A Dissident Perspective on Veterans Day: An Indictment of So-Called American Exceptionalism

Most all Americans will be celebrating Veterans Day, the purpose of which is self-evident in its name. That purpose is to honor veterans who served in this nation’s military and who fought in the many wars this country has needlessly involved itself with. This is seemingly something quite noble. However, far too few are cognizant that the date was chosen to coincide with Armistice Day, November 11, 1918, which ended hostilities in the First World War. Nor are most aware that this country’s role in the Great War is hardly a cause of celebration or testament to “American exceptionalism,” but an utter indictment of this country, this government, and pretty much everything it stands for and has stood for over the past 125 years. The formal peace treaty, the Treaty of Versailles—better described as the Versailles Diktat—was not signed until seven months later on June 28, 1919: a moral outrage and a significant causal factor underlying The Second World War. As Darryl Cooper, aka Martyr Made, has noted, the blockade that was starving Germany was still in effect, with nearly a million German civilians perishing needlessly.

The United States had no legitimate reason to enter that war, just as it has had no legitimate reason for entering or instigating the number of conflicts it has been involved with, before or since. As most should already know, the purported casus belli, the sinking of the Lusitania, occurred after the German government implored neutral powers that areas of The Atlantic Ocean surrounding the British Isles was a war zone, and that while German submarines will make every reasonable effort not to sink neutral shipping, the ability to ascertain a ship’s nationality is most limited peering through a periscope. Most readers are doubtlessly well aware that forensics have proven the Lusitania was smuggling war contraband. This was in the broader context of arming Britain, supporting Britain, even though Germany never posed any threat to the United States or her interests. Woodrow Wilson’s this and that talk about “making the world safe for democracy” was an abject lie, although given the myriad evils inherent to democracy, one wonders if a threat to what may be the very death of Mother Europe would be a bad thing at all. Regardless, Germany neither had the intention nor the capacity to pose a threat beyond the Atlantic in either world war. 1

The moral outrage of the United States role in entering the Great War is further compounded by the Benjamin Freedman theory of the Balfour Declaration, which credibly posits that the British government enticed Jewish financial interests to nudge the United States into the war in exchange for granting land in Palestine to realize the Zionist dream of forming the Jewish state of Israel. Finally, those deluded by these lies of American exceptionalism should consider that Germany would likely have won The Great War but for American intervention, while further considering all the ramifications of this. The seemingly unending litany of existential threats facing the Occident would simply not exist had this not occurred.

In the aftermath of World War II, the Germans have adopted a war guilt complex into their very national character. One hopes this is temporary, but marinating in over 80 years of allied occupation and the post-war cultural milieu that occupation has infused into the German national consciousness does not instill a sense of optimism; this pathology is very likely to become a permanent, defining characteristic of the German national character. It is highly doubtful the German people will ever be able to throw off this national guilt complex, at least not until the nationale and völkische Abschaffung des deutches Volkes has been fully and utterly consummated in earnest. In particular relation to the absurd proposition that today is a day for honoring this country’s war mongering, the United States is responsible for this pathology first and foremost, as it is also responsible for the number of maladies that emanate from this complex, including the mad delusion of open borders and Angela Merkel letting in millions of racial imposters into sacred Germany and the European continent more broadly.

If one concedes that the Third Reich was the unmitigated, unequivocal evil in that conflict, a proposition that is dubious at best, consider further if any nation is to assume blame for the rise of Hitler, it should be first and foremost Great Britain as well as the United States. The Great Blockade, which claimed nearly a million Germans, has already been mentioned. The Treaty of Versailles assigned all liability of the Great War on Germany and Germany alone, despite the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Russia, and even France being far more bellicose in both actions and statements preceding the outbreak of war, catalyzing the sudden plunge into war across the continent. The German people suffered unspeakable hardships as a result, paying for a loaf of bread not with a wallet but a wheelbarrow. They were paying not just a million marks but a billion marks for a loaf of bread. One must also consider the legitimate territorial claims that further inform the rise of national socialism, from the demilitarization of the Rhineland to the German port city of Danzig. These and other grievances help explain, without the advantage of hindsight, why everyday Germans turned to the swastika. These considerations in turn reveal that the United States is not the force for good that American exceptionalism and high school civics class curricula insist. Great Britain and more particularly the United States are just as responsible for the rise of Hitler as any collective group (namely “The Germans”), if not more so. Remarkably, as Darryl Cooper points out in his podcast on American involvement in the Russian-Ukraine war, crimes and offenses against the German people by the American government are hardly unique. This government committed similar outrages against the Russian people, all for bringing the world a velvet revolution and a peaceful end to The Cold War, as American foreign policy has brought the world to the brink of nuclear Armageddon through its intermeddling with Ukraine.

These and other reflections should not evoke a sense of patriotism, but national shame. Few will be so insightful. Most Americans, and particularly those opposed to the Democrat party, will be flying the American flag with unquestioning pride, and will be doing so with more purpose and vehemence than any other day except for perhaps July the Fourth. Many will have Lee Greenwood’s acoustic abomination “Proud to be an American” on particularly heavy rotation. Just as with any other day but even more so, today is not a day to be proud to be an American. Today, like each and every day, is a reason to be ashamed of this country, to be ashamed to call one’s self American. Ich bin nicht stolz darauf, Amerikaner zu sein. Ich schäme mich, Amerikaner zu sein.

Other articles and essays by Richard Parker are available at his publication, The Raven’s Call: A Reactionary Perspective, found at theravenscall.substack.com. Please consider subscribing on a free or paid basis, and to like and share as warranted. Readers can also find him on twitter, under the handle @astheravencalls.