The need for a White Minorities Movement

The 2011 census revealed that across London, Leicester, Luton and Slough, approximately 4.5 million White British people already live as a minority. The release of the census results was significant as it legitimised what British Nationalism has been saying for years about the extent of mass immigration. No longer can opponents of demographic change be smeared as playing on peoples fears or as ‘racist’ by advocates of structural racism theories as if we had ‘White Privilege’, why would we allow ourselves to become a minority?

Now provides the perfect opportunity to launch a movement representing these new white minorities as being a localised minority but a majority of the population nationally enables us to warn of the dangers of demographic change whilst we still have time to motivate the remaining majority to do something about it.

Brexit changes everything- not just because UKIP is now out of the picture- but most crucially because politicians can no longer use discussing Eastern European immigration as a way to talk about immigration without mentioning demographic change. By combining our traditional cultural and security focused arguments with social, economic and political arguments against demographic change we can back the main parties into a corner as, whilst the main parties can try to argue that immigration is good for voters through bringing in tax receipts to pay for pensions, they can’t say the same about their own voters becoming a minority.

People only vote for the main parties as they think they are the only ones capable of governing, providing economic security and safeguarding public services. If we can prove that the rapid demographic change the main parties support undermines this, then we can build a mass movement. It’s impossible to argue in favour of becoming a minority without the main parties exposing their hatred of their own population.

So what does becoming a minority mean really mean for peoples everyday lives?

Demographic Disenfranchisement

Central to the socioeconomic case against demographic change is the notion of ‘demographic disenfranchisement’. Demographic disenfranchisement is the fact that our voting power- and therefore our political influence- is declining. As the mainstream politicians lose interest in White British votes- especially in multi-cultural cities- they lose interest in our issues. Immigration itself is an example of this. We have made all reasonable efforts to make our opposition to mass immigration known, to no effect.

This is a dramatic shift in the balance of power, yet the lack of public discussion on this proves the need for a new movement to address the issue. There is a growing body of academic research regarding the educational, employment and health inequalities White British people face. How can we have got into a situation where even the government’s own Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) found that White Working Class males are the worst performing group in schools? How can it be that White British children from poor backgrounds are the least likely to go to university?

Since 1997 successive governments have ploughed disproportionate levels of funding into schools in multicultural cities and funded specific programs to help rival ethnic groups by coaching them in how to take exams. When you combine this with ‘positive discrimination’ in employment hiring practices, a whole structure has emerged to benefit rival groups whilst deliberately holding back White British children to allow rival groups to advance artificially. These artificial structures do not ‘level the playing field’ they squander White British talent by creating an environment where our ability is deliberately suppressed.

No state-sponsored programs, research or public inquiries are planned to remove these structures or address the issues they create because White British people- especially those who live as a minority- are no longer a governance, policy or legislative priority and we need to shout about this.

White Minority Disadvantage

White Minority Disadvantage describes the specific organising difficulties that White British Minorities face which other minorities don’t. The process of going from a majority to a minority has specific implications as traditional power structures are displaced thus erasing our social capital and leading to the emergence of a White British Minority underclass.

White British people are the only group which the British state doesn’t actively encourage to organise, as such White British Minorities have yet to develop an organising culture. This leaves White British Minorities unable to compete with the more organised groups vying for power, influence and resources in the multicultural cities.

Not far from Westminster in the East London Borough of Tower Hamlets, former Mayor Lutfur Rahman gave us a glimpse into what White British Minorities face today and what future White British Minorities can expect tomorrow. Rahman ushered in breath-taking levels of corruption never seen in Britain before as he bought his way through elections by using grant funding as a political weapon to elevate his Islamist agenda.  Rahman’s reign has brought much media attention, but no one has ever stopped to ask what effect this draining and re-targeting of resources towards Rahman’s favoured group was having on White British Minorities and whether there will be any long-term effects in terms on the health, education and life chances of those disadvantaged White British Minorities living within Tower Hamlets.

Rahman’s rule over his rotten borough was not an isolated incident. In Birmingham — the largest local authority in Europe — the so-called ‘Trojan Horse’ scandal exposed just how vulnerable the cultural Marxist institutions are to takeover by organised groups.  A parallel Islamist education structure was created using public money which should have been going towards helping the cities White British Minorities deal with the rapid demographic change they have fallen victim too.

In Rotherham, industrial scale sexual abuse occurred as a highly organised group was (and is) able to enslave the least well organised group in society — us. What is so astounding about these instances of more organised rival groups wielding power and influence is that they aren’t just able to gain the upper hand in impoverished cities but in small market towns. This tells us that something big is happening nationally, although the White British group has yet to formulate a coherent reaction, which makes White British Minorities the group in society most vulnerable to the emergence of dominant minorities who are able to advance their interests ahead of other groups.

Our demographic decline has created power vacuums up and down the country resulting in group competition which destabilises our cities and results in the emergence of dominant minorities who are able to utilise their superior organising abilities to assert their group interest. As the local authorities fear the dominant minorities ability to create disorder, a new authoritarianism emerges asserting the dominant minorities group interest in order to contain potential instability, resulting in the persecution of the less organised minorities- us! Therefore we end up living in environments shaped by groups with competing interests to us whilst our own interests are left unfulfilled.

We must expose how the group competition the multicultural society has created undermines democracy as when politicians bid for ethnic voting blocs, not everyone’s vote is equal. We have a right to redress loss of power relative to other groups or it undermines the legitimacy of democracy itself.  We can prove legitimate grievance so have the democratic right to organise against this disadvantage, we just need a specific mechanism to do so. By focusing on the effect of demographic change on democracy, it is harder for our opponents to smear us and therefore it makes it harder for opponents to create a stigma around joining us.

We will of course be smeared, but using government statistics to highlight how a group recognised by the 2011 census is not fully participating in our democracy is hardly extremism and certainly isn’t hostile to other groups. A White British Minorities Movement would be defending democracy by representing an unrepresented group, re-enforcing the rule of law by highlighting the corruption of group competition and in protecting the position of White Minority’s, we provide security for all other groups in society against the emergence of dominant minorities. We aren’t hostile to any one group but what the establishment has done to us- we aren’t the aggressive majority as we are becoming a minority ourselves.

‘Demographic Disenfranchisement’, ‘White Minority Disadvantage’ and any other arguments against demographic change must go viral in the same way that ‘White Privilege’ has. We must no longer accept being on the fringes and do all we can to go mainstream, as if we don’t break out of the fringes, nothing will ever change.

Where do we go from here?

Amidst many competing voices in society, we need to provide white minorities with a single voice to make up for the loss of power demographic change brings. In this hostile environment, we struggle to get our message across. Nationalist groups with generic names have their platforms defined for them by the media. As a White British Minorities Movement, every time the movement is mentioned it will raise awareness of demographic change, so all publicity really is good publicity.

Upon launching a platform either from new or relaunched organisations, the key aim would be to start a national conversation on demographic change- and crucially its effects- to mainstream the issue. Using unashamedly headline grabbing techniques, we will make the phrase ‘Demographic Disenfranchisement’ and ‘White Minority Disadvantage’ go viral in the same way as ‘White Privilege’. From promoting deliberately controversial articles on social media about how White British Female Minorities can protect themselves in multicultural cities to starting online petitions calling for parliamentary debates and public inquiries into demographic change, we will create a supporter base amongst the 17 million Brexit voters.

Offline, we would initially work as a social activism movement. Rather than running conventional political campaigns with a manifesto, we would focus on specific local issues then apply our framework to them, so we become relevant everywhere. Our campaigns would seek to raise local living standards, protect public services and address social issues such as the housing crisis to appeal to families like how the main parties do. Only our movement will deliver demographic stability to provide a prosperous economy and strong public services in contrast to the instability of the multi-cultural society that the main parties offer.

To build resilience, we would need to deliver a revolution in activism. Instead of one page say-nothing election leaflets blanketed across cities, we would only send more detailed leaflets to specific areas as this more targeted approach will produce dedicated activist’s campaigning for their families socioeconomic future, not so a political party can win an election. We must market ourselves as being the equivalent of joining a trade union, so we are an investment in peoples future.

When we get to the point where there is a mass public outcry for the main parties to address demographic change (which they won’t) we can then crowdfund to create an official party to provide an independent political vehicle for the movement and stand for election with a view to implementing policies to halt and reverse the demographic change which is creating so much suffering.

Where we go from there is up to the British people.

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