Greg Johnson’s “The ‘W-Word” makes the point that Hillary Clinton is now actually resisting white dispossession — to the extent that it is her own dispossession — the only way possible by appealing to a latent but real white racial consciousness and solidarity.
There is a certain irony to this situation, which we could enjoy more fully if our own interests were not the victim of the whole process. The Clintons assumed this election would be a cakewalk, and in their minds already saw themselves living another eight years in the White House. They took their victory so much for granted that they were not concerned when Florida and Michigan were disqualified.
Then this mulatto comes along and actually has the nerve to become a serious competitor, and then a real threat, and finally he upsets the whole apple cart. The Clintons figured the black vote was also theirs and never imagined until the last few months that something like this could happen.
The Clinton’s racial liberalism has now become nothing more than ballast, useless weight, or even a drag, which is being jettisoned to attract as many of the voters, i.e., white democratic voters, that they can get, as the black vote is not really in play for them. So Barack Obama — he whose very name increases the surreal feel of the whole all-too-real scene — has been racking up nearly 95% of the black vote, and supposedly most of the liberal white (i.e., the Jewish and ultra-liberal coalition) vote, while Hillary has been getting about 60% of the whiteDemocratic voting base.
The money story is most telling. Obama is obviously getting the bulk of the financial support of the traditional big contributors (i.e., the Jews and their affluent white fellow-travelers) leaving Hillary to borrow money from herself to pay for her campaign. This is all enough to cause me to actually root for Hillary, something I would never have believed possible a few months ago.
What we are seeing here is part of the phenomenon Kevin MacDonald refers to as “implicit whiteness.” In politics it is usually associated with Republican presidential candidates typically getting about 60% or sometimes even a little more of the white vote. But it is something new to see it occurring within the Democratic Party at this level. And this is what it is. There are no real differences between Hillary and Obama on the substantive issues, or even on the symbolic issues, except for the symbolism related to her whiteness and his blackness.
It may be that in this presidential election cycle implicit whiteness will actually play a more important role, be more obvious and more strongly expressed, in the Democratic primaries than in the general election. This is largely because of the Democratic candidates’ lack of differences on the substantive issues, which enables implicit whiteness to play a greater role in the voter’s decision process.
In the general election there will be pronounced differences on substantive issues, on the Iraq war but much more importantly on the economy and basic pocketbook issues and fears, issues that strongly tend to work against McCain. These differences will weaken the role of implicit whiteness in the decision-making process, probably because by its very implicitness it lacks the coherence to take priority over explicit substantive issues.
And so far McCain has done nothing to strengthen implicit whiteness in his favor, in spite of its vital importance to his chances for victory. On the politically permissible substantive issues that would most effectively mobilize implicit whiteness — above all controls on non-white immigration, and after that, political and economic nationalism — McCain is taking the opposite tack. And even in symbolic gestures, such as his Selma bridge stunt, he seems to be doing his best to fatally weaken the one thing that could give him victory. Hillary now seems to see this in her own primary contest, but probably too late. It seems that McCain so far is not learning the lesson of her mistake.
His choice of a running mate will probably be his most important chance to mobilize implicit whiteness in his support. Mitt Romney’s early appeals to the populist concerns of implicit whiteness, such as non-white immigration and the outsourcing of jobs, actually had McCain on the ropes for a while after the Michigan primary. But then Romney went off-message (perhaps he got advice to back off the issues that center on white interests) and lost momentum, allowing McCain to recover and regain the lead. In the last few days before he bowed out of the race, Romney attempted a cautious return to the white-centered issues that gave him his only success, but by then it was too little and too late. Choosing Romney would provide McCain with some connection to issues that appeal to implicit whiteness, a starting point which he can develop further if he chooses to do so.
Richard McCulloch’s website is at www.racialcompact.com.