This article was originally published in Danish on June 18, 2025.

Introduction

Here we present the second part of this two-part series of articles, which consists of two interviews on different topics to provide a perspective on Russia and the war in Ukraine from a politically active person on the Russian nationalist right wing scene, Alexei Miltjakov, leader of Rusich.

The two articles should help to clear up many of the misunderstandings that exist about Russia and the war in Ukraine – including on the right wing.

The blog naturally distances itself from violence, terrorism, and all other forms of illegal activity. The actions and views of individuals and groups mentioned in the article series are their own.

We have originally translated it from Swedish and published it with permission from the Nordic Resistance Movement. Source: https://nordfront.se/rysk-nationalist-vid-fronten-sovjetnostalgi-nationalism-och-omvarldens-reaktioner

It was originally published on nordfront.se on March 9, 2024.

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Russian nationalist at the front: Soviet nostalgia, nationalism, and reactions from the outside world

INTERVIEW • In part two of our interview with Aleksey Miltjakov, he talks about what it is like to be a nationalist in Russia, what Soviet nostalgia is all about, and how he perceives nationalists’ support for Ukraine.

Last May, Nordfront published a two-part interview with a Ukrainian nationalist who is participating in the war against Russia. The background was the many questions that had arisen about the Ukrainian position, partly in light of the Euromaidan coup in 2014, but also the ongoing war in the country.

Just like Ukraine, Russia is a country that many nationalists question whether it is worth fighting for, which is why we also chose to interview a nationalist who is fighting for the other side. With these interviews, Nordfront wants to provide an insight into how nationalists on both sides think and live – after all, these are the men who are sacrificing their lives in a conflict that is essentially about two superpowers settling their differences.

In the first part of our interview with Russian nationalist leader and commander Aleksey Miltjakov, he talked about the paramilitary unit called the Reconnaissance, Sabotage, and Assault Group (DShRG) Rusich, which he commands. Miltjakov also answered questions about “denazification,” how a Russian nationalist and the Russian state view Ukraine and the war, and what differences there may be.

In part two, we go into more detail about the situation for nationalists in Russia, how the country has been affected by the war, and how nationalists in Russia and around the world have reacted to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. In addition, Miltjakov talks about what Russian Soviet nostalgia is really about.

Additions in regular parentheses are Miltjakov’s own, while additions in square brackets and additions followed by “eds. note” are Nordfront’s additions, which are only intended to explain something to the reader and are not comments on the answers themselves. Nordfront leaves it entirely up to the reader to take a position on Miltjakov’s answers, just as we did when we interviewed the Ukrainian soldier.

The situation in Russia

The Western world, led by the US, has imposed extensive sanctions on Russia and attempted to sabotage the Russian economy. Have the sanctions had any significant effect, or have they been a shot in the dark that has hurt EU countries more than Russia?

The West’s sanctions have probably not had much effect, as the standard of living in Russia has not declined over the past two years, but has even increased. Goods subject to sanctions are still being bought and sold.

Prices have, of course, risen slightly, but incomes have risen more thanks to the government’s injection of money into the defense industry across the country.

At the same time, it is nice to see that our own industries have started to develop, something that was not possible before due to high competition.

How have the war and sanctions affected Russia culturally and politically? Has the country become more nationalistic and united since the war began?

Yes, you can see how the country has become more united during the war, but unfortunately not in terms of nationalism. It is more accurate to say that Russia has been united by following Italy’s example during the time of Benito Mussolini—the country has been united against a common threat, regardless of internal national divisions.

Many oligarchs seem to have abandoned Russia during the war, and many Jews have also migrated. Is this true, and if so, has it had a positive or negative effect on Russian society?

Of course, not only oligarchs but also some “cultural figures” have left Russia—this clearly shows who is who.

And the oligarchs who are migrating to Israel definitely cannot call themselves Russians, just like the artists who have left the country. In this way, the country has of course been cleansed in a positive way, especially in the media.

What is your opinion of Vladimir Putin? Is he a strong leader who has grown with the task and is confronting the West to create a better world order?

Is he a Russian patriot fighting for Russian interests, or is he a cynical KGB agent controlled by forces behind the scenes? Vladimir Putin is, of course, a strong leader. And the confrontation with the West is one of the factors that has strengthened his leadership. Is he a Russian patriot?

Absolutely, Putin is definitely a patriot of Russia as a state. But from his perspective, the national question, as we see it, is probably not something that needs to be taken into account, as the country is seen as multi-ethnic (while it is de facto a mono-ethnic country for the Russian people).

Putin strives for strong power and a strong state. But this aspiration is not always in the national interests of the Russian people—for example, the attempts to replace Russians with immigrants from Central Asia, who currently demand less but work more and, moreover, almost for free. But even if this works now, it does not mean that the next generation will want to live as migrants.

Therefore, we believe that the government has some problems understanding that the country and the Russian people belong together. And one is impossible without the other.

As a nationalist, what do you see as the biggest challenge for Russia besides the conflict in Ukraine?

What we see as the biggest problem for Russia, besides the conflict in Ukraine, is the absence and gradual destruction of a Russian national identity that has been going on for over a century. Smaller ethnic groups are getting their own national republics within the federation, which leads to local chauvinism that is essentially unchecked by the state and the police. At the same time, they are trying to take away the national identity of the Russian people, in order to partially replace Russian history and Russian culture with the multinational culture of all the peoples within the Russian Federation.

But while the United States, for example, was built as a state by settlers, Russia has always had its indigenous people, who have defended their right to exist with their blood for thousands of years. And the big problem is that, due to state measures, the country’s population does not feel Russian and does not feel proud of it. They cannot look at their history and feel a sense of community with Aleksandr Suvorov and Pavel Nachimov, with Dmitri Mendeleev, Ivan Pavlov, and Mikhail Lermontov, for example.

How does Jewish power manifest itself in Russia? How much power and influence do Jews have, and has it decreased or increased since the war? We have read about Moscow’s former chief rabbi, Pinchas Goldschmidt, who moved to Israel and urged all Jews to leave Russia before it is too late. Will we see new pogroms in Russia, and is the Russian political leadership aware of the problems that Jewish power can pose for a society?

Jewish influence over modern Russia is minimal. Yes, there is a layer of oligarchs who love to eat matzo [unleavened bread eaten by Jews during Passover. Ed.] and celebrate Hanukkah. Of course, it matters that Russians make up the majority of the country, while the financial elite is mainly represented by other peoples (not just Jews).

Thanks to the Bolsheviks, when the Soviet Union was approaching its collapse, all the national republics had their own state banks, capitals, and financial elite—except Russia. But in general, the situation here has gradually begun to change for the better. Jews are slowly but surely leaving the country and new Russian billionaires with Russian surnames are taking their places.

Before the start of the special operation [in Ukraine], there was a certain unorganized Jewish influence in culture, but this has largely disappeared thanks to these people leaving Russia and openly showing themselves to be enemies of Russia. At the same time, however, there are Jews who support Russia and the special operation, not only in the media but also financially.

Are Russians generally aware of how much the political and media elite in the West are stirring up hatred against Russia? The two largest evening newspapers in Sweden had headlines demonizing Putin on a daily basis for two years, and self-righteous liberals in the West who are otherwise opposed to racism often express themselves in a very racist manner towards Russians.

Basically, I don’t think they realize it. That is, Russians don’t get complete information from foreign media, so they don’t attach much importance to it. Besides, everyone in Russia knows that news in the West is not presented objectively.

Do you think there is a risk that Russia will be drawn into an open war with the US and NATO because of the warmongering from the West, the sanctions, and the extensive material support that NATO is providing to Ukraine?

Yes, a direct clash between Russia and NATO is not impossible. And here, Russia’s experience, gained in practice (unfortunately not so quickly), will probably outweigh the technical superiority of NATO countries when it comes to weapons, equipment, intelligence, and so on.

Nationalists and Russia

The conflict between Russia and Ukraine has led to a split among European nationalists, with some supporting Ukraine against the “Bolshevik hordes from Russia” and praising supposedly nationalist units in the Ukrainian army, while others say that Ukraine is a NATO/CIA psyop aimed at destroying Russia as a threat to Western totalitarian liberalism and globohomo. How have you experienced reactions from nationalists abroad since 2022?

The reaction from most nationalists in other countries is based on a misunderstanding, as Ukraine has been conducting competent propaganda abroad for many years, which also includes visits by the Ukrainian right wing to other countries. This has happened while nationalists in Russia have not been allowed to establish strong international relations. Ukraine also offered foreign citizens the opportunity to participate in a military conflict on their side in a closed ideological environment – which, of course, also had consequences. In general, this is one of Russia’s mistakes. In 2015, an international conservative forum was held in Saint Petersburg,¹ in which I participated, and which was attended by representatives of many European right-wing movements. Unfortunately, however, these types of projects have not developed in Russia since then.

Some nationalists in the West argue that Russia is a non-white/multi-ethnic empire invading a European nation and allowing Asian hordes and Muslim soldiers to attack the Ukrainian people. How do you respond to this criticism?

How do we deal with this criticism? There is, in fact, a civil war going on between Russians and Russians, and Ukraine is geographically located just west of certain Russian regions.

Furthermore, Russia is a mono-ethnic state where – and I want to emphasize this – the majority of the population is ethnically Russian (90 percent). And the fact that there are many very small ethnic groups in Russia, consisting of a few thousand people in each group, does not make the country non-White or non-European. As for Muslims, it is much better that Muslims fight for Russia than against it. Moreover, the European right should not talk about Muslims when it is becoming increasingly difficult to find a White man in their governments or armies. Just look at the UK or France.

Some racially oriented nationalists – both in the West and in Russia – have previously been critical of the Russian government allowing large-scale immigration of Asians and Muslims to large cities such as Moscow. Do you agree that this has been a problem and is still a problem, or has migration changed because of the war?

Yes, we also criticize the state for immigration from Central Asia and the Transcaucasian countries. But we want to point out that a new concept in Russian politics is that as soon as someone receives a passport as a new citizen, they are registered in the military. Then they can receive a call-up for conscription, be mobilized, and sent to the conflict zone. We believe that the best solution would be to gather the majority of ethnic groups from these new citizens and send them to the worst areas on the front line.

For example, the state could gather 500 people in a separate Tajik assault battalion, 500 people in a separate Armenian mountain infantry battalion, 500 Azerbaijanis in an Azerbaijani engineering battalion, and so on, and send them to the most difficult parts of the front line. For every 500 of these people sent to war, 500,000 of their compatriots will return to their homeland.

But of course, those who survive these battles and prove themselves heroes should receive adequate treatment, because the person in question has sacrificed blood for Russia — in other words, he should receive all the privileges of a Russian citizen.

Russia appears to be a country that persecutes nationalists in general and National Socialists in particular. “Nazism” is often used in the debate as a synonym for Russia’s enemies, with its historical connection to World War II, or the Great Patriotic War as it is called in Russia. Have you experienced persecution for your beliefs?

Is it possible to be openly nationalist or National Socialist in Russia? Yes, of course I have personally been persecuted for my beliefs, but not really for my beliefs, rather for certain actions that may at some point have broken the law.

With emphasis on “may,” because we have a joke that says, “you’re not a fascist if you haven’t been caught.”

And yes, there is a certain amount of pressure, but at the same time: Why has the pressure from the security services arisen? Because the so-called national movement has been so marginalized and lacked objective prospects for the future. In other words, these militant organizations sometimes committed murder, given the prevailing situation, and sometimes this happened while they were drunk. This can be compared to the more well-planned and political assassinations carried out by, for example, the Born group [“Russian nationalist militant organization.” Ed. note].

And, of course, the state saw that these random murders were not about eliminating, for example, a leader of an ethnic mafia involved in drug trafficking or money laundering. Instead, they saw that, for example, an ordinary worker or a student had been murdered. In other words, there was nothing in it for the state.

This also gave law enforcement agencies and their employees who shared nationalist beliefs a reason to persecute representatives of the movement, especially the most prominent ones. The fact is that the formation of a National Socialist or nationalist movement simply had to be done in a slightly different way. At the same time, I have always openly declared that I am a nationalist and I am not afraid of the consequences.

Are you saying that the security services would not have persecuted nationalist groups if these acts of violence had been directed against, for example, criminal immigrants rather than ordinary people?

Yes, absolutely true. Within the Russian security services and the police, 20 years ago as well as today, there has been a fairly large proportion of honest people who have radically supported the fight against non-Russian organized crime.

Unfortunately, however, the cooperation between right-wing radical youth and Russian nationalists serving in the police has not been particularly successful, as the right-wing radicals, instead of fighting the gang leaders, have mostly chosen to attack ordinary foreign exchange students. This destroyed their image and alienated them from cooperation with the state.

Do you think that “Nazism” means the same thing in Russia as it does in the West? In the West, a ‘Nazi’ is usually considered to be someone who poses a threat to Jews, minorities, “democracy,” and so-called human rights. In the Russian debate, however, it appears that “anti-Nazism” is not primarily seen from a Jewish – or even ideological – perspective, but rather that “Nazism” appears as a historical arch-enemy of Russia, as Russophobia and as a threat to Russians and Russia itself. Can you elaborate on this?

Yes, it is true that the words mean different things. In Russia, a “Nazi” is an ethnic Russian who does not like the state artificially imposing multiculturalism on him and blurring his identity for the sake of “ethnic harmony,” as well as someone who does not like the existence of “national republics” within the country and that these, for some reason, have more political power than the original Russian region.

Speaking of the other creatures: in Russia, almost no one remembers the Jews, and when it comes to gays, our entire country dislikes them. So according to the Western agenda, all Russians should be Nazis. Putin made a really funny joke about transsexuals during a press conference a couple of years ago. In the West, that would have ended his career.

Returning to the question: when you say that Putin sees Nazis as a threat to Russians, that is a translation error. You understand that in 1991, after the final division of the country into different republics (a mistake by the communists), the Kremlin came up with an artificial concept to prevent further disintegration and even republics within the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic from breaking away (e.g., Tatarstan) and to unite all inhabitants of Russia. This is how the word “ROSSIYANE” (РОССИЯНЕ) was born. This group includes Russians, Tajiks, Yakuts, Bashkirs, and all other citizens of the modern Russian Federation. However, in English and all other languages, the words RUSSKIY (РУССКИЙ, ethnic Russians) and ROSSIYANIN (РОССИЯНИН, citizens of Russia but not necessarily ethnic Russians) are written and pronounced in the same way: Russians.

So Putin’s words actually have a completely different meaning; the Nazis are those who threaten the unity of the ROSSIYANE, in other words, the citizens of the Russian Federation, regardless of nationality.

Another thing that nationalists outside Russia find difficult to relate to is the Soviet nostalgia that seems to exist in broader Russian patriotism. Wasn’t communism a failure and the Soviet era a dark period in Russian history? And how does Soviet nostalgia fit in with the glorification of the tsarist regime? Isn’t there a cognitive dissonance here?

It is not the Soviet Union as a political system that people long for. This is a longing for a strong state whose opinion on the international stage carries weight in many areas. It is a longing for a state ideology, when people knew what they were living and working for, and what the future held. A longing for the order that existed in the Soviet Union and a longing for high-quality, inexpensive products that were available to everyone.

Yes, there were many negative events, especially in the early history of the Soviet Union. But people do not miss the Red Terror, Trotsky or Lenin, or Stalin’s oppression, but rather the Soviet Union of the 1960s and 1970s.

And this longing comes from the generation that witnessed that era. The rest only know about it from stories, and in those stories there is no street crime, no drug abuse, and no prostitution. Although all of this naturally existed in the Soviet Union, it was so insignificant that the average person did not notice it.

How do you view nationalism in Ukraine, and groups such as Azov? They are portrayed as “Nazis” in Russia, and were also portrayed as such in the West before Russia invaded Ukraine. Do you consider them to be true nationalists?

Yes, such groups are of course nationalists, but again, I explained my attitude towards Ukraine as a nation in general earlier.

I also think it was a very smart move by Ukrainian Jews such as [former Ukrainian President] Petro Poroshenko, Zelensky, and [former Interior Minister] Arsen Avakov to give nationalists an opportunity to grow and develop to a certain extent and to integrate them into the law enforcement agencies. They are showing good results in combat, they are ideological and ruthless. And this is a dangerous and powerful enemy.

It is unfortunate that Russia did not work with these people before Crimea’s return, many of whom previously strongly supported Russia. They did not create good conditions for them to work on our side, for us.

When we interviewed a Ukrainian nationalist fighting on the Ukrainian side, he defended Euromaidan by saying that it gave nationalists an opportunity to advance socially, culturally, and politically. How do you view this?

Yes, Euromaidan certainly gave Ukrainian Russophobic chauvinists the opportunity to develop. At the same time, Ukrainian nationalists have now lost this opportunity. The prominent force on the Maidan was the right-wing radical Ukrainians, but after the Maidan’s victory, they did not receive any special privileges or bonuses. The Azov Battalion was created, which later grew into a regiment.

The radical right got an opportunity to gather in a separate unit and arm themselves. But at the same time, we know that they were subordinate to Interior Minister Arsen Avakov, an Armenian Jew who is the head of the “white” Ukrainian nationalists. And all the resources given to them were at a level that would ensure the complete lack of independence of this battalion and nothing more.

On the other hand, it is worth acknowledging that, yes, Ukrainian nationalists in general strengthened the country during the eight years between 2014 and 2022, when these people were given the opportunity to spread their views and ideology. And thanks to this, the Ukrainian nationalists and the society they had strengthened were able to resist when the full-scale invasion took place. After all, any state on the brink of collapse must show a particularly favorable attitude toward internal patriotic and nationalist forces, as they alone are ready to rally, both selflessly and selfishly, in defense of everything they hold dear and sacred.

The same Ukrainian soldier was convinced that there is no such thing as ethnic Russians, only a kind of neo-Bolshevik and post-Soviet identity. Russian nationalists similarly claim that there are no Ukrainians, that the population of Ukraine is simply Russian. What do you say about this? Are all Ukrainians really Russians, even the population in the western parts of the country?

They may well believe that Russians do not exist, given their propaganda. But then they forget the fact that they themselves, in this case, are not representatives of any ethnic group. As we pointed out earlier: Western “Ukrainians” are a mixture of Russians with other peoples: Poles, Romanians, Jews, etc.

But Russians in Russia still form an ethnic core. And if you look at the now liberated areas, you can see what kind of people lived on Ukrainian territory. Many are ethnically degenerate who, due to extensive intermingling, can no longer be considered Russians and therefore, out of sheer desperation, see themselves as Ukrainians. At the same time, Ukrainians have no clear characteristics. This is one of Ukraine’s attempts to steal shared history and apply something that does not belong to them to themselves. Just as they do with the Russians Oleg of Kiev, Svyatoslav I and Igor I [all descendants of Rurik and princes of Kievan Rus. Ed. note] and others.

We have seen how groups such as Azov praise Jews, travel to Israel and ask for rabbis to “come and bury our fallen Jewish comrades.” We have also seen how Swedish nationalists who traveled to Ukraine in 2014 to fight against Russians alongside other nationalists then returned and praised Jews and Arabs. Is Ukrainian nationalism today reduced to just hating Russians, or do you think there is something genuine left?

We believe that Ukrainian nationalism is primarily presented as opposition to Russianness, otherwise it would be completely pointless.

If Ukrainian nationalism had Pan-Slavic elements and aimed to unite Slavic peoples, there would be no Ukrainian nationalism as a concept.

Their trips to the rabbis and their admiration for everyone would be acceptable if it were a matter of judging a third-party conflict on, for example, Israeli territory, where one can choose a side to support. Although, of course, it would be ideal if both sides killed each other completely. But one must always choose between evil and evil and support the weaker evil. Today we can support the Arabs in their war, tomorrow we can support the Jews if the Arabs start winning—in other words, we should constantly create tensions.

But when their representatives are drawn into a conflict between two Slavic sides, there is an indication that they have nothing of their own to offer.

There are examples of Russian nationalists who have taken Ukraine’s side in this conflict, and some have even traveled to Ukraine to fight against Russia. They say they want to liberate their country from what they perceive as a hostile entity that currently occupies the Kremlin. Why do you think different Russian nationalists have drawn such diametrically opposed conclusions from this conflict?

Russian nationalists are fighting for Ukraine because Ukraine has given them a clear image of a nation state, where they are not persecuted for minor issues in the same way they are persecuted in Russia, where they are allowed to walk around openly with their symbols.

We have something that could be called a subculture. Subculture and celebration. And this concept is often more important to many of them than real political power and political influence. As we say in Russia: “To appear to be, but not to be.”

And this, of course, attracts many to their side. Some who went to Ukraine had legal problems in Russia, both real and imagined. And because of this, these people have now been given certain positions over there. Unfortunately, the Russian Federation did not give these people the opportunity to develop while they were in Russia.

Thank you for taking the time to answer our questions! Do you have any final words you would like to address to nationalists or ordinary people in Sweden?

I would like to wish the Swedish people that they preserve their country, a country with a very rich history, interesting traditions, and white people. So that Sweden is preserved and, hopefully, after certain events have taken place, a friendship and alliance with Russia can develop to combat threats from non-European aggression

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Notes

1. The chairman of the Party of the Danes (now defunct), Daniel Carlsen, did not attend, but recorded a video message that was played for the conference attendees. See NRM’s article. ↩︎