Any effective political movement will know its own strengths and weaknesses as well as its enemy’s. Obviously, this helps enable it to attack where the enemy is most vulnerable and to protect itself where it is also most vulnerable. For the Dissident Right and White Nationalists in America—and for all European nationalists in Europe—the principal enemy must be seen as organized Jewry. As I like to call them: Left-wing Diaspora Jews, or LDJs.
The greatest weaknesses of LDJs are, of course, small numbers and a limited martial presence among gentiles. Their greatest strengths, however, include high ethnocentrism and in-group cohesion, high IQs, the ability to acquire and weaponize large amounts of money, a sense of urgency resulting from the cult of their own victimhood, and an overwhelming will to power. An impressive battery of strengths indeed.
The LDJ’s most important strength however is their prodigious ability to control popular opinion among gentiles through various forms of media. This, more than any other, best explains the ascension of Jews to elite status in the West mere decades after their emancipation in Europe in the 1870s. Call it the Pop-Op hypothesis. By propagating different shades of egalitarian ideology (for example, anti-racism in the West and communism in the East), LDJs effectively told gentile majorities what they wanted to hear, thus molding popular opinion to manufacture hostility against the existing gentile elites—for the benefit of the LDJs themselves, who always intended to replace them.
The old guard was wholly unprepared for this since not in centuries had any European aristocracy of note been put in the position of having to persuade the people to follow them. “We lead because we are pre-ordained by God to do so and likewise are better suited for it than you are,” somehow seems less persuasive than “Since everyone is equal, we must overthrow those who impose inequality upon us!” That the former argument resides closer to the truth by reflecting the inegalitarian nature of the human condition makes little difference. Those who were led, didn’t know any better; and those who did lead, knew better and didn’t care.
If this seems like an oversimplification of the rise of Jewish power, that’s because it is. All general explanations of historical events will resort to oversimplification to some extent or another. I will bet, however, that the Pop-Op Hypothesis explains the facts most economically compared to all other hypotheses. Prior to Jewish emancipation, Jews still had their ethnocentrism, high-IQs, financial acumen, and other strengths, but only a fraction of the influence they enjoy over gentiles today. Emancipation, for the first time in modern history, gave Jews a means by which they could directly communicate with and ultimately control the gentile masses—namely with art, academia, music, journalism, propaganda, and literature. It quickly became apparent that Jews far surpassed the gentile elites in this regard.
The Pop-Op Hypothesis dictates that in order to break the LDJ grip on power, a competing movement must challenge the LDJ grip on popular gentile opinion. But if this is where the enemy is strongest, then wouldn’t it be foolish to attack him there? Well, yes and no. Ingroup messaging is where the Dissident Right, with its more-truthful inegalitarianism, is strongest as well. Arguments may be less pleasing at first to the ear of the masses, but they will often be more elegant—and humorous as well—and thus more persuasive. This is why Jews so vigorously censor the Dissident Right. And it’s not like finding arguments to counter the LDJ narrative is difficult. How the egalitarians must torture logic in the face of damning evidence provides fertile ground for counterargument and mockery from dissidents.
The problem arises in where and how to stake a claim. Combating an aspect of the LDJ narrative with a strong opposing narrative succeeds inversely to the time the narrative in question has had to metastasize across gentile populations. The more time a narrative has had, the more difficult it is to argue against it with a strong opposite claim. Paradoxically, weaker claims would serve better against deeply entrenched LDJ narratives. I call this the Weak Claim Paradox.
For example, the LDJ narrative which claims that . . .
- Gender is a social construct.
- Transgender people by law must be considered to belong to their chosen gender.
- Children have a right to sex change operations.
. . . is a relatively recent one. Since the vast majority of adults today remember when this narrative didn’t exist at all, strong counterclaims which would have been perfectly mainstream in 2003 can be made to good effect twenty years later:
- No, gender is not socially constructed.
- No, transgender people don’t have the right to dictate how people view them.
- No, children don’t have a right to transition. Furthermore, anyone who aids in their transition should go to prison.
These are strong counter-claims—and popular since the offending narrative has had such little time to grow roots in the gentile mind.
On the other hand, consider this more-deeply entrenched LDJ narrative:
- The Nazis were evil.
- The Nazis started the Second World War in order to conquer Europe.
- The Nazis murdered six million innocent Jews for the sake of racial purity.
This narrative has had much more time to marinate among gentiles. Since very few are still alive today who remember when this narrative didn’t exist, strong counter-claims which would have been perfectly mainstream in 1943 will likely be dismissed as beyond the limits of civilized discourse eighty years later. Human beings are creatures of habit, after all. A lifetime of being inundated with a particular narrative—false as it may be—simply cannot be overturned over the course of a single conversation no matter how bright or well-intentioned a person is. Thus, the following strong counter-claims are bound to fail.
- No, the Nazis were the last, best hope for the white race.
- No, English and Jewish elites initiated the Second World War as a means to annihilate Germany.
- No, the Jewish Holocaust is wildly exaggerated.
And it does not matter how true these claims actually are! There is simply too much time for such strong counter-claims to overcome.
Observe, however, how much more effective weak claims can be when faced with such a severe time handicap. Note also that such claims should always begin with the words “even if.”
- Even if the Nazis were evil, the Jewish-led Soviets were more evil.
- Even if the Nazis invaded Poland in order to conquer Europe, so did the Jewish-led Soviets.
- Even if the Nazis murdered six million Jews, the Jewish-led Soviets had already murdered tens of millions of whites prior to the Second World War.
Such weak claims are every bit as true as the strong ones above. Of course, they don’t push the dissident envelope very far. They certainly don’t attempt to deliver checkmate as the strong claims do. But that’s okay. Dissidents need to take baby steps when leading people out of Plato’s cave—and back in time, so to speak, to when the existing narratives either didn’t exist or were more easily dealt with.
Such weak claims outperform strong ones in this case because they counter the prevailing narrative without contradicting it. Most gentiles have been brainwashed over generations to strenuously resist contradiction as if it were taboo. For dissidents, direct contradiction should be a non-starter. Yet most gentiles are unaware of how atrocious the Gulag Archipelago, the Great Terror, and the Holodomor actually were. By introducing this information—and by effectively presenting the Nazis as the lesser two evils when compared to the Soviets—dissidents effectively enter the deep water of the LDJ narrative, and then go deeper. This is why the study of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn has become so crucial to the Jewish Question. Most gentiles are simply not prepared to refute him. And when presented with solid data on the atrocities committed by so many Soviet Jews—during peacetime, we should add—a new vision of history gradually emerges—not to refute the current LDJ narrative, but to augment it with a more accurate information.
The analogy of the ten-speed bicycle works best to explain the Weak Claim Paradox. Let’s say a hill’s steepness corresponds directly with the amount of time a certain narrative has had to embed itself in a people’s mind. Let’s also say that high gears correspond with strong claims, while low gears correspond with weak claims. When we ride a bike up a steep hill, do we shift into high gear or low gear?
We shift into low gear, of course. This greatly increases the amount of peddling we have to do—and decreases our speed—but at least it keeps us moving. Shifting into tenth gear on a steep incline, however, is a recipe for only standing still.
By incorporating the element of time, the Weak Claim Paradox shows respect for the Pop-Op Hypothesis and the unparalleled ability of LDJs to control popular opinion through various forms of media. If LDJs have had decades with which to embed certain ideas into the minds of ordinary gentiles, then strong arguments will likely fail and only weak ones will stand a chance of succeeding.
Weak claims can be embedded in our very language as well. Note how, in this essay, I often use the term “LDJ” where most dissident authors would simply use the term “Jewish.” This, in itself, is the weaker claim because it limits our focus to a small subset of Jews rather than Jews as a whole. Kevin MacDonald makes this very distinction in the preface to The Culture of Critique when he excludes the scientific work of Albert Einstein and other early-20th-century Jewish theoretical physicists from what he calls “Jewish intellectual movement[s].” Unlike Freudian psychology, Boasian anthropology, or the Frankfurt School, theoretical physics did little to promote Jewish ethnic interests (at least until the late 1930s), despite how a disproportionate number of physicists at that time were Jews.
So people who’ve been brainwashed into anathematizing so-called anti-Semitism may very well plug their ears or run screaming when dissidents speak of “Jews,” as if all Jews think alike and are actively plotting the demise of the White race—which is not true in any event. But when presented with a neologism like “LDJs”—as well as with information on the Soviet gulags and terror famines—they may be prepared to listen. They have not been brainwashed against that.
The Weak Claim Hypothesis has obvious ramifications among those in the Dissident Right who investigate and promote strong claims against the primary LDJ narratives. What to say to those who continue to lionize Adolf Hitler and the Nazis? What to say to those who continue to revise down the Jewish Holocaust? Should they stop? Is what they are doing counterproductive?
Not at all. But if the Pop-Op Hypothesis and the Weak Claim Paradox have any validity, then perhaps such research would best be consumed by those already red-pilled, so to speak. Teasing out what Hitler really meant in a certain speech or determining exactly how many Jewish inmates died of typhus rather than gas chambers in a certain concentration camp surely is appropriate for discourse among dissidents, or for pure scholarly reasons. But when dissidents reach out to non-dissidents to challenge the LDJ grip on popular gentile opinion, perhaps it would be prudent not to ignore how tight that grip really is. Perhaps dissidents should consider a more gentle, weak-claim approach to set their own people free. Then perhaps the gentile masses will join the dissidents more willingly, rather than plugging their ears or running screaming in the opposite direction every time someone says the word “Jew.”