Ch. 18: Rasputin as a representative of Jewish interests
In his attempts to help his new friends Rasputin was faced everywhere with the resistance of influential personalities as well as the anti-Jewish attitude of the ministers. He therefore turned to Simanovich with the request to name people who could inform him in detail on the situation of the Jews in Russia. These people Simanovich could naturally place at his disposal immediately from his own chancellery and Rasputin was informed and instructed in a very one-sided manner in favor of the Jews.
Now the time had also come to enlist Rasputin into the great support action that Simanovich had raised for his racial comrades. For numerous matters could not be accomplished without the cooperation of Rasputin.
The special concern of Simanovich was at first for the Jewish youth.
That is, the Russian government allowed Jews into high schools and universities only in a very limited number in order to reserve these educational places primarily for the sons and daughters of the Russian people. To obtain exceptions was for Jews, up to then, very difficult and cost a lot of money.
Here Simanovich considered it urgent to bring about relief for the Jews:
I was daily stormed by telegraph, letters, as well as orally, to work for the Jewish youth who were hindered in their educational aspirations by the current determinations.
These petitions for acceptance in the state educational institutions came from all of Russia to Simanovich, who up to then had fulfilled them as far as he was able to do. But Simanovich had not been able to accomplish very much. Perhaps he had succeeded in effecting an exception now and then in individual cases, but it was impossible for him to implement the entry of Jews to institutions of higher education in large numbers.
Here only Rasputin could help. But it is characteristic of the Jewish presumption and arrogance that Simanovich, after forcing of the starets into the Jewish front, took charge of him independently.
He produced in large quantities blank recommendation letters of Rasputin to influential personalities of the court, to Petersburg professors, and senior priests which he then handed out to his protégés in cases of need.
But Simanovich took care to see that these possibilities of academic study for Jews were used in the greatest numbers. Suddenly Jews started appearing in hordes who wished to be permitted to study at the university or at the high schools of Petersburg. Simanovich provided them all with Rasputin’s recommendation letters and took them personally to the relevant ministers to whom he lied that the Tsarina herself had advocated the visits of these Jews. Then Simanovich reports boastfully:
My wards were then accepted regardless of the firmly established quota.
The baseness of this manner of acting lies especially in the fact that the Tsarina did not have any idea in general of this misuse of her name and that, on the other hand, however, the apparent intervention of the Tsarina on behalf of these Jews provoked justified rage among the genuine Russians, and their hatred of the German-origin Tsarina only rose.
For, large sections of the Russian people saw in the Jews only traitors, spies and shirkers.
But Simanovich achieved three things through this underhand manner of acting:
- first, that his racial comrades were allowed to the eagerly desired studies;
- secondly, that the respectability of the Tsarina and, therewith, of the Tsar was considerably reduced among patriotic Russians;
- thirdly, that Rasputin was, on account of his intervention for the Jews, hated in Petersburg but as a result he was so much more tightly chained to him.
How obedient Rasputin had already become is proved by the following significant statement of Simanovich:
The letters of Rasputin which he wrote according to my dictation ran roughly the following way: ‘Dear Minister, Mama (that is, the Tsarina) wishes that these Jewish scholars study in their homeland so that they do not need to go abroad where they become revolutionaries; they should remain at home. Grigori.’
Did any minister still have the possibility of doubting the genuineness of the wording of the letter of the favoite of the imperial couple? The result was that innumerable Jews received entry into the universities in all of Russia.
But Simanovich did not stop at these successes, he went all out.
His next efforts were directed at removing the restrictions of the right of residence of the Jews in Russia. For, it was in general forbidden to the Jews in Russia to dwell in Petersburg or Moscow or to undertake commercial travels outside the district allotted to them.
These restrictions naturally prevented the Jews from being able to extend their businesses as they pleased or to engage in free professions. For precisely the big cities were the goal of innumerable Jews. Thus Simanovich was besieged with petitions to bring about a right of settlement in these cities. But even here the cunning Jew knew what to do.
For the realisation of these innumerable petitions, he set up a big special organization with its own office. Thanks to the support of Rasputin and thanks to his own relations with commercial entities he pushed through everything so that he could write:
I provided the residence permit to all Jews without exception who approached me.
But how did he go about it?
Indeed there was one possibility for the Jews to settle everywhere: the right of settlement had been granted to Jewish handicraftsmen to settle everywhere where they wished to practice their handicraft. However, they had to fulfil one condition: every Jew who wished to make use of this right had to undergo a test which however, according to the assertions of Simanovich, offered no special difficulties.
Here therefore was a possibility of disguising Jews as handicraftsmen and smuggling them in even when they were not handicraftsmen. This possibility therefore Simanovich exploited fully. Simanovich writes in his book:
I took pains to gain a firm entrance into the relevant Petersburg chamber of commerce and exerted a decisive influence in the election of the board. My candidates were always elected and were then my faithful collaborators.
The residence permit I provided not only to people who really engaged in a handicraft but also to those who had no idea of the handicraft on which they were tested. They were entered into the register as journeymen. I myself, as a jeweller, could have journeymen and made full use of this right even though I had no workshop in Petersburg. In my flat there was an empty room with many workbenches but nobody ever worked here. My so-called journeymen engaged in all sorts of businesses, only not in jewellery handicraft. There were actors, teachers, singers and writers among them.
In especially difficult cases, however, Simanovich turned to the following method:
Sometimes however it occurred that the petitioner had no formal justification for a move to Petersburg. Then I had two petitions for a residence permit in Petersburg sent to him telegraphically, one to me, the other to the city captain of Petersburg and then telegraphed the petitioner: “You are informed that until further notice you are assigned to the chancellery of the city captain.” This procedure was resorted to by the city captain especially when, in difficult cases, it was a question of circumventing the restriction of a residence permit. The Jews supposedly assigned to the chancellery of the city captain could live in Petersburg with their families without hindrance.
In this way hundreds of Jews obtained the possibility of settling in Petersburg, conducting their businesses and setting up their all-subverting activity. The forerunners of the future Jewish racial rule could in this manner gather together gradually and prepare their subversive activity.
But difficult cases of Jewish petitioners were at first handed over to Rasputin himself. Jews sought his support especially when they had come into conflict with police or military authorities. He helped here too whenever it was possible.
The changed attitude towards Jewry emerged also clearly from the treatment of the petitioners in his chancellery. The Jewish poison began to work increasingly on him. On this Simanovich reports triumphantly:
If there were generals, he (Rasputin) declared contemptuously to them: ‘My dear generals, you are used to being received first everywhere. But here there are Jews without rights, I shall first do what is necessary for them. Jews, come! I wish to do everything for you!’
Then the Jews were entrusted to me. I had to undertake the required steps for them in Rasputin’s name.
After the Jews Rasputin turned to the other petitioners and only at the end of the reception did he inquire what the generals’ request was.
One sees from this how the Jews had already succeeded in separating Rasputin from his racial comrades and in slowly killing his racial consciousness.
Even these facts naturally contributed to further heightening the aversion of large circles of the Russian population to the starets.
On the other hand, Simanovich took care to see now that Rasputin could indulge his passions fully; for it was important to him to keep the starets in a good mood. He raised easily with the help of his Jewish friends the enormous amounts of money that his drunken revelries and his friendships with prostitutes consumed
He promoted wherever he could the craving for status and the aversion of the starets to the Russian aristocracy as well as to the other ruling strata of Russia. With scornful delight therefore the Jew describes Rasputin’s behavior with regard to the above-mentioned circles:
He conducted himself in the aristocratic salons with incredible insolence and nonchalance. It was a strange spectacle when Russian princesses, countesses, famous actresses, powerful ministers and worthies swarmed around the drunken peasant. He treated them like lackeys and servant maids. On the least provocation he scolded the aristocratic ladies in the most obscene manner such as would hardly have found approval in the stables. … Towards the society ladies and girls he conducted himself with the utmost shamelessness and the presence of the husbands or mothers did not disturb him in the least. His gestures themselves would have offended even a prostitute. Nevertheless it happened rarely that people showed that they were hurt by him. They feared and therefore flattered him.
If, on the other hand, it was a question of the desires of a Jewess, then Simanovich himself took care, as a racial comrade, to see that the starets could not approach her too closely but that, on the other hand, her desires were fulfilled. Especially significant here is the case of the Jewess Lippert.
The Jewish doctor Lippert had, like hundreds of thousands of other Russian citizens, become a German prisoner of war. But, whereas the wives of all the other prisoners of war who had no protection had to wait patiently for the return home of their husbands, the Jewess Lippert — a relative of the Jewish wife of the former Russian Prime Minister Count Witte — turned to the Jew Simanovich with a request to effect the exchange of her husband for the release of a German prisoner of war.
Simanovich directed her to Rasputin, who immediately received the Jewess in the presence of his private secretary. In spite of his initial resistance, Rasputin allowed himself then to be persuaded to deliver to the Jewess the following letter to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sasonov, the well-known opponent of the starets: “Dear friend, help the man languishing in German war captivity! Approve two Germans and demand one Russian! God will help in the rescue of our countrymen. Nowych Rasputin.”
Mrs. Lippert handed over this letter personally to the Minister but received only an evasive reply. But when, after a week, no final decision had been taken by the minister, Mrs. Lippert turned once again to Rasputin, who gave her the following new letter: “Listen, minister. I sent you a hussy, you have said god knows what to her. Let that pass, do it, then everything will be alright. If not, I will give you a punch in the ribs, I will relate it to the dear man and you will flee. Rasputin.”
The words, “I will relate it to the dear man” mean, according to Simanovich, that Rasputin intended to inform the Tsar directly of the case.
Mrs. Lippert handed over this letter also personally to the Minister Sasonov. Enraged by Rasputin’s shameless letter, Sasonov shouted out: “Should I be pleased with such letters from an adventurer like Rasputin? If you were not a lady, I would simply throw you out.”
Thereupon the Jewess demanded the letters back. But the minister at first refused this request. Trusting in the aid of Rasputin, who had made her affair his own, the Jewess threatened the minister that she would go directly to Rasputin and relate to him the course of the conversation.
Regarding the continuation of the conversation Simanovich reports in full awareness of the Jewish triumph:
Sasonov became embarrassed. “Well, let’s leave it,” he said after some hesitation, “I was beside myself. Please do not make a fuss of it. Tell Father Grigori that it was only a joke of mine.
“In my opinion,” remarked Mrs. Lippert, “it would be better if you would call Rasputin now.” The quick change in Sasonov’s voice did not escape her. “You know that he changes ministers like gloves.”
She picked up the telephone, called Rasputin’s house, and requested him to come to the phone. Then she gave the receiver to the minister.
“You send me such a remarkable letter, Grigori Yefimovich,” said Sasonov, “Are you angry with me?” “Why?,” replied Rasputin. “I don’t care. You have hurt me. Don’t contradict me, we wish to be friends.” The discussion concluded after some clarifying information with the conciliatory remark of Rasputin’s: “I shall be friends with you; I have not yet written such letters to anybody.”
After a fortnight, the Jew Lippert was already in Petersburg whereas innumerable Russian prisoners of war who had been listed in advance had to wait in vain for the handling of their exchange request. Once again Jewry had won and produced the proof of what a powerful position it had already obtained thanks to the support of the Jew-enslaved Rasputin.
Rasputin had indeed once again asserted his will but, on the other hand, created new ruthless enemies for himself.
The influence on his Jewish secretary became greater every day so that adventurous rumors formed themselves around him. It was soon thought that Simanovich had become the Minister for Jewish Affairs, and soon it was maintained that he was active as an agent of the American Jews.
But these rumours had a factual background. For, international Jewry considered that the appropriate moment had arrived to exploit the present distress of Russia — which was conditioned by the enormous blood sacrifice and the indescribable misery of the Russian people — and to extract from the unfortunate country far-reaching concessions to Jewry.
If the Jew Simanovich hides himself on this matter in strict silence, other sources however give sufficient information on these Jewish attempts at interference.
Ch. 32: Rasputin Plans a Revolution
When Rasputin finally came to the conviction that Tsar Nicholas II would remain true under all circumstances to his obligations towards the allied powers and would furthermore refuse to arrange a special peace with Germany, he took a desperate decision.
He spoke with his private secretary Simanovich, and declared that there was only one possibility left to initiate peace negotiations with Germany and this sole possibility was the unleashing of a revolution. “Only that would place Russia in a position to free itself of its obligations towards its allies.”
Rasputin considered the military and political situation of Russia to be so dark that he wished to force the Tsar under all circumstances to end the war. Indeed, Simanovich maintains that the Tsar knew of these preparations of a revolution and indeed promoted them.
But numerous other sources — for example, the Frenchmen Gilbert Maire and Gabriel Gobron — relate convincingly that Tsar Nicholas II had not been informed of this plan at all, but that Rasputin had planned to force the Tsar, after the success of the revolution, to the conclusion of a special peace.
Even the French and English ambassadors report in accord of the unconditional faithfulness of Tsar Nicholas II towards his allies. The English ambassador Buchanan even considered that “We never had a truer friend and ally than Tsar Nicholas.”
Sir Samuel Hoare wrote, “If he sacrificed his Russian friends, he never left his allied brothers-in-arms in the lurch.”
On the other hand, Simanovich is silent on the main reason that was for him decisive in promoting the revolution from above: the immediate resolution of the Jewish question in favor of Jewry. But we are informed of this fact by the Frenchman Gilbert Maire, who was excellently informed of the planned revolution.
According to his report, Rasputin had developed a political programme that had been decisively influenced, even elaborated, by Simanovich.
The programme had the following contents: 1. Conclusion of a separate peace; 2. A large-scale agrarian reform that aimed at the distribution of state- and church-landed property to the peasants and, indeed, first to those who had taken part in the war; and 3. The emancipation of the Russian Jews.
At the same time Gilbert Maire also mentions that Rasputin had, of all things, informed his deadly enemy Prince Yusupov precisely of this plan. But this blind trust and imprudence accelerated his downfall to a great degree. For he had revealed to his enemy his most secret plans.
But Rasputin was of the opinion that the present situation was especially suited for the planned overthrow of the government. He held a detailed conference to which he had invited the Minister of the Interior Protopopov and the generals Khabalov, Globachev and Nikitin. It was decided to gather together reliable young soldiers and officers in Petersburg and, furthermore, on the streets of Petersburg food riots should be initiated through suitable selected people.
The soldiers will then scatter the people without difficulty. But we could inform our allies: We are faced with a revolution.
If this happened, nothing more would, in Rasputin’s opinion, stand in the way of a peace agreement. The old trade treaty with Germany would then be renewed and Poland recognized as an independent state. Russia would receive parts of East Galicia while the Baltic Sea provinces would be ceded to Germany.
But this plan was soon known in Petersburg. Simanovich thinks that the female agent of the member of parliament Guchkov, Laptinskaya, had eavesdropped on this discussion and written it down.
But while the preparations for this revolution were still being made Rasputin was murdered and the entire plan was thereby brought to an end.
Ch. 34: The End of Rasputin
Rasputin’s Jewish private secretary observed the further development of matters with the greatest concern, even though he had gradually reached the goal of his Jewish wishes. For, shortly before his death, Rasputin informed him that the Tsar had decided to take measures for the improvement of the situation of the Jews. The ministers had already received instructions to remove the restrictions on the residency rights of the Jews. Similarly, measures were introduced for the expansion of Jewish rights.
Even the Jewish delegates of Russia were informed of all these measures. Jewry could therefore be satisfied with their advocate Rasputin.
But the hatred against Rasputin in the leading strata of Russia was so great that Simanovich rightly had to worry about the life of the starets. His spies also soon brought him information regarding an assassination attempt that was being planned against Rasputin.
Simanovich indeed had always had excellent relations with the gaming clubs in Petersburg that were frequented by leading personalities. Through one of his spies who worked in the ‘Russian National Club’ he soon learned of the secret meetings in this club:
He reported that the well-known anti-Semitic member of parliament Purishkevich acted as chairman there. Further, there took part in the proceedings the Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich, Count Tatischev, young Prince Felix Yusopov, the former Minister of the Interior Khvostov, the reactionary member of parliament Shulgin, and many young officers. My source did not know the names of the officers. All the time much was spoken about Rasputin in these proceedings. Now and then the names of the English ambassador Buchanan, the Tsar and the Tsarina were mentioned. Something secret was being planned, they spoke of somebody having to be thrown out.
Simanovich deduced from this report that a conspiracy against the Tsar and Rasputin was in process, in which Purishkevich was the leading man. He informed Rasputin immediately. Thereafter these meetings were continuously watched.
Simanovich received valuable information on the planned conspiracy through his colleague Evsey Buchstab and a doctor whose name he does not reveal. For, Purishkevich was being treated by this doctor. The latter skilfully turned the conversation during a treatment to Rasputin. Carelessly Purishkevich stated “that Rasputin would soon no longer dwell among the living. I wish to free the Russian people from Rasputin.” “You will see,” Purishkevich concluded, “what will happen in three days.”
Simanovich informed the starets immediately of this, asked him to inform the Tsarina and added: “The conspirators wish to first kill you, but then the imperial couple too would be next in line.”
But Simanovich worried rightly for his life since Purishkevich was also his deadly enemy. Filled with anxiety, therefore, he made the following proposal to Rasputin to save his life:
The Tsar must now separate himself from you. Only through this sacrifice can one forestall the revolution. If you are out of the way, all will calm down. You have raised the aristocracy and the entire nation against you. Tell Papa and Mama (that is, the Tsar and Tsarina) that they could give you a million English pounds; then both of us could leave Russia and settle down in Palestine. There we can live in peace. I am also seriously worried about my life. On account of you I now have very many enemies. But I want to live.
This proposal, which is taken verbatim from Simanovich’s book, reveals fully the true character of this Jew. In the moment of danger, he demands of Rasputin that he turn his back on his Russian homeland and have the Tsar gift him 20 million marks so that he and Simanovich can lead a peaceful life in Palestine.
And what a distortion of the facts does Simanovich indulge in! Who then had alienated Rasputin from the Russian people? None other than his Jewish secretary Simanovich, his secret advisor, in whom Rasputin confided on everything and whose advice he unfortunately followed only too often!
Rasputin was of course strongly affected by these warnings and proposals but rejected them trusting in his influence and his power.
In fact, an officer tried, immediately after this conversation, during a carousal, to shoot Rasputin. But fearlessly Rasputin looked the officer — who had already placed his revolver on him — in the eye, so that the latter lowered the revolver again and shot himself in the chest. This assassination attempt had failed and Rasputin considered himself fully secure in spite of all the warnings from around him.
But his death was already determined. The conspirators were in no way satisfied with this unsuccessful assassination attempt.
On the same day, Simanovich learned that Rasputin had been invited to a tea at a Grand Duke’s. Once again he warned Rasputin and made him aware of the danger. For, he feared that Rasputin would fall into the trap of Prince Yusupov and the Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich. But Rasputin threw all these warnings to the wind and said to his secretary: “Nobody can forbid me to go there. I shall wait here for the ‘little one.’ He will pick me up and we shall go together.”
Simanovich asked him who the “little one” was, but remarkably Rasputin did not betray his secret to him. Further attempts to hold him back he shrugged off brusquely.
Even the Tsarina and Vyrubova, who had been informed by Simanovich, warned him about invitations and requested him urgently to remain at home. All these warnings remained unsuccessful.
For the sake of security, the house was surrounded by agents of the political police, who had the order not to let Rasputin out of the house. But Rasputin cancelled even these security measures, gave them money, and asked them to go away because he wished to sleep. They went away and left Rasputin alone.
Around midnight, Rasputin called his secretary and informed him that, in spite of everything, he was going to the “little one.” At the same time, he promised that he would call him at 2 o’clock. Simanovich waited in vain for this call. At dawn he drove, full of ominous presentiments, to Rasputin’s house. The starets had not yet returned. In spite of all the warnings, he had run into death.
Simanovich’s investigations were soon successful. A police constable who had been on duty at the palace of Prince Yusupov gave him the following report:
An unknown man had given him fifty roubles and declared that he was Purishkevich, the member of the Duma, and had murdered Rasputin. “I have freed Russia from this monster,” Purishkevich stated. “He was a friend of the Germans and wanted peace. Now we can carry on the war. You should likewise be faithful to your fatherland and be silent.”
Further investigations revealed that Grand Duke Pavlovich and Prince Yusupov had taken part alongside Purishkevich, as well as some other personalities of the Russian high aristocracy.
Although Rasputin had been badly hit by many bullets, he did not die immediately. The conspirators then dragged the unconscious man into a car, drove to a place on the Neva chosen in advance because it was not frozen and threw him here into the water. After a long search the corpse was finally found there.
Rasputin was murdered in the night of 29–30 December 1916.
The Tsar, who was in his main office, was informed by telegram and returned immediately. Rasputin’s corpse was secretly buried in a chapel in Tsarskoye Selo in the presence of the Imperial family and Vyrubova. Rasputin’s death threw the entire Imperial family into the greatest grief and distress. The Tsar himself was convinced that Rasputin’s death would inevitably be followed by his downfall also. An important role was here played by Rasputin’s will, in which he had set down the following gloomy prophecy:
If I am killed by hired murderers and even by my brothers, Russian peasants, you the Russian Tsar do not need to fear anything. Stay on your throne and rule. And you, Russian Tsar, do not need have any worries regarding your children. They will rule Russia for centuries.
But if I am killed by boyars, aristocrats, and they shed my blood, your hands are soiled with my blood and you will not wash your hands clean of the blood for 25 years. You will leave Russia. Brothers will rise against brothers and kill and chase one another, and in the course of 25 years there will no longer be any aristocracy in the country.
Tsar of the Russian lands, if you hear the church bells that announce to you that Grigori was murdered, you should know: If it was your relatives who accomplished the murder, then none of your family, that is, your children and relatives, will remain alive for more than two years, they will be killed by the Russian people.
But the Jew Simanovich had taken possession of the entire literary remains of Rasputin. He was therefore able to influence the Tsar and the Tsarina in an important way up to the outbreak of the Russian Revolution based on the supposed written instructions of Rasputin that were supposed to relate to personal matters. In this way even the dead Rasputin was exploited for Jewish goals until international Jewry threw the Tsar down from his throne.
But Simanovich succeeded, after varying fortunes, in leaving Russia, taking with him a large treasure of jewellery and copious amounts of money, for his mission in the service of international Jewry had been completely fulfilled.
 This seems to provide credibility to the claim made by some scholars that Rasputin’s surname was Nowych.
 Gilbert Maire, Raspoutine, Paris, 1934.
 Gabriel Gobron, Raspoutine et l’orgie Russe, Paris, 1930.
 Prince Felix Yusupov (1887-1967) was one of the principal conspirators in the murder of Rasputin. After the murder, the Tsarina wanted him and Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich to be shot but the Tsar sent Yusupov to his estate in Belgorod instead and the Grand Duke Pavlovich to the front in Persia. Yusupov wrote an account of the murder in La fin de Raspoutine (1927).
 Vladimir Purishkevich (1870-1920) was a monarchist, anti-Communist and anti-Semitic politician who helped to form the Black Hundreds and was one of the founders of the Union of the Russian People. He agreed to join Prince Yusupov’s conspiracy because he believed that Rasputin and the German Tsarina were hindering Russia’s chances of victory in the First World War.
 From Wikipedia: A boyar or bolyar was a member of the highest rank of the feudal nobility in many Eastern European states, including Kievan Rus, Bulgaria, Russia, Wallachia and Moldavia, and among Baltic Germans.