“Jews instinctively fear and feel threatened by nationalistic, particularistic societies” Part II

Earlier this year, in a column entitled Naming Neocons, I mentioned that The American Conservative publisher Taki Theodoracopulos had been replaced by Jewish businessman Ron Unz and wondered if that might change how the topic of Jews was discussed (or not discussed). After all, while Taki was publisher, featured writer Pat Buchanan had pointed to the heavily Jewish makeup of the neocons.

For instance, in his sizzling cover story Whose War?, he had written that the pre-planned attack on Iraq following 9/11 was instigated by a “neoconservative clique.” “We charge that a cabal of polemicists and public officials seek to ensnare our country in a series of wars that are not in America’s interests. We charge them with colluding with Israel to ignite those wars.”

Well, that essay was five years ago, and The American Conservative has mostly moved on to other topics. A recent article, however, prompted me to think about two things related to the above. First, having just last week written about how Jews instinctively fear and feel threatened by nationalistic, particularistic societies and seek to undermine those societies in a variety of ways, including revolutionary action, I couldn’t help but notice that Neil Clark’s June 16 essay in The American Conservative fell into the same category. Second, though the article was about European revolutionary Daniel “Red Dany” Cohn-Bendit, it failed to identify him as Jewish. 

Clark’s essay, “Children of ’68: de Gaulle restored order but the radicals won,” is an almost perfect description of the kind of society smashing Jew I had written about last week. Daniel Cohn-Bendit, born in France to German-Jewish parents who had fled Nazism in 1933, “was the antithesis of everything de Gaulle stood for. De Gaulle, the archetypal proud Frenchman, had been born into a deeply patriotic family. . . . De Gaulle loved France; Cohn-Bendit hated almost everything about it in 1968.”

Change the names of radicals and countries and you have something akin to what I wrote about last week. I showcased how prolific blogger Steve Sailer wrote about the actions of one Franca Eckert Coen, “an Italian Jew in an overwhelmingly Roman Catholic city who lives in an apartment filled with Jewish art [who] was in charge of multicultural policy under the former mayor of Rome, Walter Veltroni.”

Recall also that I quoted Sailer as saying about Coen’s efforts to deconstruct the unity of an ethnic Italian state: “Do you ever get the impression that Kevin MacDonald has secretly bought a controlling interest in the New York Times and is rewriting its articles to make them prove his theories correct?”

Now I have to wonder if MacDonald hasn’t invested heavily in The American Conservative as well.

Again, though Clark does not mention Cohn-Bendit’s real ethnicity in the article, it is obvious to anyone with the courage to read between the lines. Cohn-Bendit, then, is a character directly out of the pages of The Culture of Critique: An Evolutionary Analysis of Jewish Involvement in Twentieth-Century Intellectual and Political Movements, MacDonald’s culminating volume in his trilogy on Jews.

For instance, Cohn-Bendit’s attempts to alter the sexual mores of society leapt out at me, for MacDonald had written at length on how Freud and his successors in the psychoanalytic movement, including Norman O. Brown, Wilhelm Reich, and Herbert Marcuse, had used attacks on gentile sexual restraint to undermine those societies. “The common thread of these writings is that if society could somehow rid itself of sexual repressions, human relations could be based on love and affection. This is an extremely naive and socially destructive viewpoint, given the current research in the field. Psychoanalytic assertions to the contrary were never any more than speculations in the service of waging a war on gentile culture.”

Now read what Clark writes about Cohn-Bendit’s activities after returning from France to Germany:

Meanwhile, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, the man who had done so much to stir up discontent, moved on to new pastures. Back in Germany, he became involved in radical Green politics and ran a kindergarten in Frankfurt. His stated aim: to “radically transform” German mentalities. As in 1968, it started with sex. (Clark also notes that in his 1976 book, Cohn-Bendit “wrote of children opening his trouser zipper and tickling him and how he ‘caressed’ the children,” an admission which elicited accusations of pedophilia.)

Ah, Cohn-Bendit is ever the sexual transgressor. Back in 1960s’ France, he was a leader “in claims for more sexual freedom, with actions such as participating in the occupation of the girls’ premises, interrupting the speech of a minister who was inaugurating a swimming pool in order to demand free access to the girls’ dormitory. This contributed to attracting to him a lot of student supporters later to be called the March 22nd Movement, a group characterized by a mixture of Marxist, sexual and anarchist semantics.”

Further, Clark points to Cohn-Bendit’s recent efforts in the European Parliament to legalize drugs, which also echoes MacDonald’s claim that Jews have attempted to undo adaptive restrictions on behavior similar to those that European populations have imposed for centuries.

It is the reference to Cohn-Bendit’s efforts at freer immigration into Europe, however, that really catches my attention, for that is practically the current sine qua non of Jewish activism toward breaking up what many Jews view as nationalistic, particularistic societies. According to Wikipedia, in 1989 Cohn-Bendit became deputy mayor of Frankfurt, “in charge of multicultural affairs. Immigrants made up some 30% of the city at that time.” (Clark notes that “Red Dany’s enthusiasm for overriding national sovereignty is something he shares with his fellow soixante-huitard Bernard Kouchner, the current French foreign minister,” but Clark here also fails to identify Kouchner as half Jewish.)

Now reference this back to the female Coen I wrote about above: she was “in charge of multicultural policy under the former mayor of Rome.”

This is what Sailer quoted from a New York Times article about her activism to de-Italianize Italy:

The newspapers said the Chinese were against Christianity,” she said. “So we held a public event on the Campidoglio about Chinese culture and the New Year celebration, and now we have a Chinese parade each year.

“It was the same with the Sikhs,” she added. “We had a public event after 2001. We also organized tours of the Capitoline Museums for immigrants. Then we asked them to do something. The Poles, for example, had someone play Polish music at the museum.”

“Little things,” she called them. “They can overcome big fears. I saw all these immigrants become a little bit Italian citizens. Culture is crucial to give people here a chance to see that to be foreign is to bring a different ethnic life to the city, that diversity is a positive.”

This, of course, is MacDonald thesis in The Culture of Critique all over again. Chapter seven, for instance, “Jewish Involvement in Shaping U.S. Immigration Policy,” mirrors such Jewish efforts to make America a less Christian, European-derived nation. (These are also useful links to MacDonald’s arguments on Jews and immigration: “Jewish involvement in influencing United States immigration policy, 1881-1965: A historical review. HTML Version Population and Environment, 19, 295-355, 1998. “Immigration and the Unmentionable Question of Ethnic Interests.” VDARE (www.vdare.com), October 27, 2004. And “Was the 1924 Immigration Cut-off ‘Racist’?VDARE (www.vdare.com), June 19, 2004.)

Of course, MacDonald is also fully conscious of Jewish efforts in other countries to dilute the “nationalistic, particularistic “ aspects of those societies as well. In a five-page appendix to his chapter on immigration, he writes that “Jewish organizations have pursued similar policies regarding immigration in other Western societies.” In addition to France and Germany, he also documents Jewish activism in the Anglosphere countries of England, Australia and Canada, despite the fact that in the latter two countries there was never “any popular sentiment to end the older European bias of immigration policy.”

MacDonald finishes by writing, “It seems fair to conclude that Jewish organizations have uniformly advocated high levels of immigration of all racial and ethnic groups into Western societies and have also advocated a multicultural model for these societies.”

Getting back to Clark’s essay in The American Conservative , we find that he closes on a depressing note:

Cohn-Bendit’s militant ideology has infected not only the Left, but the Right, too. John McCain’s advocacy of a more liberal immigration policy and his championing of a League of Democracies, with the right to intervene in the affairs of sovereign states the world over, owes more to Daniel Cohn-Bendit than it does to Russell Kirk.

Forty years ago, Red Dany lost a battle. But the sad truth is, he won the war.

See also Part I of this article.

Edmund Connelly is a freelance writer, academic, and expert on the cinema arts. He has previously written for The Occidental Quarterly.