is useless as a soldier. Then it is the incongruous presence of music that leads to the unplanned ceasefire. At the end, as the Crown Prince of Prussia informs his men of their punishment, he catches sight of a harmonica. He snatches it away and crushes it beneath his boot heel.

The Christmas Truce of 1914 did not change the course of the war very much. In future years, commanders were successful in suppressing similar occurrences. As the war progressed and especially after poison gas was introduced, soldiers gradually came to see their enemies as less than human, as was the intention of the higher officers on all sides. But it has continued to spark the popular imagination in the near-century since it took place. A Canadian historian has written:

It [was] the last expression of that 19th-century world of manners and morals, where the opponent was a gentleman. The ones who survived, who lived to see other Christmases in the war, themselves expressed amazement that this had occurred. The emotions had changed to such a degree that the sort of humanity seen in Christmas 1914 seemed inconceivable.

Joyeux Noёl lost money at the box office, and critics have complained of its “sentimentality.” I suggest seeing it for oneself this Christmas season.

A White Nationalist Constitution

As our nation comes apart at the seams, shoddily sewn together in the first place, we must finally acknowledge that conservatism was not enough. The United States Constitution was not enough. As Revilo Oliver observed, “the document must have borne within itself the seed of its own dissolution.” Our compromised Constitution was indeed a compromise, and thus it failed to avert “the decline and fall of the American Republic, which it was designed to establish and preserve.” Abraham Lincoln ripped it into shreds, consigning the Southern States to an eternally impoverished tyranny for good measure. Franklin Roosevelt and his cabal of Jews incinerated its tattered remnants. Every year, Oliver noted, “archaeologists open the graves of dead civilizations and exhume the pathetic remains of forgotten nations that once thought themselves deathless.” For those of us who still hope, against all odds, to retrieve the land that once was ours, “it behooves us to understand the errors of our forefathers so that we will not doom ourselves to repeating them.” One such error was that, despite their Christian recognition of the fallen status of man, the Framers wrote a Constitution for a virtuous people, a Constitution with gaps that would quickly be said to be “open to interpretation” by demoniac lizard-men.

In all fairness, how could they have anticipated the morass of Jewish filth that has drowned our people? A more glaring fault of our forefathers was their use of quasi-egalitarian language in the Revolution. The Constitutional Republic replaced the Articles of Confederation in large part to correct the burgeoning appearance of democracy, a disgusting system which even the most ardent Anti-Federalists abhorred. That said, it was not long before the march toward universal suffrage got underway, the limited franchise made meaningless. No serious nation would permit the gutter dysgenic flotsam and jetsam of American cities to vote, unless that nation was suicidal. By giving the vote to the worst of us, we dug ourselves into a pit and cast away the ladder. As Oliver acknowledged, had the franchise remained limited to White propertied men, “the United States would not have become the political and racial cesspool it is today, and decent Americans could still own property.” Not rent, mind you, but own; Oliver elaborated that “many witlings today think they have property because they rent houses and land from the usurers and tax-collectors of the vast engine of organized crime that governs them and tells them what to ‘think.’” A man with land can provide for himself and his family, “and so cannot be reduced to total slavery and abject dependence on the whims of their alien rulers.”

Racial conservatism, White Nationalism, is the only solution to regenerate our vanishing race. I do not here attempt to draft the new Constitution that we need, but rather humbly offer some of my own big-picture policy proposals for a potential White Nationalist Constitution, assuming that we model our ethnostate on some form of a constitutional republic. Many of you may disagree, perhaps vehemently, with some of my suggestions. I welcome you to submit your own ideas in the comments; surely, this is a worthwhile intellectual challenge. We cannot dam this hurricane; the totalitarian New World Order has arrived, and it is here to stay for now, the occupant of the White House be damned. We must focus on resistance and, above all, on what comes next. Before we can seize victory, we must have a clear vision of the White ethnostate that we wish to build. Of course, the first step in securing the ethnostate is to purchase as much land as we can. Remote, rugged, and rural are our watchwords. The cities will burn first. The countryside offers no quarter to the Blacks, the Browns, or their Jewish overlords. Again, though, a clear political program is a necessary — if not sufficient — prerequisite to victory. I hope that my proposals ignite this much-needed conversation.

 

Citizenship, Foreign Policy, Immigration, and Suffrage

 

  1. All citizens shall have the franchise.
  2. Citizenship, and all attached rights, shall be limited to White men aged 25 and over with freely held property (i.e., real property that is owned, not rented, with no exceptions) and who have earned a 100% score on a civilizational competency exam which includes questions of civics, government, and history. Citizenship may be stripped for a number of crimes against the race and the nation.
  3. Whites proven to have assisted in any manner the anti-White egalitarian Judeocracy, including by directly or indirectly engaging in private and/or public support of the cultural and/or physical destruction of the Historic American Nation and/or the White race shall be expelled from our nation, along with their families.
  4. Asians (Central Asians, East Asians, Pacific Islanders and South and Southeast Asians), Blacks (African, American, and Caribbean), Non-White Hispanics (Mexicans, Central Americans, South Americans), Jews, and North Africans and Middle Easterners shall not be permitted entry into our nation for any purpose whatsoever, nor shall the aforesaid be permitted to hold any property or other interest therein. North American Amerindian individuals shall be permitted to remain on one reservation of their ancestral tribe(s), provided that said individuals do not leave said reservation. Tribal sovereignty shall be dissolved.
  5. Individuals of the forbidden groups in (4) who held citizenship in the geographic unit formerly known as the United States will be expelled, unless that individual qualifies as the non-White parent of a half-White citizen, as set forth in (9). Individuals of the forbidden groups in (4) who resided in the geographic unit formerly known as the United States without holding U.S. citizenship will be expelled, with no exceptions. Individuals of the forbidden groups in (4) who were imprisoned by the polity formerly known as the United States for violent crimes against Whites will be executed immediately. All other individuals of the forbidden groups in (4) who were imprisoned by the polity formerly known as the United States will be expelled alongside their other racial kinsmen.
  6. Individuals expelled in (5) will be repatriated to their country of ancestral origin at their own expense. If an individual cannot afford this cost, another member of his racial group will do so on his behalf.
  7. Individuals expelled in (5) will surrender all wealth earned as the result of harming Whites, including but not limited to wealth earned from government welfare programs, private and public affirmative action quotas, the promulgation of illicit and/or immoral activity, wage deflation, and usury.
  8. Immigration procedures shall be available only to Whites of European ancestry, including Europeans, White Hispanics, and White South Africans.
  9. In the case of mixed-race men, only those with at least 50% White ancestry shall be permitted to gain citizenship, provided that the other 50% contains no Black or Jewish ancestry. For the aforementioned qualifying mixed-race, half-White citizens, their non-White parent may reside in our nation, but cannot gain citizenship and cannot own property. The aforementioned qualifying mixed-race, half-White citizens may also marry full-blooded Whites. All other forms of miscegenation shall be forbidden, punishable by expulsion.
  10. The practice of Judaism or Islam in any form shall be forbidden, punishable by expulsion.
  11. All borders of our nation shall be patrolled, in their entirety, by armed soldiers or private militiamen, our land boundaries further secured by a wall.
  12. Our nation shall maintain no foreign military alliances or installations.
  13. Our nation shall make no foreign aid expenditures, and shall conduct no cultural or economic exchange with any directly or indirectly hostile nation.

 

Criminal Justice, Culture, and Environment

 

  1. The sentence of life, with or without the possibility of parole, shall be replaced with the sentence of death. Convicts sentenced to death shall receive one appeal only, upon the failure of which the convict shall be executed within one week, by firing squad alone.
  2. All drugs criminalized by the polity formerly known as the United States, including marijuana in all of its forms, shall be prohibited. Substance abuse shall be punishable by prison sentence, while drug manufacture, distribution, and/or sale shall be punishable by expulsion. Drug manufacturers, distributors, or sellers whose “clients” go on to die, if proven that said manufacturer, distributor, or seller’s drugs were a necessary condition of said death, shall be punished by death.
  3. Infanticide shall be prohibited in all cases, except in the extremely improbable scenario wherein the life of the mother would be placed in mortal peril, subject to the permission of both father and mother.
  4. Marriage shall be available to noncitizens, but shall only be between White men and White women, including half-White citizens as set forth in (9). Mixed-race couples with half-White children which qualify as citizens under (9) shall have their marriage recognized, so long as said marriage was performed prior to the formation of our nation.
  5. Divorce may only be obtained if sought by both husband and wife, unless one party can provide a high standard of evidence of substantial fault on the part of the other to justify a unilateral divorce. If divorce is granted, both mother and father shall evenly split the custody of the children conceived within their marriage, unless a strong showing can be made that, for the good of the child, one parent should be granted full custody.
  6. Homosexuality shall be forbidden, punishable by expulsion. Any individual found to have encouraged, facilitated, promoted, or participated in homosexuality shall be expelled.
  7. Transgenderism shall be forbidden, punishable by expulsion. Any individual found to have encouraged, facilitated, promoted, or participated in transgenderism shall be expelled.
  8. Pornography, in any and all forms, shall be forbidden. The manufacture, consumption, distribution, and/or sale of pornography shall be punishable by expulsion. If involving minors, rape, and/or sexual trafficking, the violator shall be punishable by death.
  9. Pedophilia shall be forbidden, punishable by death.
  10. Subversive anti-White speech, protest, or other action shall be punishable by expulsion.
  11. Firearms shall be available to all citizens, and each community with a population of 100 or more must maintain a well-drilled militia, or “neighborhood watch.” Citizenship shall be withheld from any man who has not served for at least 2 years in the national military, State militia, or community militia.
  12. Generous childbirth bounties shall be offered on a targeted basis to eugenic White couples.
  13. Publicly-funded welfare shall be available only if conditioned upon daily sobriety tests, daily evidence that the applicant is actively seeking employment, and a term of public infrastructural work, the length of which shall be proportional to the receipt of welfare.
  14. Our nation shall not subsidize “green energy”, including but not limited to “biomass”, ethanol, solar, and wind energy. Protected wilderness areas shall be expanded and rigorously patrolled against poaching and pollution, while clean air and water legislation shall be thoroughly enforced, punishable by imprisonment.
  15. Animal cruelty, including animal testing, vivisection, and factory farming, shall be punishable by death. Factory farming practices that do not rise to the standard for animal cruelty shall be prohibited, punishable by economic seizure and imprisonment.

 

Again, this meager list of policy proposals is intended as a challenge. I have left a plethora of issues unaddressed, and my solutions to those issues that I have chosen to address will certainly elicit polarized responses. While I wholeheartedly stand by each word that I write, I also understand that you may have better ideas. Express them in the comments, along with any ideas for other policy problems.

 

Remember the words of Fight Club’s Tyler Durden: “It’s only after we’ve lost everything that we’re free to do anything.” The United States of America is dead. We mustn’t mourn what has been lost, but consider it an opportunity — an opportunity the likes of which come around scarcely more often than once in a century. We have the chance now to wipe it all away and build a better world, to finally and forever secure the existence of our people and a future for White children.

 

Surviving the Contemporary Black Racial and White Intra-Racial Conflict: Anti-Millenarian Whites Must Seek Political Separation

 

In 1946 Winston Churchill delivered a speech at a small college in Fulton Missouri that offered this prescient analysis: “From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an ‘iron curtain’ has descended across the continent.” This Soviet invasion made a prison out of the entire area for half a century. Dissenters were severely punished.

Without notice or debate, a similar regimen of speech control is descending on North America, from Bar Harbor, Maine on the Bay of Fundy to Nome, Alaska on the Arctic Ocean, and south to the Rio Grande and the Straits of Florida.

Political correctness, a phrase used almost playfully in the 1990s, has morphed into the viciousness and moral smugness of our current cancel culture, replacing the spirit of the First Amendment. By way of example, I offer the following observation from an early victim of cancel culture, my friend the late Sam Francis.

“The civilization that we as whites created in Europe and America could not have developed apart from the genetic endowments of the creating people, nor is there any reason to believe that the civilization can be successfully transmitted to a different people.”

Comments like this led to Francis being fired from his position as columnist for the Washington Times in 1995 and put him into media purgatory and economic distress until his premature death 10 years later.

Sam’s proposition makes no moral distinctions and is not much more than a paean to what in reality is his extended family. In the same context the creating people of Great Zimbabwe were Bantus, the creating people of China were Han, and the creating people of the Inca Empire were Quechuas. If, instead of making a claim about the racial origins of Europe and America, Sam had instead substituted any of these other peoples into his statement, it would have been equally plausible but would not have resulted in Sam’s discharge.

The frenzy to stigmatize any mention of genetics especially as playing a role in the development of White civilization began early in the twentieth century, essentially eradicating what had been a robust intellectual exchange based on the reality of race and the idea that there are important racial differences in behavior around the world. This anti-biologism came to dominate academic thinking after World War II and has become a bedrock attitude among those who are now labeled progressives. Such thinking is woven into contemporary intellectual tapestry; it is taught throughout the school system from elementary school through the university, and it characterizes  entire mainstream media landscape. Among its White adherents, it has assumed a millenarian vision of a utopian future free from all racial conflict—the same sort of millenarianism that has characterized the moral crusades of the past, from the Civil War to World War II, to our contemporary regime-change wars in the Middle East.

Susan Sontag proclaimed “The white race is the cancer of human history.” If we limit her universe to the U.S., I’d say that she was about 40% right as this was the Hillary Clinton fraction of the White vote in the 2016 presidential election. This means that the remaining 60% of White voters represent our side of the family—at least potentially.

One birthday short of becoming an octogenarian, I charge the dissident right with the mission to  begin the intergenerational process of founding an independent political jurisdiction in which anti-millenarian whites can gather, regroup and flourish. Along the way we will support other races with  the same aspiration.

To this end,  we must extract our side of the family from the embrace of the “White millenarians” who are yet intent on imposing their heretical notion of equality on Earth as it art in Heaven —even though the misery from such tampering with human nature abounds in history and has been particularly evident in the recent past.

Our goal must be a Bohemian Divorce of mutual self determination as deliberate and bloodless as the split between the Czech Republic and Slovakia in 1993. To this end there is long standing precedent which stretches back to the founding of the Republic when separation was recognized as a humane means  of resolving ethnic and racial conflicts and sovereign tracts of land were ceded to indigenes.

Once separation is established, the internal political arrangements are less important than the maintenance of a unifying ethos by enforcing a variant of the Amish practice of Rumpspringa. This exercise encourages youthful apostates to leave the commonwealth before achieving citizenship.  So that a mistake of inclusion is not immutable, I recommend making exile a part of the criminal and civil code, directed at those who are in fundamental disagreement with the ideal of a separate White community. Such a provision could also be used to correct immigration blunders.

We have entered very dangerous times for Whites in America. The  summer riots of 2020 carried out with the blessing of much of the Establishment and the entire left is a clear indication that the American racial experiment is careening toward disaster. Whites need a separate political jurisdiction.

William H. Regnery II is the founder of the Charles Martel Society.

 

The Dirty Secret: Thoughts on Being a Mischling

Although I’ve had no love for Jews for most of my life, I am ashamed of the amount of time it took for me to accept that those who are vocally opposed to Jewish influence have legitimate grievances. I had always found myself at odds with social and political phenomena that can ultimately be traced back to that influence, but I had never really understood where they came from. My objections to pornography, sex trafficking, and the hypersexualization of women and children in advertising and entertainment were wrongly directed against men in general. My awareness of grave injustices and smokescreens such as 9/11 laid blame at the feet of an entirely faceless global enemy.

It also took longer than I might have hoped to recognize that what I love about humanity — my sense of beauty and aesthetics, musical preferences, values, appreciation for Western architecture, respect for animals, dress, culture, history, literature — the poetry of life — must ultimately all be credited to Europe and her peoples. I now understand that the corruption and subversion of those things close to my heart has largely been the result of external influence and values that are not only foreign but largely antithetical to those of the European tradition.

Slowly, I learned that the enemy is not faceless.

I had believed that people largely hated Jews for their ability to preserve tradition for many thousands of years and for their strong group identity. It took someone explaining to me very politely how others see plainly anti-social Jewish behaviors and in-group preference for me to really understand the animosity some hold against Jews.

But the Jewish question for me is more nuanced than it would be for most people. Growing up in a heavily-Jewish community, most of my friends and teachers were secular Jews. However, I was always aware on a fundamental level that I did not really belong in their world, and rejected it fully by the time I was 12.

I knew I was only half Jewish — a “Mischling.” I knew this because it was obvious that my mother was Jewish and my father was not.

My grandparents had been founding members of their synagogue, but my parents were not allowed to get married there because my father was not of the faith. We celebrated both Christmas and Hannukah when I was a child (the food is a lot better at Christmas) but not Easter. From pre-school to first grade, I attended a Jewish private school where I was taught to revere Israel and encouraged to raise money for it UNICEF-style, as well as spending half the day learning about Jewish culture and reading/singing in Hebrew. From second grade through the end of middle school, I attended public schools comprised mainly of Ashkenazi children. To compensate, my mother made me go to “Hebrew School” three times a week. Hebrew School was an after-school program where Ashkenazi children could learn prayers, Hebrew, and the Torah. (The children in my Hebrew School were most likely attending public schools as well. The more serious orthodox and Hasidic Jews attended private and “Talmudic schools” for the entire duration of their schooling.)

As far as I know, I was always accepted as Jewish, even though I was technically only half. My childhood best friend, an adopted girl with blonde hair and blue eyes whom I met at our private school, was also (from what I remember, being six years old) accepted as Jewish, even though she was not Ashkenazi or any other type of Jew. No one really asked questions. She was far from the only blonde kid there either.

I learned more recently that the act of saying something to try to find out whether someone is Jewish (or drop the hint that you are) is called “bageling.” Once a “bageler” finds out you are Jewish, they seem to light up. You suddenly have something in common. It doesn’t seem to matter if you are half, one quarter, one eighth Jewish — what is important is that you have that component of your identity.

The only one who plays the “Jewish or not Jewish?” game more than “anti-Semites” is my own mother.

As for me, I rejected that component of my identity early on. At the age of 11, I refused to go to Hebrew School any longer. They graduated me early along with that year’s class to avoid shaming my family. I was never Bat Mitzvahed (Jewish rite of passage done at age 12 for girls and 13 for boys.) When it came time for high school, I made a conscious decision to leave the area and went to a decidedly-not-Jewish school in another town that had a magnet program. Suddenly, with few exceptions, none of my friends, teachers, and classmates were Jewish, and I was a-OK with that.

In the early 2000s, my siblings visited Israel on free “Birthright” trips which were available to any Jewish person under the age of 25 who could show that they are at least semi-serious about being Jewish. I had exactly no interest whatsoever in going, and found the idea of living in a desert repulsive even in first grade (my teacher was telling us we would all live there one day.)

Although my ancestry would still technically allow me Israeli citizenship, I was recently called a “shiksa” by a full-blooded left-wing Jew. He seemed to go out of his way to get it in — as if he wanted to be sure I knew he did not accept my Jewishness. I have been called a “fake” or “self-hating Jew” more than once for casting doubt on the holocaust narrative, as well as for scoffing at Jewish holidays and traditions. My beliefs and experiences as someone with Jewish heritage are readily discounted by anyone who finds them inconvenient — unless they are on the right, in which case my Jewish background is often treated as the only thing about me of any real significance — especially if I have upset them somehow.

Most people, even those who are critical of Jews in general, don’t make a big deal about my Jewish heritage if we are talking one-on-one. You might be surprised at the number of blatant “Nazis” I have dated or who have hit on me. I have some very close friends who have had the honor of being mentioned by the SPLC and ADL. But things are always different in a group setting. I was recently rejected whole cloth by a Telegram group called “Alt Skulls’ Charnel House.” I specifically joined this group because I had read an article which discussed the creator’s own Jewish heritage. Yet, someone accused me of having a Jewish name (first I am hearing of this!), and when I answered them honestly, I was immediately banned from the group.

While many think I am decent and attractive enough to be considered an honorable person at least in private, others will stop talking to me when I am honest about my background. I was dismissed and told once I was an “ancient enemy of [the White] race.” Barbara Spectre and countless other Jews are enemies, surely, but I am not. I am an ally. Why would this individual want me on the wrong side?

What prompted me to write this piece was an exchange I had with someone I met through NatConnect. When I mentioned I was half Jewish, I received a response that was almost hysterical, criticizing me for “announcing” that I was Jewish (would they prefer I kept it a secret?) and demanding I disavow White genocide, which I did without reservation. But that wasn’t enough. When I told this person that, while I feel it is important to be honest about my background and that I ultimately consider myself White, I was given an exhaustive list of news articles about how Ashkenazim say they aren’t White and how their DNA is unique, et cetera, et cetera. But that’s a topic for another day.

I do strongly disavow what has been done by Jews and in the name of Jews. That said, I don’t believe in collective guilt. I don’t believe that lay Jews are responsible for the actions of elite Jews any more than I believe that White people are responsible on the whole for “racism” or “colonialism,” although it is more than fair to identify certain phenomenon as having Jewish origins or being Jewish in nature.

I know from my own experience that run-of-the-mill Jews believe all the same lies as everyone else, but view them from a different perspective. Although there are very disturbing patterns indeed, there does not seem to be, for most people from my experience, an articulated conspiracy that is shared by your average Jew. You will have to trust me when I say that most of the elite Jews who are orchestrating subversion are not the same ones studying the Talmud.

No, I’d argue that the cohesion of Jews lies in a sense of otherness and a victimization narrative that is found throughout Jewish tradition and history. It seems particularly important looking back on my early education, for example, that I feel hated and persecuted by a world out for my blood.

At the age of four or five, speakers were already coming to school to talk to us about the “holocaust” and we were shown movies about it. We learned the story of Haman (the Persian official who wanted to exterminate or expel the Jews of Persia for nO rEaSoN wHaTsOeVeR) every year around Purim and drowned out his name with noisemakers during services. We repeated endlessly the story of “our” slavery in Egypt, our persecution throughout the world, the destruction of our temples in Jerusalem, and we lamented the loss of our holy city.

As a child, I was taken by teachers to holocaust museums and even to a Matzo factory that had a portrait of a rabbi with horns on the wall, where it was explained to us that people had once believed Jews had horns.

Why did they feel it was necessary for a young child to see such things? I would propose that the reason is that they found it important, first and foremost, for us little Jewish children to feel hated, rejected, and despised by the world.

Unsurprisingly, I’ve experienced a lot more hostility for being White than for being Jewish. I was lucky enough to get my facial features, skin color, and hair texture from my father’s side. No one has ever been able to identify my cute button nose as Jewish without me specifically telling them about my Litvak mom. I have always found it particularly important that I do tell them in these circles, as I would hate to be misunderstood as someone attempting to infiltrate or subvert the pro-White movement. I am gradually forcing myself to be more reserved on that front.

But I am not alone. I know many others, including full-blooded Ashkenazi and even Sephardic Jews, who are not only pro-White but are “red-pilled on the JQ.”  Even they do not receive any reprieve from the social monitors for going against the grain on the basis of our cultural or racial background.

It is true that we could have, but reject, the possible benefits of a Jewish identity — at the cost of rejecting the truth and our own fundamental values.

Despite identifying strongly with Europe and her peoples, I understand that I will never be fully accepted by some of those most like me ideologically or politically based on circumstances outside of my control. It doesn’t seem to resonate that mischling, having been differentiated from full-blooded Jews (who were assumed by the Third Reich to be Communists), fought and died in the Wehrmacht or worked for Adolf Hitler himself — any taint of Jewish heritage is not to be tolerated by a large segment of the far right.

And I am not asking for tolerance. I am not asking for an exception to be made especially for me. I am asking for nuance and sophistication of thought that allows for an individual of any racial or ethnic group not to be assigned the weight of the actions of other members of said group, while respecting obvious patterns and taking proper precautions.

I reject the idea that my father’s Germanic and Anglo-Saxon ancestors were evil. But I also reject the idea that my mother’s ancestors, whose lineage can be traced largely to converts from Ancient Rome, and who lived simply in poor villages in Lithuania and Russia until the late nineteenth century, were inherently bad or evil. They were, and my family continues to be, a far cry from George Soros or any Rothschild.

Casting aspersions on anyone with as much as a drop of Jewish blood is a mistake. We are at war for the future Greater Europe. Jewish people have the propensity to be exceptionally bright and resourceful. Most are not on our side, but for those who are — can’t we use that? I often feel as if there is a campaign on both sides pressuring me to place undue importance on my Jewish heritage and to identify as Jewish first, when it’s not even in my top ten.

Ultimately, does it not serve the interests of elite Jews and bolster the narratives of victimization and otherness to paint anyone with Jewish heritage, no matter how White they otherwise are, and no matter what they value or believe, into a corner? It certainly presents a roadblock to full assimilation.

A Thousand Points of White: One Strategy for Achieving White Nationalism

This essay is intended as a response and follow-up to the excellent recent article by Giles Corey, “American Roulette.”  Corey’s piece is passionate, clear, and well-written.  He makes a powerful and inspirational case, in a short space.  My intent here is to build on his ideas and add some needed details.  The chaos of the past few months has given us new opportunities to move forward.  In the spirit of Corey’s piece, I will be concise and blunt; the time for niceties is fast coming to an end.

Herewith is a brief outline of an argument and a strategy for establishing a functional form of White Nationalism.  For sake of clarity, I will express it in a series of numbered paragraphs.  Let’s start with the big picture:

  • The United States is irredeemably corrupt. It cannot be salvaged and it cannot be saved.  The entire political and economic infrastructure is lost.  We have neither a democracy nor an oligarchy, but rather a Judeocracy: rule by Jewish power and Jewish money.  Jews are assisted at all levels by Whites (and others) who act as their willing front-men, and who thus disguise the deeper workings of the system.  Republicans, Democrats, Greens, Libertarians—they’re all the same.  No party has the guts to confront the Jewish power structure.  The media, of course, is also hopelessly corrupted by Jewish influence; witness the battle between CNN, MSNBC, and even Fox News, to see who can display greater fealty to Jewish interests.[1]  Thus we can expect nothing but biased and malicious reporting from any of them.  The American system cannot be reformed; we should not even try.[2]
  • American corruption can work to our advantage. As the US continues on its path of decay and decline, more and more opportunities will emerge for White nationalists.  The American Judeocracy will inevitably destroy itself; it’s only a question of time.  Jewish misanthropy and kleptomania will consume itself and the whole federal infrastructure in the process.  However, the American system will likely not collapse in a sudden, catastrophic paroxysm.  Rather, it will be a slow and steady loss of integrity, of stability, of coherence, and of credibility.  This is what has happened in the latter stages of most all imperial-like political entities in history.  Eventually, the political system and the ruling authorities simply lose the willpower and ability to intervene against rebels or invaders.  We are seeing precursors of this in the Seattle “autonomous zone.”  This works massively to our benefit.
  • White Nationalists should assist the process of decline. The more ethnic diversity, more economic disruption, more political division, and more crime that we experience, the faster will be the process of decline.  As bad as it looks, “Black Lives Matter” is doing us a favor.  Arsonists and looters are doing us a favor.  The moronic liberal elites who defend these low-lifes are too ignorant to realize that such actions are undermining their very system of power.  Recent events are making clear to millions of Whites that a multiracial, Jewish-run America will be a catastrophe in the future.  And they can’t be too happy about it.

So, let’s help the process along:  More Latino and Asian immigration!  More Blacks in corporate America!  More Jews in Washington!  More aid for Israel!  More affirmative action!  More leftist street marches!  Defund the police!  More looting!  More arson!  We can use the liberal Zeitgeist against itself—use its own logic to drive it into the ground.

  • Washington is rapidly losing the moral and political basis for effective action. Trump’s various stupid proclamations and (in)actions and the paralysis in Congress are all good signs.  We are seeing federal dysfunction at all levels: in the response to the coronavirus, in various military conflicts around the globe, and in international relations.  The US is being pushed around by hostile nations, and our allies—even the Jewish-dominated ones in Europe—are increasingly ignoring us.  Again, this is all good news.
  • Whites deserve, and have the right, to self-rule. There is no good reason why Whites anywhere should submit to rule by Jews, Blacks, Hispanics, Asians, or any combination of these.  This is not because such people are “inferior”; rather, every race and every ethnicity has its own values and its own culture, rooted in genetics, and these should not be imposed on unwilling Whites.  Whites have the right to be proud of their values and their cultural achievements, which comprise the highest and greatest achievements in human history.  Let the other races build their own nations and their own cultures, in their own lands.[3]  And let them live with the consequences.
  • White self-governance cannot be achieved at a national level in the US—not for a century, at least. We need to give up on Washington.  The federal system needs to end, and governance rebuilt at the local level.  A nation of 330 million is ungovernable, even of a single ethnicity; a multiracial nation of this size is utterly unsustainable.  Perhaps someday, many decades down the road, a kind of White American coalition or confederation will be possible; but not in our lifetimes.  Again, this is not bad news.
  • Start local, start small. Given that there will not be a federal White nationalist movement or party, we need to look for local or state-level groups advocating White self-rule—or at first, White identity and White self-interest.  Here’s one suggestion:  Start a local “White Lives Matter” group.  What’s good for the goose…  This process can be very small and very simple.  One person can reserve a room in a library, school, or church basement.  One person can reach out to friends, spread the word on social media, or print up flyers to post around town.  Pick a day and time, book a room, advertise—and see who comes.  Even a small turnout is a start.  We ought not forget that, in Germany many years ago, National Socialism began with weekly meetings of just seven or so men (“the same old seven,” lamented Hitler)[4].  If you get seven at first, consider it a victory.
  • “It’s just a club.” At first, any such “WLM” group will likely be a mere discussion group:  politics, news, local developments.  Think of it as a social club:  like-minded Whites getting together, on a regular basis, to discuss issues of common interest.  This alone, as innocuous as it might seem, is a radical step in today’s climate.  The sheer existence of a WLM group will likely draw negative attention; be prepared, stay cool, stay calm, stay rational.  You have a right to your own self-interest.  Use negative publicity to your advantage.  Remember: Anyone who accepts BLM but rejects WLM is an evil “racist.”
  • Become politically active. As the group grows, establish some structure:  take attendance, collect modest annual dues, have officers.  Watch out for spies and moles; they are inevitable, but can be managed.  Once the group is stable, then you are in a position to engage in local politics.  Write op-eds or post things on a local blog.  Make yourselves known; be open, be public.
  • Have definable and clear local objectives, moving toward a White society. It doesn’t matter if you live in a city, suburb, or rural area:  establish a group, meet regularly, and get engaged.  If your area is already mostly or all White, there should be little resistance.  If it is majority-minority, consider moving.  If your area, like mine, is a mostly-White suburb but with encroaching non-whites, put up resistance.  The larger objective is for White self-determination and self-rule, and this starts by making non-whites realize that they are no longer welcome here.  Pick a local geographic region—neighborhood, city, or county—and declare it White.  Don’t hold a vote, don’t look for a majority—just declare it.  This is essentially what a bunch of Seattle hooligans and degenerates recently did; again, that blade cuts both ways.  How outrageous!—a dozen (say) local folks declare their neighborhood or city to be White!  And then they have the nerve to say, publicly, that non-whites are not welcome, and should leave!  Revolutionary!  But that’s what it takes.  No ugliness, no violence, no cross-burnings.  Just a polite and civil statement:  This is now a White area, and non-whites are no longer welcome. Orania in America.
  • Develop a local identity. This will likely mean creating your own distinctive logo or slogan.  Put them on stickers, letterhead, flyers, T-shirts, flags, yard signs.  Spread them around.  You want to see these things on cars, houses, neighborhood kiosks, etc.  Even people who won’t attend a meeting might be sympathetic and put a sign in their window.  Public visibility has a tremendous effect.

Let’s pause here a moment.  By the above simple and elementary acts, Whites everywhere can take concrete steps to reassert their right to self-governance.  Groups need not adhere to any specific ideology, nor align with any particular White movement.  To be counted under the broad heading of “White nationalist,” groups need only endorse something like the follow general precepts:

  • The White race is of inherent value to humanity, and as such deserves protection and defense.
  • Whites have an intrinsic right to self-rule and self-governance.
  • Whites everywhere are under threat due to (a) declining numbers, (b) declining physical, mental, and moral health, and (c) loss of political autonomy and self-government. These threats are various and complex, and require action on several fronts to address.
  • The chief threat to White well-being comes from the global Jewish lobby, which has an inherent interest in seeing a general decline in White prosperity and a loss in White political power. Jews must therefore be confronted and challenged at all levels of society.
  • All humans are, by nature, best suited to live in social and environmental settings from which they evolved—societies that are broadly uni-racial and monocultural. Humans have little or no evolutionary experience living with diverse races or ethnicities, and doing so causes inevitable problems.  Therefore, racial and cultural diversity have profound negative effects on society.
  • The only long-term solution for many present-day problems is to restore human society to its natural and original conditions—uni-racial and monocultural, broadly speaking. This entails political separation and/or expatriation of minority peoples.
  • As a rough provisional goal, White regions of self-governance ought to aim for a minimum of 95% White populations, with all non-White minorities numbering, collectively, less than 5%. Jewish numbers ought to be severely limited, amounting to not more than 0.5% under any circumstances.
  • Only Whites will be fully enfranchised—that is, possess the right to vote, and to hold public office. All others will have minimal civil rights, perhaps on par with a foreign tourist today—basic legal protections, but little more.

Most any sane White person who wishes to live in a stable, secure, and prosperous community ought to accept these points.  Those who do not are likely either (a) paid to oppose them, or (b) brainwashed by our present Judeo-centric culture and academia.  The brainwashed can be educated, but the sell-outs, especially the White ones, are utterly contemptible; they deserve the harshest punishment we can muster.

Additionally, we need not worry excessively about who “counts” as White.  In the vast majority of cases, it is obvious:  those whose ancestry derives from indigenous European peoples and nations.  There are ambiguous cases, such as Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia, that deserve more discussion.  More important, though, is who is not White:  Jews are not White, despite their own frequent proclamations to the contrary.  Arabs or other Middle Easterners are not White.  Hispanics and Latinos are not White.  ‘White’ is not simply a matter of skin color; it is also a question of heritage, of worldview, of culture, and of values.  Don’t be fooled by light skin or blond hair.[5]

This said, we can console ourselves in the fact that America is still a predominantly White nation, and will be so for many years to come.  White Americans currently number about 195 million, in a nation of nearly 330 million.  And even though our numbers are projected to decline slightly in the coming decades, we will still long be the numerically-dominant ethnicity.  Hispanics here could top 100 million by 2050, but that is roughly half of White numbers; Blacks will not number more than 55 million or so, and Asians not more than 45 million.  And we mustn’t forget that American Jews number only some 6 million.  One of our strengths is our numbers, and we must always bear this in mind.  Jews and other non-Whites certainly know it, and they fear it.  Large numbers of active Whites spell doom for them.

Still, based on combined effects, America will be a ‘majority-minority’ nation at least by 2045, and coalitions of non-Whites, led by Jews, could soon exercise even more power than they do at present.  And the trends for the end of this century are even more dire.  This is unacceptable, hence the urgent need for White action on many fronts.

Let’s conclude with a few final points, in our drive for White nationalism.

  • Gradually assume more power, quietly and nonviolently. As local White or WLM movements grow, and as intimidated non-Whites move out, White groups will be able to assume a greater civic role, just by default.  Volunteer groups can provide social services, self-police, and participate in local schools.  White nationalists will then naturally come to gain power in local politics, exercising yet more autonomy.  All the while, the autonomous zones should continue to grow, by declaration.
  • The biggest threat will come from local and state police, and potentially state National Guards. Small, decentralized White autonomous zones generally need not fear the feds.  Yes, we all remember Waco and Ruby Ridge, but those were anomalies of the past.  With a degraded federal justice system, and with (hopefully) dozens of White zones popping up around the country, the feds will be in no position to confront them.  The larger threat, I think, is from local and state authorities.  Fortunately, these groups are now being alienated on a large scale.  As current policemen resign in disgust, less and less qualified people will take their places, resulting in growing inefficiency and incompetence.  Eventually they will be unable to, or chose not to, take action against peaceful civilian groups who only seek self-governance.  Remember, the goal here, at least initially, is to create White autonomous zones which are self-governing and relatively independent from state or federal authorities.  The central tactic is to ‘walk away slowly,’ rather like you might do when confronted by a maniac with a large knife.  Don’t antagonize, don’t threaten—just walk away.
  • Undermine Jewish financial power. Jewish power derives almost exclusively from their vast wealth; 6 million American Jews control some $50 trillion in assets.[6]  But this is denominated in corrupt, inflated, debt-ridden, and intrinsically valueless US dollars.  Therefore, we need to declare the US dollar worthless, and move our financial assets into new, local currencies—perhaps something we might whimsically call ‘Aryan Bucks.’  AB’s could, by law, be held and spent only by Whites.  They would be declared worthless and illegal in the hands of Jews or other non-Whites.  At first, both currencies would have to circulate in parallel, but as quickly as possible, Whites would want to migrate to their own financial system.  The political and economic benefits from this step alone would be enormous.[7]
  • Accelerate growth of autonomous zones. As White zones grow, and as disaffected Whites move into the newly-declared regions, the remaining areas will grow darker in complexion.  This will only accelerate the decline of multiracial America.  Ideally, a positive feedback situation will emerge in which Whites rapidly move into local safe-zones as the other regions collapse.  This makes expansion all the easier.

Numerous local White zones, incidentally—meaning, several in each state or large city—make for a much more practical strategy than, say, picking a few large rural areas.  There aren’t many White Montanans or Californians ready to move to rural Arkansas, but they might be willing to move an hour or two away to a local zone in a familiar area.

  • Be prepared to fight, as a last resort. If we are smart, we can achieve nearly everything we want non-violently.  But sadly, that may not always be the case.  Therefore, as Corey states, we will need to be armed.  At present, something like 35 million White households own at least one gun; presumably, most by the man in the family.  So let’s say we have 35 million armed White males in this country—an awesome force, indeed.  If there is one thing Jews and Blacks fear more than White men, it’s White men with guns.  I wouldn’t hesitate to state that armed White American civilians constitute the most formidable fighting power on Earth.  No one—not even the Jewish-run American military—could defeat them.  If the US military can’t subdue a few thousand low-IQ Muslims in Iraq and Afghanistan, they haven’t a prayer against millions of pissed-off Whites.  This is our ace-up-the-sleeve.  But we need to use it judiciously.

Ideally, White autonomous zones would pop up like mushrooms around the country:  a few in each major city, several in the rural areas of each state.  Under good circumstances, they might grow and join together, combining their collective power.  These “thousand points of White,” as I like to think of them, would pose an insurmountable problem for federal and local authorities, especially if they were peaceful, and especially at the early “club” phase.  Being decentralized, there is no single pressure point for the feds to squeeze; they would have to address multiple, simultaneous local issues at once.  And if there were still on-going riots, or economic chaos, or some new pandemic, …well, the authorities will quickly reach the end of their rope.  And then we win.

Thomas Dalton, PhD, has authored or edited several books, including a new translation series of Mein Kampf, and the book Debating the Holocaust (4th ed, 2020).  For all his works, see his personal website www.thomasdaltonphd.com


[1] Sean Hannity of Fox is particularly pathetic in this regard.  His repeated and unconditional defense of Israeli and Jewish interests is utterly appalling.

[2] Throughout the South, they have signs saying “Pray for America.”  What they should say is “Pray for America’s destruction—and soon.”

[3] Just recently, CNN reported on the nation of Ghana, which is inviting Black Americans to “come home” and resettle there.  An excellent plan, for all concerned!

[4] Mein Kampf, volume one, section 12.11.

[5] Mixed-race individuals are also problematic, but again, they are a small minority.  Roughly speaking, we can say that anyone with three-quarters or more of White heritage counts as White, presuming that they do not adhere to non-White values or culture.

[6] See my article here.

[7] The idea of local currency is well-established in the US.  Wikipedia lists over 100 active local currencies.