De–demonization: Women in the Fascist New Order (Part 3 of 3)

Christophe Dolbeau is a former professor and historian. This article was first published in the French magazine Tabou (31, Editions Akribeia, 2024) —the original title of the essay in French is “Les femmes et l’Ordre Nouveau” (“Women in the New Order”). The translation into English for TOO was done by the author himself. The editing and some slight adaption of the text below was done by Tom Sunic.

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United Kingdom

Female activists of the BUF

If there was a European country where the New Order made a strong appeal to the female public, it was the United Kingdom. In 1923, young Rotha Lintorn Orman (1895–1935), a former military ambulance driver, launched the British Fascisti, a small combative movement for which the influential conspiracy historian Nesta Webster (1876–1960) lent full support. Along the similar line of support, one must mention the geographer, explorer and suffragette Bessie Pullen Burry (1858–1937).

In fact, these ladies were only precursors given that it was Sir Oswald Mosley himself (1896–1980) who provided the real voice for the movement when launching on October 1, 1932 the British Union of Fascists (BUF)(43). Led by this talented leader who was a great orator, the new movement quickly marked success with a rapidly growing membership. Unexpectedly, women seem to have been particularly interested in joining the movement to the point of representing at least 20% of the BUF members, a good third of supporters. Among the most distinguished recruits, one must mention Fay Taylour (1904–1983), a motorcyclist (speedway) and automobile racing champion, Commander Mary Sophia Allen (1878–1964), the founder of a women’s police force, an aviatrix and a former suffragette, or even the actress, novelist and playwright Joan Morgan (1905–2004). From its beginnings, the BUF had a women’s branch, the Women’s Section, whose cells spread throughout the country. At the head of this structure, Mosley put strong-minded women: Lady Esther Makgill, followed later on by his own mother, Lady Katherine Maud Mosley (1874–1948), and Mary Richardson (1889–1961) (44). One must add the names of Anne Brock-Griggs (who passed away in 1960) and Olga Shore. Just like the men in the movement, female activists took part in the distribution of leaflets and electoral door–to–door visits. They took part in meetings, wore a special uniform and even had their own drum set. For all intents and purposes, some federations went so far as to offer them jiu-jitsu classes…

From a sociological point of view, it is interesting to note that the female recruitment of the BUF was quite varied. Just as it had its base in the working–class circles of the East End of London, Yorkshire and Lancashire, it also had success in posh circles of the gentry. In addition to the wives of Sir Oswald (45), the BUF received the support of Lady Dorothy Downe (1876–1957), the former lady–in–waiting of Queen Mary and goddaughter of King George V, of Lady Clare Annesley (1893–1980), a former pacifist and socialist, Lady Howard of Effingham (1912–2000), and Lady Pearson (1870–1959), who was a great benefactress of the blind and visually impaired. Alongside these aristocrats, one could come across vocal grassroots activists, such as Olive Hawks, Nellie Driver (1894–1956) or Lucillia Reeve (1889–1950), a pioneer of organic agriculture, a poet and … a dowser.

In a brochure published by the movement (46), Anne Brock–Griggs explains what women could expect from the Mosley government, namely eligibility (the right to vote had been granted in 1928), a salary equal to that of men, free access to all professions (including in the fields of law, medicine, architecture and engineering), better work security, better medical protection, better housing, better education, better nutrition and increased well–being for mother and child. For former feminists and suffragettes joining the BUF was only a continuation of their previous struggle. “The women’s struggle,” writes Norah Dacre–Fox (1878–1961), aka Norah Elam, “resembles closely the new philosophy of Fascism. Indeed, Fascism is the logical, if much grander conception of the momentous issues raised by the militant women a generation ago. … Moreover, in the machinery of the Corporate State, Fascism assures women an equal status with their menfolk.” (47)

If further proof is needed regarding the eminent role of women in the BUF, let us remember the attitude of the authorities towards them. In 1940, when the government decided to neutralize Mosley’s movement and intern most of its leaders—nearly 800 people, several dozen women found themselves imprisoned in Holloway or Port Erin (Rushen Camp), on the Isle of Man (48). In order to avoid all risks, those in power were already practicing equality!

Belgium

Jetje Claessens (1912–1995)

The Kingdom of Belgium is also a European country where aspirations for a New Order emerged in the 1930s and 1940s. Citizens from the two national communities, the Flemish and Walloons, also became involved.

On the Dutch–speaking side, several nationalist movements and organizations were more or less inspired by the Mussolini model or demonstrated their interest in the German national socialist regime. The two most important movements were the Flemish National Union (Vlaams Nationaal Verbond—VNV) of Staf De Clercq (1884–1942)(49) and the Union of Dutch National Solidarists (Verbond van Dietse Nationaal Solidaristen—Verdinaso) of Joris Van Severen (1894–1940), the two of them having their own women’s sections. There was no prior exclusion of female members which was well proven by the trajectory of Maria Odile Maréchal-Van den Berghe (1881–1956), a member of the Women’s Union of the VNV (Vlaams Nationaal Vrouwenverbond—VNVV). She had been elected to the Provincial Council of West Flanders before getting later on a seat in the Kingdom’s Senate (1936)(50). Several other personalities acquired a certain reputation in this Flemish movement, such as the academician Marie Gevers (1883–1975), a member of the European Society of Writers (51), the novelist Jet Jorssen (1919–1990) who belonged to the DeVlag movement (52), Magda Haegens (1900–1992) who led the VNVV (53) or Jetje Claessens (1912–1995)(54) who headed the Dietse Meisjesscharen (DMS) or young girls of the VNV and the “kerlinnekes.” All these ladies contributed to the VNVV newspaper, the monthly Vrouw en Volk. In addition to sport, propaganda parades and doctrinal training for the young members, the activities of those ladies consisted of rather harmless tasks of social assistance, maternal aid and local community work. During World War II, they cooperated with the German Red Cross (DRK). Their workforce was far from negligible as shown by the fact that several thousand members gathered in July 1942 in the Duden Park of the city of Forest.

Among the French–speaking Walloons the leading figure of the New Order was Léon Degrelle (1906–1994) who launched in August 1935 the Front populaire de Rex (Rex Popular Front), often simply called Rex. Degrelle ’s movement had rapid growth from 1936, immediately attracting quite a few women. Their enthusiasm was partly due to the personal appeal of the leader but also to the attractive agenda of the movement. In its program, Rex declared itself in favor of universal female suffrage, the revision of the Napoleonic Code (which considered a married woman to be a legal minor) and a reform of the matrimonial regime. The Rex movement also called for the establishment of a family salary, the enhancement of the maternal function and special allowances for families with more than two children. It advocated a ban on pornography and supported the fight against prostitution. In fact, each section of the movement soon had its women’s service (domestic help, soup kitchens, summer camps, etc.) headed by Marguerite Manfroy (55). Those groups, initially not very large, expanded under the German occupation. At first, the movement launched the Jeunesses rexistes féminines (Young Rexist Female Youths—JRF) whose command was handed over to the “provost” Suzanne Lagneaux. These JRFs were divided into Compagnes rieuses (Laughing Companions—8 to 12 years old), Compagnes servantes (Servant Companions—12 to 16 years old), Amazones franches (Frank Amazons—16 to 18 years old) and Amazones (Amazons—18 to 21 years old). In November 1941, this first organization was supplemented by the Foi dans la Vie (Faith in Life), an association opened to young women aged 18 to 25 and chaired by the journalist Marguerite Inghels. The same lady, five months later (April 1942), also started the Mouvement féminin rexiste (Rexist Women’s Movement—MFR) by establishing five executive training schools. Inghels was the first leader in charge before handing over the position to Renée Demeter. Women were not absent from Rex’s war effort either. In 1943, several of them joined the Walloon Legion on the Russian front. Commanded by Jeanne Debeaune, they were active as nurses and as part of a Red Cross battalion. In order to ensure their training, the movement opened a specialized center, the École Marie de Bourgogne whose management was entrusted to Huguette Defroiche.

Overall, it can be said that the Rex accorded its female militants a very special role. It also showed them respect as illustrated by the appointment of Jeanne Raty (1902–1963), one of Léon Degrelle’s sisters) at the head of all the women’s structures of the movement.(56). Let us conclude that at the end of World War II both the Flemish and Walloon female leaders received harsh prison sentences—unless they deemed it appropriate to emigrate either to Spain or overseas. (57)

The Netherlands

Female activists of the NSVO

In the 1930s the Netherlands was also tempted by a desire for political change, and a growing number of Dutch people viewed favorably the events in Italy and Germany. The main figurehead favoring the New Order was the hydrologist Anton Adriaan Mussert (1894–1946)(58) who launched on December 14, 1931, the National Socialist Movement of the Netherlands (Nationaal–Socialistische Beweging der Nederlanden—NSB). Just like its sister parties in Belgium and elsewhere, the NSB created in 1938 a similar female structure known as the National Socialist Women’s Organization or Nationnaal–Socialistische Vrouwenorganisatie (NSVO). With 20,000–35,000 members, this group circulated its own publication De Nationaalsocialistische Vrouw, later renamed Nederlandsch Vrouwenleven. Similar to other countries its activities were essentially of a social and humanitarian nature: household help, nursing care, support for young mothers and future mothers, help for the disabled, etc. The first leader of the NSVO was Jeanne van Hoey Smith-van Stolk (1896–1971). When the World War II started and under the German occupation Baroness Julia Adriana op ten Noort (1910–1994), Elisabeth Keers-Laseur (1890–1997) and Olga de Ruiter-van Lankeren Matthes (1902–1982) became its chief figures. The last leader was Louise Marie Couzy (1903–1975). The best known of these women was undoubtedly Julia op ten Noort, a convinced Germanophile, who was close to Minister Rost van Tonningen (59) and his wife Florentine (1914–2007)(60), also having strong ties to the German SS boss Heinrich Himmler himself… In addition to its current recruitment, the NSVO also received support from some well-known literati such as the novelists Augusta van Slooten (1883–1951), Jo van Ammers–Küller (1884–1966), Margot Warnsinck (1909–1952) and Hilda Bongertman (1913–2004). There was also a youth group in the movement, the Nationale Jeugdstorm, which numbered between 12,000 and 16,000 members including many girls. One of their leaders was the sports teacher Lien van Eck (1912–1999). Finally, one needs to point out that in November 1941 a detachment of volunteer nurses left for Kyiv in Ukraine where it was in charge of a small mobile field hospital (Nederlandsche ambulance Oostfront) looking after the wounded of the SS Nederland Legion.

Once again one must stress that the Dutch supporters of the New Order did not oppress or degrade the role of women in any way. It is also interesting to note that for a long time the most ardent of those who were nostalgic for the Mussert regime were actually women. Following the end of the World War II the anti–fascist purges in the Netherlands were draconian in nature. By October 1945 women made up a quarter of political prisoners in the country (61).

Norway

Vidkun Quisling, Olga Bjoner (1887–1969) and a detachment of Kvinnehird

In Norway the champion of the New Order was Vidkun Quisling (1887–1945)(62). An officer, a diplomat and a former minister, on May 17, 1933 he launched the National Rally or Nasjonal Samling (NS) which demanded the end of the class struggle, the protection of the race, the adoption of a corporative economy, while also championing equal rights for women. The party’s emblem was the cross of Saint Olaf. If at first, the new formation had a hard time asserting itself during the elections, its recruitment started to flourish, soon attracting 30,000 members (in a country of only 3.3 million inhabitants). On May 14, 1934, the party established a women’s branch, the Nasjonal Samling Women’s Organization (Nasjonal Samlings Kvinneorganisasjon—NSK), which was sponsored by the “fører“ (guide, leader)—Quisling’s Russian-born wife, Maria Quisling (1900–1980). With its 15,000 members, the NSK provided the new political regime with undeniable influence. The first heads of the organization were Marie Irgens (1871–1945), an opera singer and a friend of the famous composer Edvard Grieg and Øyvor Hansson (1893–1975); Irgens was the former wife of a general of the Norwegian army. During the German occupation, the teacher and journalist Olga Bjoner (1887–1969) was in charge of the organization. She was also the editor of Heim og Ætt, the organization’s newspaper. Among the followers, some remarkable personalities need to be mentioned, such as the opera singer and playwright Cally Monrad (1879–1950), Ragna Prag Magelssen (1879–1961)—a great protector of animals, and Ragnhild Vogt Hauge (1890–1987), who was the first female psychiatrist in Norway. Well structured, the NSK, whose members were dressed in a specific uniform, had several hundred sections throughout the country. It also operated several (unarmed) paramilitary groups such as the NS Kvinnehird (63), the Kvinnenes Hjelpekorps (KHK or Women’s Auxiliary Corps), and the Norske Kvinners frivillige fronthjelp. In addition, the party’s youth movement, Nasjonal Samlings Ungdomsfylking (NSUF) had various sections designed to welcome young girls: Småhirden for 10-14-year-olds, and Gjentehirden for 14-18-year-olds. Norwegian women also took part in the anti-Bolshevik struggle with nearly 1,000 nurses volunteering for the Eastern Front. Only 500 of those “frontsøstre” (front sisters) were enlisted, with 300 still active by the end of the World War II.

In this Scandinavian country, as in the rest of New Order Europe, one cannot argue that the fate of women was particularly deplorable and blameworthy. For those who were committed to the Nasjonal Samling, the antifascist purges were severe but not as ruthless as in other post-World War II countries (64).

An Acceptable Assessment

At the end of this brief overview, it appears that the situation of women under the New Order regimes, parties or movements during the 1930s and early 1940s, was far from catastrophic as some contemporary historians claim. All these organizations seem to have shown great respect for the female community, whose members were generally treated with great esteem. Faithful for the most part to a traditional conception of the role of women and the role of the family the supporters of the New Order nevertheless entrusted women with important social, health and administrative responsibilities, while avoiding as far as possible to expose them to the rigors of political fistfights and warlike confrontations. For that matter in terms of the emancipation of women, the New Order did not do much better or worse than the democratic camp. Incidentally, let us recall that French women had to wait until 1944 to obtain the right to vote, and that in the pre-World War II French Third Republic none of them headed a large administration or a state enterprise. During the war, there were, certainly, a large number of female antifascist resistance fighters, but none played a high–level role. Moreover, in 1940–1945 none of them sat on the French National Committee or the French National Liberation Committee. Only one of them (Ginette Cros) belonged to the National Council of the Resistance with two of them being assigned to the Provisional Consultative Assembly of Algiers. In short, the so–called emancipation of women during the New Order was not that bad.

Notes

(43) See. Christophe Dolbeau, Les Parias. Fascistes, pseudo–fascistes et mal–pensants (The Pariahs. Fascists, pseudo–fascists and dissenters), Akribeia, Saint–Genis–Laval, 2021, pp. 169–199; Rémi Tremblay, « Oswald Mosley et l’Union fasciste britannique » (Oswald Mosley and the British Fascist Union), in Cahier d’histoire du nationalisme, n° 14, Synthèse nationale, Paris, 2018.

(44) A Canadian suffragette, ex–communist and laborer, Mary Richardson made herself known in 1914 by damaging Velasquez’s famous painting The Toilet of Venus with a chopper.

(45) Cynthia Curzon Mosley (1898–1933) and Diana Mitford Mosley (1910–2003).

(46) Women and Fascism: Ten Points of Fascist Policy for Women, BUF Publications, London, 1936 (republished by Steven Books, London, 2002).

(47) See. Norah Elam, “Fascism, Women and Democracy,” in Fascist Voices. Essays from the Fascist Quarterly 1936–1940, vol. 1 (Sanctuary Press, 2019), 30, 35.

(48) See. Alfred William Brian Simpson, In the Highest Degree Odious. Detention Without Trial in Wartime Britain (Oxford Clarendon, 1993).

(49) See. Christophe Dolbeau, Les Parias. Fascistes, pseudo–fascistes et mal–pensants (The Pariahs. Fascists, pseudo–fascists and dissenters) (Akribeia, Saint–Genis–Laval, 2021). 81–105.

(50) Maria Odile Maréchal was sentenced to death in absentia by the “Purge Courts.” Having gone into hiding and then exiled in Switzerland, she did not return to Belgium until 1954, after general amnesty.

(51) See: Christophe Dolbeau, “Weimar 1941–1942 : la Société européenne des écrivains” (Weimar 1941–1942: the European Society of Writers), in Tabou, no. 25 (2019): 160–183.

(52) The DeVlag or Duits–Vlaamse Arbeidgemeenschap (German–Flemish Work Community) was a Flemish movement favorable to the integration of Flanders into the Reich. Led by Jef van de Wiele (1903–1979), it had around 50,000 supporters.

(53) Magda Haegens was the wife of Hilaire Gravez, a renowned doctor and Obersturmführer of the SS Langemarck division (released from prison in 1950, Dr. Gravez became the chair of the association of Flemish SS veterans and the Sint–Maartensfond; he also took part in numerous international medical congresses).

(54) Sentenced to death during the Purge but pardoned, Jetje Claessens emigrated in 1951 to Argentina where she died in Mar del Plata.

(55) See. Jean–Michel Étienne, Le mouvement rexiste jusqu’en 1940 (The rexist movement until 1940) (Armand Colin, 1968), 77.

(56) Note that another sister of Léon Degrelle, Madeleine Cornet, clandestinely sheltered three Israelites in her flat during the occupation of Belgium, which earned her (posthumously) the diploma of Righteous Among the Nations. See. Christian Laporte,”La sœur et le beau–frère de Degrelle, Justes des Nations” (The sister and brother–in–law of Degrelle, Righteous Among the Nations). https://yadvashem–france.org/la–vie–du–comite/actualites/la–soeur–et–le–beau–frere–de–degrelle–justes–des–nations/

(57) Renée Demeter was sentenced to 20 years of detention after the war, Huguette Defroiche to 5 years, and Marguerite Inghels to 3 years. As for Suzanne Lagneaux, she went into exile in Switzerland and then in Spain.

(58) See. Christophe Dolbeau, Les Parias. Fascistes, pseudo–fascistes et mal–pensants (The Pariahs. Fascists, pseudo–fascists and dissenters) (Akribeia, Saint–Genis–Laval, 2021): 201–223.

(59) See. Florentine Rost van Tonningen, “Pour la Hollande et pour l’Europe: la vie et la mort du Dr M. M. Rost van Tonningen” (For Holland and Europe: The life and death of Dr M. M. Rost van Tonningen), in Tabou no.16 (2009): 75–90.

(60) Florentine Rost van Tonningen never renounced her national socialist beliefs—see. on this subject her article “Hitler y Hollanda” in CEDADE no. 165 (April 20, 1989): 28–30.

(61) That is to say, 24,000 prisoners if we are to believe P. Sérant (op. cit., 338) and Franz W. Seidler, Die Kollaboration 1939–1945 (Herbig, 1999), 30.

(62) See. Christophe Dolbeau, Les Parias. Fascistes, pseudo–fascistes et mal–pensants (The Pariahs. fascists, pseudo–fascists and dissenters) (Akribeia, Saint–Genis–Laval, 2021): 291–311.

(63) NS Kvinnehird  was successively headed by Halldis Neegaard Østbye (1896–1983), Liv Anker Tomter (1911–1988), Johanne Martin (1909–1994) and Randi Roberg (1913–1995).

(64) During the Purge, political activists were paradoxically treated less badly than women (around 50,000) accused of “horizontal collaboration” (having sex with German soldiers). The latter were, in fact, often chased out of the country and deprived of their children (10,000 to 12,000) who were placed in orphanages or psychiatric hospitals. Cf. Jason Daley, “Norway Apologizes for Persecuting World War II ‘German Girls.’” https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart–news/norway–apologizes–persecuting–wwii–german–girls–180970592/

Further reading

– Lamya Ben Djaffar, “Les femmes et l’Ordre nouveau en Belgique francophone, 1936–1945,” in Cahiers d’Histoire du Temps Présent (CHTP–BEG), no. 4 (1998).

– Martina Bitunjac, Le donne e il movimento ustascia (Nuova Cultura, 2013).

– Didier Chauvet, La Ligue des filles allemandes: les jeunes filles allemandes sous le nazisme (L’Harmattan, 2023).

– Jean–Michel Étienne, Le mouvement rexiste jusqu’en 1940 (Armand Colin, 1968).

– Martin Pugh, “Hurrah for the Blackshirts”: Fascists and Fascism in Britain Between the Wars (Pimlico, 2006).

– Richard Thurlow, Fascism in Britain. A History, 1918–1985 (Oxford, Blackwell, 1987).