Now that the smoke has cleared somewhat after Britain’s election there is one result that should be absorbed by anyone who cares about the future of the West. The Labour MP for Rotherham, a woman who presided over a vast child rape epidemic and noticed nothing, was re-elected with a substantially increased majority.
After months of lurid media coverage, after the exposure of the local Labour establishment, the resignation of the entire Labour council, the sacking of Labour-appointed culpable officials, when no-one in the entire local Labour establishment could pretend they did not know what was going on, Sarah Champion was still able to pull in nearly twice as much as her closest rival, a UKIP candidate.
For those who say that the only thing between us and a White awakening is a free media, it is a fact worth pondering over for a moment.
But we also need to bear in mind the precariousness of White working class life in northern towns like Rotherham where White communities have been devastated by unemployment, blighted by single-parent households are the most demoralising places you could imagine. There is none of the ethnic cohesion and family life you see in Muslim areas.
Most White people live a “pay as you go” life where you earn money to pay the next week’s rent and that is it. These communities are run on welfare-ism by an overseer class of public sector bureaucrats who have as physically little to do with their clients as possible.
It is this overseer class that the Labour Party now serves. A devastating article on the death of the Labour Party and how it now belongs to chancers like Sarah Champion, appears in Spiked-online by Brendan O’Neill.
A website comment mentions some truths that are nowhere to be found in the mainstream media coverage:
But surely what this vote might also indicate is that Labour is also now largely propped up by the votes of ethnic minorities from the Commonwealth and more recent arrivals from Africa and Eastern Europe. In fact couldn’t it be said that Labour is now, not just the party of the middle class liberal left, but also, working class ethnic minorities. Hence it’s strong support in London and parts of Yorkshire and Lancashire. Those results couldn’t have been achieved purely on the backs of media luvvies, teachers and social workers. Odd that you don’t raise that possibility. It ties in with my own suspicion that Labour has come to represent ethnic minorities through its close ties to Multiculturalism, while quietly abandoning its old core voters among the indigenous English working class.
For the Jewish community it was, of course, win-win, whatever happened. Two of Labour’s victories were hailed as good news by Israel supporters in the other parties! Both defeated MPs were in the largely Muslim city of Bradford in Yorkshire and both were defiantly anti-Zionist.
One was George Galloway, a veteran Marxist and longstanding supporter of the Palestinian cause. He has never held back from his opinions about Israel. He seems to hate Israel almost as much as he hates White self-determination.
The second is David Ward, a Liberal Democrat MP, who has long been an indefatigable thorn in the side the Jewish community in the UK for his vocal condemnation of Israel’s actions. The silencing of these two anti-Israel voices has brought a lot of satisfaction to the Jewish community.
So what is the Jewish attitude towards UKIP? Distinctly hostile is the answer. A Jewish Chronicle survey said that only 2 per cent planned to vote for them and this article in Haaretz seems to confirm why.
There was a UKIP Friends of Israel and even baffling Jewish candidates like Jack Shamash who seems to have spent most of his life in Israel, and is frank that it is Islam that is his pre-occupation. In the MEP elections in February, there was even an orthodox Jewish UKIP candidate in Manchester who refused to shake hands with women! Far more importantly there was also a donation of £1 million from Richard Desmond, the publisher of the Daily Express. This may be the reason why the contours of free speech are just as sharply defined with UKIP as with every other party.
It was all coded but no matter. No sooner had his words been published than young Jack found himself unceremoniously sacked as an official UKIP candidate to his utter bewilderment. (He still stood and got more than 6000 votes in West Lancashire, matching UKIP’s average vote nationally.)
Reading his interview, it is clear that if he had known the meaning of “controlled opposition” then he would have known exactly how far he can go.
Eighty per cent of Conservative MPs were members of Conservative Friends of Israel before the election and it looks as if the percentage of the new intake might be even higher. There are shoals of them.
Typical is Lucy Allan, the new MP for Telford — she visited Israel in November 2013 at a cost to CFI of £2,000. Candidates Christopher Green, Bolton West and Royston Smith, both now MPs, were also on this all-expenses-paid trip. Strangely though, no details of any of this are on their political websites.
Hampstead and Kilburn was narrowly won by a Labour Muslim female called Tulip Siddiq, but being chosen as Conservative candidate for this seat was an appropriate reward for Jewish candidate Simon Marcus, who was also on that CFI trip. At the last election Simon Marcus had stood as a Conservative candidate in Barking and Dagenham which had become a BNP stronghold with a dozen councillors elected. Despite being a Conservative, Marcus worked closely with another Jewish candidate, Labour’s Margaret Hodge, to defeat the BNP. Having already won 12 council seats in Barking and Dagenham, the BNP had high hopes for Nick Griffin standing there. But together with a huge effort from central government, trade unions, widespread street intimidation and voter fraud, they managed to marginalize the largest working class White nationalist vote that London had ever seen. Again there is not a word of any of this on his political website this time around but he has boasted about this to his own people. It is some consolation that Mr. Marcus lost to Labour’s Tulip Siddiq in Thursday’s election.
Despite the loss of Nigel Farage and a daily media cannonade of slime and bureaucratic intereference, UKIP have now crept into position as Britain’s third biggest party with 13% of the popular vote. Given that the previous third biggest party — the Lib Dems — were part of the last coalition government, that is a real achievement.
The strategy of making gains at 2020 now looks very viable. In most, formerly solid Labour, northern towns they are comfortably established as Labour’s main rival. If Labour’s support on the White working class continues to disintegrate then it will be UKIP which benefit.
The only problem is that Britain’s first past the post system means that can never translate into more than two or three seats until they get more than 20%. The main reason for this system is that it excludes “extremist” parties. So it means five more years of mass immigration. And five more years to gerrymander the next election.