As striking as the initial silence over the Cologne outrage, the speed with which the media boycott suddenly seemed to crumble and fall was also remarkable. Those media outlets, usually so quick to turn a blind eye, suddenly seemed to shake off their usual censorship reflexes and reported the story straight. Part of this was legitimate. The story was just too big to deny, the authorities behaviour too ham-handed, and the power of social media too powerful (despite Facebook’s frantic attempts to censor comments).
The resignation of the police chief, the crass behaviour of the Cologne mayor and the delicious embarrassment of Angela Merkel should not blind us to one overriding likelihood; for some people, everything is going to plan. Underneath the “Refugees Welcome” flim-flam, there is a conscious strategy that a society of different populations at each other’s throats is entirely in line with our hostile elite’s ambitions. An intimidated, demoralized people is easily dominated, after all.
All of which is not meant to decry the helpfulness of recent events in increasing White racial awareness. Anything that heightens tension is to be welcomed. But there are sinister hostile elite forces who are thinking well ahead of us and you can see that in the roots of the nascent anti-jihadist organisation PEGIDA as much as anywhere else.
For although it is decried as “far-right” and “neo-Nazi,” PEGIDA is avowedly race-blind and far from being a movement of White self-defence. The flag of Israel is prominent at every rally and PEGIDA’s symbol is proudly “anti-Nazi.”
But while there are plenty of Jews who support PEGIDA, the communal Jewish voices still condemn it — so what is going on here? Really, it’s a marker of Jewish issues defining the boundaries of political correctness.
Pegida’s pro-Jewish terminology is less about recruiting Jews — who account for less than 0.2% of Germany’s population — and more about advertising their regard for the boundaries of German political correctness. For some Pegida supporters, being Jew-friendly is a way to whitewash their radical ideology, explained Nathan Gelbart, chairman in Germany of Keren Hayesod, the Zionist fundraising organization. (“Why Are Jews Supporting a German Right-Wing Movement?”)
This is not to say that race realists should not join in PEGIDA marches or rallies. It is just to say that we should not be naive about the forces at work here. Counter-jihad is not the same thing as White resistance. Those who say that the problem is this mysterious unidentified ailment known as “radical Islam” are often implicitly agreeing that there is nothing wrong with mass immigration and forced assimilation as long as the Muslims learn to behave themselves. Arch-neocon Daniel Pipes is a good example.
Indeed, you could argue that the counter-jihad movement, at its broadest definition, is one of the most powerful elite forces in politics today and goes far beyond the crude Muslim-baiting of the likes of Pamela Geller. It ranges from Western leaders such as David Cameron and encompasses at least some of the mass media. No-one embodies this paradox better than Tommy Robinson who fronted up the British PEGIDA re-launch press conference and will be the face of the movement at the group’s next rally in Birmingham on February 6.
The career of the man who founded the notorious British street protest group, the English Defence League, has had so many twists and turns it is hard to keep up. He has been associated with, at various times, the BNP and the EDL, counter-extremist think tanks, neocon counter-jihad groups and even radical Muslims! It seems there is no-one he will not shake hands with — with one exception.
And that is anyone on the far-right. For Tommy is resolutely anti-racist and despises no-one more than White nationalists of any stripe. Tommy Robinson led the EDL until 2013. He was under heavy state pressure at the time, but he left because, he said, the movement was being infiltrated by “far-right racist elements.”
To get some understanding of the man we should turn to his new autobiography Enemy of the State which is his action-packed account of the EDL. (Tommy Robinson is not his real name but for the sake of convenience we will stick with it here.)
The story begins in Robinson’s hometown of Luton 30 miles north of London, which, like so many, has changed out of all recognition due to mass immigration. By the eighties it was already a heavily multicultural area and Tommy grew up with lots of Black and Brown friends. “We were all just a big melting pot of kids” he says approvingly, “with a big black community in Luton mixed race relationships were everywhere. … It was normal, there were lots of mixed race young people.”
But then came waves of Muslim newcomers. They didn’t seem to want to join in the melting pot and were clannish, hostile and stubbornly resistant to assimilation. Invariably the arrival of huge extended Muslim families in a street would signal the departure of the Whites.
As the racial mix changed so did the balance of power on the street. The Muslim numbers increased and they stuck together. Robinson writes that the “streets didn’t belong to us anymore. … My mum used to say no eye contact with Muslims. … Put your head down when you go past the Muslims.”
A playground scrap could end up with a school gates confrontation with 30 grown Muslim men. In a comment that starkly illustrates Middle Eastern collectivism, he writes that “there was no such thing as a one-on-one fight with the Muslim lads. You had an argument with one and you might as well have declared war on the whole extended community.” It’s a nice illustration of the classic Arab proverb, “I against my brother; I and my brother against my cousin; I and my brother and my cousin against the foreigner.” Tommy was a foreigner.
This was the atmosphere that produced young Tommy. He found his outlet — and his identity — in the camaraderie of the soccer “casuals” football hooligan scene with its singing, drinking and punch-ups. By his mid-teens, he was also immersed in nightclub life and, by his own admission, running wild, with drink and drugs featuring prominently. Convictions and jail time followed, first for violence, then for cocaine possession, and by the time Tommy came out of prison in 2005 his budding career in the aerospace industry was gone. He had nothing to lose any more.
On March 10, 2009 the homecoming parade of the Royal Anglian Regiment in Luton was interrupted by radical Muslims. The sight of bearded, screaming radicals screaming for the deaths of British soldiers was too much for ordinary people, and when Tommy started what was to become the English Defence League, it got a huge response.
By June 2010 the streets were echoing to the “E-E-EDL” chant and every march was met by furious trade-union backed Antifa and Muslim opposition. Media coverage of the EDL focused purely on snarling White faces, street clashes and violence. The EDL marches were a heaven-sent opportunity for anyone who wanted to represent White resistance as synonymous with alcohol-fuelled thuggery and incorrigible working-class delinquency. Tommy’s half-witted threatening speeches did not help.
One march in Birmingham was typical
Every street we passed was littered with debris. Rampaging Muslims were putting windows in, attacking cars, going crazy. Cars full of Muslims were pulling up and attacking the buses, throwing whatever they could at us. The windows were shattered — we had to kick them out — but it was the image of the day that effectively put the EDL on the map.
The media lapped it up and ordinary people were repulsed. Robinson is obviously still a soccer casual at heart. A natural street leader, he seems happiest in the role that originally gave him his identity and status — organising the transport, rounding up the lads, outwitting the police and revelling in showdowns with the opposition. There were no membership lists. He admits he had no idea of the difference between left and right, and could not have said what The Guardian stood for. There was no strategy. He had little time for democratic consultation. “We are going where I say we are going.”
But if there is one group of people he has no time for, it is the “wankers” of the far-right. His nights in clubland made him lots of Black friends, and time and again he spouts the refrain that he is not far-right, racist or against multiculturalism. He hates the BNP, hates White nationalists and proudly parades his Black friends before visiting journalists. What’s more he is remarkably friendly to Jews, wears a badge saying “I am a Zionist,” and considers anti-Semitism one of the worst of sins.
Robinson says he actually paid to join the BNP, but says his “brief flirtation” ended when he turned up at a party meeting with two Black pals who were barred entrance. Tommy explains in his typically eloquent fashion.
They discovered in no uncertain terms that we were as pissed off as pissed off gets — and that was that, with the BNP as far as I was concerned. After that anytime we heard about the BNP we just told them to get fucked. … Wankers that lot.
It was Nick Griffin, then chairman of the BNP, who was the first to question how the EDL could have exploded into prominence so quickly. Why were the police allowing these marches when they had no hesitation in shutting down similar nationalist efforts. And, most of all, where was the money coming from for the well-designed websites and t-shirts and so on?
It was Nick Griffin who exposed the hidden hand — the network of counter-jihadist and Jewish activists who played an important part in the rise of the EDL in his pamphlet, “What Lies Behind The English Defence League?”
In his book Tommy Robinson confirms much of this. He admits there was financial assistance from Pamela Geller. She even flew him to New York to give a speech, and in his book he says that without her financial support while he was in prison, his family would have starved. Otherwise, the details are sketchy, as is information about the “Jewish division” of the EDL whose Israeli flags were so prominent at EDL rallies.
A Home Office minister said in a letter to a constituent that steps were being taken to “deal with the driver of the EDL,” and he was as good as word. The second half of the book tells the harrowing story of what happened to Tommy Robinson next.
He was subjected to the same kind of intense police scrutiny normally reserved for serious organised criminals. The tactics were repeated armed police raids, movement bans, formal assassination attempt warnings, obstruction and finally the kind of forensic financial investigations which few would survive in contemporary Britain. It all culminated in two jail sentences, ten months for passport fraud and eighteen months for mortgage fraud. It turned out that his mini-property empire was built with the help of a bent mortgage broker called Deborah Rothschild. She was also jailed. But given that the British economy basically runs on “open borders” scams and a fake credit mortgage bubble, his jail sentences do add credence to his claim that he was treated unfairly.
In June 2013, en route to prison, he left the EDL, bouncing at first into the hands of a counter-extremism group called The Quilliam Foundation which he now says is a government stooge organisation dedicated to “de-radicalising youth” — in fact it’s just another gravy train for the usual pseudo-academics and other public sector parasites. The deal here was that they paid his family’s bills for a couple of months while he was in prison, while they got yet another TV documentary out of it.
Towards the end of the book there is a glimmer of understanding through the fog after another march descends into chaos.
You have to ask yourself, exactly how much of this do the police want to happen, to suit their own agenda. They could have kept the UAF (antifa) and Muslim protesters at a decent distance if they wanted when we walked down Whitehall. But how much did it suit their political, their financial, their actually divisive agenda, for the cameras to be able to capture shit going down — shit which they always, inevitably, blamed directly us.
Sadly that insight vanishes in a surge of adrenalin. At the end of the day, Tommy Robinson’s views are probably indistinguishable from those of Old Etonian smoothie and neo-con Douglas Murray who says much the same thing albeit in far more melliflous tones. Indeed Robinson seems to be in agreement with David Cameron that the problem is a small proportion of Muslims who suffer from a mysterious, undefinable ailment called “radical Islam” as opposed to just Muslims being Muslims.
A pending court case was not the only reason Tommy walked away from the EDL in 2013. He said it was most of all because of the penetration by “racist elements” that he had fought so hard to exclude. When it came to a choice between the grass-roots demand for specifically White resistance and pleasing his new left-wing friends in the media, Tommy chose the latter every time.
So what was the achievement of the EDL? It was a safety valve for many decent but politically incoherent young men. It allowed them to express their anger and at the same time it led them down the rabbit hole of irrelevance, confusion and demoralisation. It allowed politicians and the media to brand the White working class as irredeemable, degenerate thugs. In this it served exactly the same purpose as the Stephen Lawrence murder inquiry — a weapon of mass defamation. It dragged White resistance into the gutter and many good, decent men with it.
In the end, the bloodthirsty Jihadists of Charlie Hebdo, Bataclan and the sexual terrorists of Cologne have done more to raise White consciousness than a thousand EDL rallies.
This time Tommy promises it will all be different. He has spent months with PEGIDA in Germany and elsewhere and hopes to bring their success to Britain. He promises that it will be non-confrontational and as far removed from EDL as possible (whether the Antifa will oblige remains to be seen). He said at the press conference: “Genuine far right organisations hate me. … I am known as a Zionist and a race traitor because I have no objections to black people. I am not opposed to immigrants. I am opposed to Islam because it is a fascist ideology.” He has the ear of the Kosher-approved anti-jihadi media.
PEGIDA have now been told they cannot march to the centre of Birmingham and will have to settle for an out of town car park for their first rally on February 6 instead. Tommy Robinson will be the face of the demo. Whatever happens, you can guarantee that the flag of Israel will be prominent at the forthcoming PEGIDA event, just as they were at all the EDL rallies.
Those who stand for White resistance must always be on guard against attempts to create “controlled opposition” which divert energies from an awareness of White identity, and especially we must be wary of those who preach anti-racism.
The great thing about Tommy Robinson for the powers that be is that he doesn’t ask too many questions. Specifically he’ll never ask who exactly let these Jihadis into the country and what was their motive.
Enemy of the State by Tommy Robinson is published by The Press News Ltd.