President Trump and the End of the Post-World War II Interregnum

In the study of politics, two schools of thought converge: the school of stability and the school of change. The former emphasizes dominant political ideas that shape weak or strong leaders, while the latter highlights the role of a charismatic and strong political figure who drives social changes. In reality, these forces interact to shape a country’s political future. Over one hundred days into Donald Trump’s presidency, evidence supports the “strongman” theory of change. However, it’s uncertain whether Trump would have made it to the White House in a more stable America. The post-World War II Liberal order, like its defunct communist twin in the Soviet Union, has already run its course.

Donald Trump has emerged as a key figure in US and global politics, not because he caused the current wave of domestic and international disorder, but because he is a product himself of a disorder that has shaped the United States and the entire West since 1945. He has reignited the dormant divide between Left and Right, a deadly hallmark of the 20th century, while throwing modern right-wing parties and nationalist movements in Europe and the US into disarray. Unlike his post–World War II predecessors, who pursued hyper-moralizing world-improving policies, Trump’s approach to foreign affairs is the complete opposite. He is dismantling the post–World War II order not through ideological conviction but through his pragmatic, common-sense perspective of a businessman. History shows that often a simple, down-to-earth individual—akin to an everyday “Joe Six-Pack” or the German “deutscher Michel”—can grasp political realities more clearly than self-proclaimed experts, advisors, academics, and professors, many of whom are caught in a cycle of wishful thinking and self-deception.

Showcase of the Soviet style Show Trials

To his credit, Donald Trump has survived a relentless barrage of judicial travesty, presented in the Liberal dogma as the “rule of law.” This system, revered for decades in the United States and its vassals in the European Union as sacrosanct Holy Writ is coming to an end.  Secretary Marco Rubio unknowingly admitted that efforts to ban the German right-wing Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party only reveal the Liberal order as a form of “disguised tyranny”. Even the recent judicial charade against Trump, is not new—it has thrived in liberal democracies since 1945. Unlike the overt repression in the former communist East, the Western lawfare operates through more refined means, such as biased court verdicts, usually preceded by academic self-censorship and media fake news. While the Liberal system appears more palatable for the masses, its long-term results are often worse than in communism.

Trump has survived a gauntlet of challenges, dozens of politically motivated felony charges, two impeachments, and even two assassination attempts. Whatever one may think of his hubris, his psychological resilience under such pressure highlights the strength of his character. By way of contrast, many dissidents in the former Soviet bloc would often break down under the weight of a single charge and start ratting out their accomplices in order to secure a reduced prison sentence or escape further psychological torment. It remains to be seen how many of Trump’s trusted servants will cover his back or turn tail when clouds soon begin to gather over the US and EU.

The judiciary under Clinton, Obama, and Biden had more than a passing resemblance to the defunct Soviet judiciary once championed by the NKVD strongman Lavrentiy Beria and Chief Prosecutor Andrey Vyshinsky. In some respects, Biden’s weaponizing of the judiciary was even worse than in the Soviet Union. Unlike the Soviet courts, politically driven prosecutions in America continue to be marked by a strong anti-White bias, which was best visible in the treatment of the January 6 Capitol protestors, many of whom were victims of trumped-up charges. The Clinton-Obama-Biden triumvirate, seconded by its loyal vassals in the EU, managed to reenact a parody of communist utopia, albeit under a different legal denomination. Instead of gulags and firing squads, the judicial tools in the Liberal West consist of deplatforming free thinkers and renaming of free speech into “hate speech”. One must recall that US policies like DEI and affirmative action, which Trump is trying to roll back, were already tested many times in the multiethnic Soviet Union and the former communist East Europe. The results were predictable: hatred of all against all, mutual ethnic resentments, and ultimately, the collapse of the system.

The Casbah Left, The Caviar Left and Free Speech on Campus

Leftist critics of Donald Trump rely on flawed arguments. They criticize the Trump administration’s stance against eroding free speech in the EU while condemning Trump’s orders for mass ICE arrests of foreign students suspected of supporting Hamas or expressing anti-Israel sentiments. Trump and his DOJ may have a point. The full story behind these detained students—their motives, backgrounds, and reasons for studying in the US rather than in China or Africa—remains unclear.

To start with, most of those apprehended or detained students come from Third World countries where free speech is severely limited or nonexistent. How would the Turkish female student at Tufts University, now facing deportation, respond if asked to advocate for a Kurdish state or a public commemoration of  the Armenian genocide in Turkey? How many of these students, now detained by US authorities, would actively champion minority rights in their home countries—such as the rights of Palestinians in Jordan, Berbers in Algeria, or Moors in Morocco? In their homelands, in their local casbahs, local caids dismiss concepts like plea bargains, while dissidents frequently vanish into memory hole.

Many of these non-White international students in the US do not hide their hatred of White “giaours” while perpetually claiming to be victims of a White racists and the allegedly oppressive Western system. Yet, they prefer to pursue education in “racist” America and Europe rather than seek opportunities in ostensibly less oppressive, antifascist and decolonized and greener pastures of their homelands. This contradiction raises questions about the sincerity of their pro-Palestinian activism and their true motives for coming to the US.

May-day Call: For Fear of the Jews

There’s no need to pontificate about Bible verses, such as John 7:13, or recount Joe Sobran’s tragic betrayal by his conservative peers. It would be naïve, however, to assume that Donald Trump is ignorant of the Jewish lobby’s influence. Neither can one hope he could any time soon abandon the delicate balance of mutual love-hate rhetoric toward Jews if he wants to remain alive and kicking. His support for Israel serves as a strategic counterweight, enabling him to crack down more freely on the Left. One might speculate whether Trump has struck a Faustian bargain with neoconservatives or Jewish-influenced leftist organizations, such as the ADL or SPLC, to secure a free hand in dismantling the Communist-inspired DEI policies in the US.

Far more significant is the historic collapse of the Left in the West—their collapse is affecting key Jewish intellectual figures who birthed those Communist-inspired movements a century ago. Alongside numerous rainbow LGBTQ+ advocates, including violent Antifa factions, the Left in the West is now turning against their former Jewish founders and mentors. Their rejection of Jewish intellectual lordship is not merely a symbolic gesture akin to a mythical Oedipal parricidal rebellion; it is unfolding in real time, with a clear intent this time around to denounce Israel as a “right-wing, colonial, fascist state.”

President Trump would be advised to disregard Leftist campus protests against Israel. It is more of a passing media show than an act of serious pollical dissent. It does however drive a wedge between the non-white “Kasbah Left” and – what the French call – the Jewish “Caviar Left.” Given Trump’s unpredictable governing style, it’s not far-fetched to imagine him parting company with the Jewish lobby down the line. On the flip side, the crocodile tears a few right-wingers and White nationalists shed for Palestinians feel like a flimsy camouflage for their anti-Jewish sentiments. Why are some Whites so obsessed with the Palestinian cause, anyway? Shouldn’t they leave their compassion to Muslim Arab leaders to sort out for their own kin? Arab nations, especially those in the Maghreb, Middle East, and the Gulf and those with diplomatic ties to Israel and the US (Morrocco, Egypt), could shake up the global order if they wanted to. Yet, beyond empty rhetoric, they’ve done little to nothing for their Palestinian kin in Gaza.

Fear of Jewish opprobrium paralyzes Western politicians. They like to lament the deaths of Ukrainian children killed by Russian drones, but they stay silent about the far higher tally of Palestinian children killed weekly by Israeli forces in Gaza. Israel, however, has a solid legal and historical argument for its behavior in the Middle East. The dead in Gaza align with the post-World War II order, forged on far bloodier killing fields. Often called “Liberation Day,” May-day 8, 1945 unleashed a wave of antifascist revenge killings of opponents renamed by the Allies into “fascist and antisemitic war criminals.” The Israeli military in Gaza can now safely seek for a similar legal excuse from American and British victors, who in 1945 enabled mass killings of disarmed enemy and civilians in Soviet-occupied Central and Eastern Europe. The Gaza dead are merely a logical extension of those late May 1945 events.

World War II never truly ended; it merely slipped into an interregnum that’s now drawing to a close.