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The Beauty and the Beast: Race and Racism in Europe, Part IV

The term ‘racism’ has a generic meaning today, denoting social ostracism of outgroups, or in the worst case scenario, depicting an act of savagery meted out by some race or some warring party to another race or ethnic group. In the standard usage today the word ‘racism’ is not necessarily a referent for a different skin color, or a depiction of someone’s high or low cognitive ability. As a result of constant semantic shifts the word ‘racism’ is used to describe a form of barbarism, generally viewed as despicable and contrary to the most basic norms of human conduct.

German Endtimes

If one accepts this very general and generic definition of racism, then the German people, shortly after WWII, became a prime victim of the most massive form of racism and racial discrimination — unseen and unheard of at any time in the history of mankind. The scope of terror inflicted to the German people during the Allied firebombing of German cities, the degree of suffering experienced by millions of German civilians in Eastern Europe in the aftermath of the war, goes beyond human imagination. By its scope and its sophistication this peculiar type of cruelty against Germans is hardly comparable to any earlier tragedy of any other race or ethnicity in Africa or Asia during colonial times. It had clear racial, linguistic and judicial overtones still awaiting an objective scholarly examination.

Images of Dresden after the fire bombing of February 13, 1945

Numerous books have been published by prominent authors, including the well- known American legal scholar Alfred de Zayas, the German historian Franz W. Seidler, and the Canadian historian James Bacque on the expulsion of Germans, the policy of starving of hundreds of thousands of surrendered German soldiers along the Rhine river that was carried out by the Allied commander Dwight Eisenhower, the grand theft of German property, mass rapes of over 2 million German women by Soviet soldiers, slave labor of captured young German children, etc. Yet most of these books, although based on solid forensic research and physical evidence, are barely accessible, and they are never mentioned in higher education in the USA and in Europe.

Expulsion of Germans from Czechoslovakia

Germany’s European allies, such as Hungary, or the wartime France, dearly paid their collaboration with Germany too. Few French students, let alone American students, know that over 70,000 French civilians perished under American bombs from 1942 to 1944.  They cannot be blamed, as there are no sites of commemoration for the bombs’ victims in France. Tiny Croatia, which remained the loyal ally of Germany to the last day of WWII, paid a heavy price too, losing the best part of its gene pool, after its middle class had been wiped out by Yugoslav Communists. Although considered today the most beautiful country in Europe and a prime tourist destination, Croatia is essentially a huge graveyard. In 1945 it became the largest communist killing field of ethnic Germans and Croats in Europe (see here and here).

It is still common in the Karst area in the mountains of southern Croatia to stumble upon small ravines and pits with rusted German helmets, rosary beads and scattered bones.  Beyond the carnage of WWII and its immediate aftermath, the root causes of the recent interethnic war in the Balkans are the direct outcome of forcible Allied creation at Yalta and Potsdam of the artificial multicultural entity known as Yugoslavia.

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The question that comes to mind is: Why is this unique form of racism against Germans not debated in public as is for instance the plight of Jews during WWII? While acknowledging that others suffered greatly during WWII and that Germany also committed large-scale atrocities against others, one still wonders: Why are the enormous crimes against the Germans simply not discussed?

The answer may not be hard to find. We are still living in the period where history has been written by the victors. The topic of the war and postwar German losses cannot be debated in academe or in public life because the gigantic scale of German suffering would automatically and immediately eclipse all other competing victimologies combined.

What is striking is that there is still no official tally as to the number of German civilians and soldiers who perished in the period from 1938 to 1950. Why has the German government never released the exact casualty figure? One can only read in some marginal revisionist journals or hear occasional rumours that 6 to 12 million Germans perished during that that time span — but there is no official document endorsing this allegation. And this silence is very, very telling, indeed.

Crying Wolf

Racism against Germans had been well thought out and was brought to its academic perfection before the war’s end. An influential American Jewish businessman, Theodore Kaufman, published in 1940 a small pamphlet titledGermany Must Perish! In 1942 pamphlet Kill, his counterpart, the high Soviet-Jewish official Ilya Ehrenburg, unabashedly urged Soviets solders to spare no mercy against the Germans:  “The Germans are not human beings. Henceforth the word German means to us the most terrible curse. From now on the word ‘German’ will trigger your rifle.”

The Morgenthau Plan, devised by two ethnic Jews — Secretary of the TreasuryHenry Morgenthau, Jr. and Assistant Treasury Secretary Harry Dexter White— would have killed 10 million Germans by starvation and disease in the first two years after the war. (White has been named as a Soviet spy on the basis of the Venona documents.) This would have been in addition to the 1 million that had been killed in saturation bombing and 3 million in forced expulsions. As Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson wrote in his diary, “I found around me, particularly Morgenthau, a very bitter atmosphere of personal resentment against the entire German people without regard to individual guilt, of the Nazis.”

As recounted by Joseph Bendersky, American military officers commonly believed that there were many anti‑German Jews in the U.S. military government after World War II who were bent on de‑nazification and revenge.  “Feeling inhibited from speaking publicly by alleged Jewish power, a number of officers, as well as some government officials, complained incessantly in private that Jewish ‘refugees in American uniforms,’ together with Jews in the U.S. government, unduly affected American policy toward Germany in a variety of detrimental ways” (p. 364). Refugee officers (i.e., German Jews returning as members of the U.S.  military government) treated Germans brutally, including sadistic beatings and starvation (p. 365).  In general, these Jews advocated harsh treatment, the concept of collective guilt, and trials for general staff officers.The reputation of these refugee officers was so bad that the Army ended up firing personnel who had entered the U.S. after 1933.

Although modern mainstream historiography and the media downplay Kaufmann’s little booklet and Ehrenburg’s hectoring of Soviet soldiers, their words had a significant psychological impact on the behavior of Allied soldiers.

Anti-German hatred did not stop when the war was over.  It is still well alive and thriving, albeit by resorting to far more sophisticated methods. Over the last 70 years anti-German racism, under the guise of the fluid word ‘antifascism’ has been the pivot of the “negative legitimacy” of Western civilization in the eyes of intellectual elites. Anti-German hatred still represents the unavoidable pillar of the world order, including international law. Any dent in it would seriously harm the modern system and would possibly bring it down.

There is also a psychological dimension to a racist act. Usually the bigger the magnitude of a racist crime the more intellectual effort is needed by its perpetrator to hide it, or explain it away, either by propagandistic or by pedagogical tools. Perpetrators of huge racist crimes, such as those committed by the Allies against the German people, were subsequently obliged to project their own crimes on their German victims. By reversing the semantics of the word ‘racism,’ they were able to carry out their own racist policies, while at the same time naming the German victim as an exemplary role model of racism. Consequently, the victors of WWII had no other option but to trivialize or hush up their crimes, while simultaneously doctoring up the image of their own victimhoods while ascribing their own evildoing as a racially inborn trait of the defeated German side.  The postmodern liberal “antifascist” and  “antiracist” discourse of “crying wolf” —  blaming the Other for one’s own dark and criminal secrets, can be traced to good old fable teller Aesop and his allegories about human duplicity.

Freda Utley, a former communist intellectual, who very early learned the meta-language of the Allied propaganda and who later turned into an anticommunist writer, observed the psychology of the victors and their usage of semantic pyrotechnics. As early as 1948 she knew what would become of Germany:

A thoughtful American professor, whom I met in Heidelberg, expressed the opinion that the United States military authorities on entering Germany and seeing the ghastly destruction wrought by our obliteration bombing were fearful that knowledge of it would cause a revulsion of opinion in America and might prevent the carrying out of Washington’s policy for Germany by awakening sympathy for the defeated and realization of our war crimes. This, he believes, is the reason why a whole fleet of aircraft was used by General Eisenhower to bring journalists, Congressmen, and churchmen to see the concentration camps; the idea being that the sight of Hitler’s starved victims would obliterate consciousness of our own guilt.  Certainly it worked out that way.” (Freda Utley,The High Cost of Vengeance (Chicago: Henry Regnery Co. 1949)  

Judicial Review or Racial Review?

There is also a judicial aspect of modern anti-German racism, well observed by the German legal scholar Carl Schmitt, who witnessed himself this unparalleled German drama. Wars declared “good” and specifically wars fought in the name of “democracy and human rights,” are the most barbaric ones. A democratic warrior is obliged to place his enemy below democratic standards, or simply set him outside the category of human beings. This was likely the image of Germans crossing the mind of American commanders when given orders to firebomb German cities. There were no longer “bad Krauts” residing in the crosshairs of the bombers, but monstrous beasts — a unique type of bacteria, a special form of disease that needed to be chemically removed in order to make the word safe for democracy.

Psychologically speaking American aircraft pilots or naïve GIs had perfect consciousness, being firmly convinced that some ugly telluric creatures from the Bible, some stray Gogs or Magogs, lived down under in the medieval cities of Cologne, Dresden, Bremen, and Munich. It is no accident that the largest Allied firebombing — of Hamburg in July 1943 — had a code name from the Old Testament: ‘Gomorrah.’

This pattern of demonization of the adversary was first used by the North against the South in legitimizing the Union aggression in 1863 and later on in brainwashing the Southerners. More recently it was used by George W. Bush and his neocon advisors in legitimizing military intervention in Iraq, notably by parroting the expression “Axis of Evil,” put together by his Canadian-American Jewish advisor David Frum in subliminal reference to Axis countries of WWII. In both historical instances, Deuteronomy, Chapter VII, with its prescriptions for genocide, was used as a handbook against unchosen ones. As Schmitt writes:

Hostility becomes so absolute that even the most ancient sacral differentiation between the enemy and the criminal disappears in the paroxysm of self-righteousness. To doubt one’s own justice appears as treason; to show interest in the opponent’s arguments is viewed as treacherousness, and the attempt to start discussion is considered as agreement with the enemy. (Ex Captivitate Salus, Erfahrungen der Zeit 1945/47 (Köln: Greven Verlag, 1950, p. 58).

After 1945, with the hindsight of the Allied terror bombing and fresh memories of immense suffering, the mimicry of political rectitude amidst the new German ruling class was comprehensible.  Hundreds of thousands of German intellectuals had to be purged from schools and universities and newspapers and also obliged to fill out the demeaning Questionnaires (“Fragebogen”), while renouncing over and over again their “authoritarian personality.” The high priests of the Frankfurt School, specialists in “laundering the German character,”accomplished their work meticulously. (See Caspar Schrenck von Notzing;also my Homo Americanus.) In the decades to come German politicians had to prove that they could perform their liberal democratic tasks better than their American tutors. Given that all signs of nationalism, let alone racialism, had to be erased, the only form of patriotism allowed to Germans was “constitutional patriotism”:  “The German people had to adapt itself to the constitution, instead of adapting the constitution to the German people,” writes the German legal scholar, Günther Maschke (Das bewaffnete Wort (“Die Verschwörung der Flakhelfer”) (Wien und Lepzig:  Karolinger Verlag, 1997) p. 74; my emphasis).

The word ‘German’ has become synonymous with evil. German studies in the US academe have been thoroughly neglected; any mentioning of “German culture” is still reminiscent of the time span stretching from 1933 to 1945. Today, the Germans are a thoroughly neurotic people, a case of the victor’s successful cultural (and genetic?) engineering — probably the most unique case in the history of mankind.

The peculiar hatred of German tormentors must be put into wider psychological perspective and possibly also described by an evolutionary psychologist. It was largely the subconscious knowledge of their low character in comparison to the Germans that tormentors of the German people acted in such a barbaric fashion.

The German people, as the synthesis of all European races and residing in the place where North and West meet South and East in Europe, are in many ways the most accomplished of all Indo-European peoples. Rising from the ashes of WWII, they have built the strongest, most productive economy in Europe.Germans have a special sense of space and order (Ordnung and Ortung), which other European peoples do not have to the same degree. There is a joke that even a German drug addict knows how to neatly dispose of his used needles.

In addition, the German language is the richest Indo-European language. It enables hundreds of thousands of neologisms and compound nouns; it is timeless and endless and ideal for philosophical speculation. Unlike the English language and even more so the highly contextual French language (which is full of antonyms and homonyms), the German language is a straight-forward and a very “earthbound” language, having in addition a solid normative grammar. Alas, unlike French, its major fault is that it does not give a speaker latitude for diplomatic weaselling.

The paradox of our postmodernity is that despite being the most demonized people on earth, Germans are the most welcome people anywhere. Unlike the French, the English, and let alone the Americans, who are resented, if not despised in foreign countries, German businessmen, tourists and even their politically correct elites, are welcome everywhere. From the Arabic casbahs to India’s bazaars, barefooted street kids yell in great respect when they spot Germans: “Alemani! Alemani!”  Officially, even Germany’s former archenemies in Russia and Israel reserve to German diplomats a far more lavish treatment than they do to other foreign diplomats.

Subconsciously everybody knows that something terrible and unspeakable happened to Germans. But it’s not deserving loud and open discourse — at least not for now.

Go to Part 5.

Tom Sunic (www.tomsunic.infohttp://doctorsunic.netfirms.com/) is an author, former political science professor in the USA, translator and former Croat diplomat. He is the author of Homo americanus: Child of the Postmodern Age ( 2007). Email him.

Anger in White America — Again

The health care debate continues to rivet the country. By most accounts, the sheer emotional intensity of the protests has forced Democrats to scale back their plans for nationalized health care. And who are these angry protesters? The vast majority of these angry citizens are White people — a topic I wrote about recently, but before the health care debate assumed center stage.

The health care debate seems to have ratcheted things up a notch. As an NPR commentary of August 13 noted,

If you’ve been anywhere near a TV in the past week, you have seen images of irate voters berating their elected representatives. And if so, you cannot have missed the strong representation of vociferous Caucasian males of a certain age. Theirs are not the only voices raised, but they are surely the loudest and most numerous.

Actually, it’s White women too:

Angry

A Democrat strategist commented,

the vocally disaffected represent a very real phenomenon that has been rising around the country since before Obama’s election. It is growing in the face of a damaged economy, a series of bank and Wall Street bailouts, and big-dollar government programs to stimulate jobs and stave off foreclosures.

I’ve never seen as angry an electorate as this one. …. They’re as scared as I’ve ever seen them, and that manifests into anger.

There is a general fear that the American dream is not going to be there for them or their children. … There is concern about trust broken between government and the people.

Angry White people. And we are not talking about elite Whites who wouldn’t have to worry about health care no matter what the government does. This is racially-based populism: The protest is coming from middle- and lower-middle-class Whites, not Blacks and Latinos in the same social classes.

And it’s about more than health care. A month ago it was the angry White people who support Sarah Palin. And before that, it was angry Whites participating in “tea parties” protesting the  stimulus bill.

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It’s not any specific issue, but a generalized fear that the country is slipping away from them — that the Obama presidency is moving America very rapidly into a country that they would not recognize and where they do not have political power. Our friend, Mark Potok, of the $PLC, comments, “Clearly, this president has set off a real rage. … Certain people look around and see this is not the country their white Christian forefathers built, and they are angry.”

Not that there’s anything wrong with that. These angry White people are quite right to fear such a transformation. The anti-White revolution is working beautifully. Legal and illegal immigration is gradually but noticeably transforming the country so that the White populist base will have decreasing political power. By my calculation, by 2012, the Republicans would have to attract around 63% of Whites to get a majority (assuming Whites continue to represent 90% of the Republican vote). In the ideal world of the left, however, this transformation would be carried out without anger and mass protest, apart from the occasional skinhead, swastika-painting fringe that replenish the coffers of organizations like the $PLC and the ADL. White people would sink peacefully into the sunset of American politics, happily joining multicultural coalitions in both parties.

The problem for the left is the anger. With huge majorities in both Houses of Congress and an Obama presidency that seemed committed to nationalized health care, the “progressives” are saying the Democrats should just push through a plan. Elections matter. We’ve got the power, so let’s do it.

But trampling on the sensibilities of what remains a large constituency is very risky. These voters are energized in a way they were not during the 2008 election where the media’s slobbering love affair with Obama (including Chris Matthews’ “thrill going up my leg” when Obama speaks), the failed Bush presidency, the horrible  economy, and John McCain (need I say more) kept populist passions low.

The White House seems to realize that simply having a large majority in Congress isn’t enough if a large angry minority is so enraged that they start storming the barricades with torches and pitchforks. Imagine the commentariat trying to explain away a 65–70% White vote for the Republicans in 2010 or 2012. The stark racial abyss of American politics would be staring everyone in the face. Best not to wake the sleeping giant until it’s really too powerless to matter much at all.

There are doubtless a great many anxieties behind this anger. Certainly many lower-and middle-class Whites have been devastated by the changes in the labor market brought about by massive immigration (including the H1-B program that imports skilled  workers), and many companies cutting health benefits because of the need to compete in a globalized economy in which American elites feel no obligation to protect American workers. And as immigration begins to transform cities in the heartland of America, more and more Americans are coming face to face with the future. Indeed, I suspect the next major outbreak of White anger  will be any attempt by the Obama administration to legalize the millions of illegals. Already, the administration seems to be scaling back its ambitions on the immigration front.

But I suspect that a large part of the fear is about what health care would be like if the progressive wing of the Democratic Party got its way. These middle class Whites envision themselves standing in line with Blacks, Latinos, legal and illegal immigrants, and everyone else. And they realize that in general the taxes of people like themselves are being used to support services for people quite a bit unlike themselves — people who pay proportionately far less of the tax burden and are part of the coalition of minorities that is the backbone of the Democratic Party, while 90% of the Republican vote comes from Whites.

From an evolutionary perspective, this is a classic case of a public goods issue in a multicultural society. As noted by Frank Salter http://www.assoc-amazon.com/e/ir?t=vdare&l=ur2&o=1, because of closer ties of kinship and culture, ethnically homogeneous societies are more likely to be open to redistributive policies such as social welfare and nationalized health care. European nationalized health care systems were initiated decades ago when those countries were ethnically homogeneous. In the US, the Medicare system was enacted in 1965 —  well before the multicultural onslaught.

Some enraged Whites may also have read about the aspects of the bill that make it “affirmative action on steroids,” including what amounts to a quota system for “underrepresented minorities” in medical schools. It’s one thing to have affirmative action professors teaching obscure subjects to college students. But do people really want affirmative action doctors performing heart surgery?

The problem for advocates of universal health care in the US is that this round of reform is being proposed at the precise point when general anxieties about America’s multicultural future are on the minds of a whole lot of White people. It’s not at all unreasonable for them to believe that universal health care will indeed be the embodiment of the multicultural nightmare of the  future. And it’s not at all unreasonable for them to be very angry about that.

Finally, in my recent fundraising appeal letter, I suggested that the next revolution — like the one that resulted in our current multicultural nightmare — will be a top-down revolution that begins by converting the elite opinion makers.  This anger among non-elite Whites suggests there is a possibility of a successful movement energized by non-elite Whites. In the health care debate, there certainly seems to be a prominent role of elite conservative media figures, such as Rush Limbaugh and Sean Hannity, in mobilizing hostility toward the Obama plan and validating the energy of the protests. The question remains: Will these elite conservative voices openly advocate what needs to be done for their constituency to really take back the country?

Kevin MacDonald is a professor of psychology at California State University–Long Beach. Email him.

The Beauty and the Beast: Race and Racism in Europe, Part III

In April 1988, several weeks before I was awarded a PhD degree in political science at the University of California–Santa Barbara, I had a private and casual dinner with a famous author of human ecology, professor emeritus Garrett Hardin. After a beer or two, he told me, if I recall his words well: “Look, Tom, I have been lecturing in biology; I can get away with saying things to my students about race that you will never ever be able to in humanities.”

Being young and living in the allegedly freest country in the world, I did not exactly understand what he meant.  Years later I grasped the meaning of his words. I realized that there are academic fields in humanities that are subject to strict inquisitorial control and to undisputed canons of political rectitude. This sacred triangle consists of three subjects: a) modern historiography; b) Jewish power and influence; and c) the race question. Lecturing in an open an honest way on these topics means receiving a kiss of academic death.

Intellectual terror in American colleges is well-hidden behind the garb of feigned academic conviviality and the “have-a-wonderful-day” rhetoric of superficially friendly peers. Yet it has far more insidious effects than the naked terror I experienced in a drab ex-Communist Europe.

Apart from being a derogatory, value-laden word that immediately lends itself to an array of catastrophic fantasies and judgment day scenarios, the word “Nazi” also gives birth to a schizoid behavior among a number of White nationalists, particularly in America. Many of them seriously project in their minds National Socialist Germany as a country populated by Albino-like Nordic-Übermenschen)  possessing a hidden force that could be resuscitated any day either in Patagonia or on astral UFO’s.   As noted previously in TOO (see hereand here), the false reenactment of political events leads to their farcical repetition — with dangerous political consequences. In our postmodernity, the overkill of false images leads to the real kill. The often rowdy and infantile behavior of such “proud Aryan internet warriors” scares off serious White people who could otherwise be of some help in these decisive days of struggle for Western civilization. We must ask ourselves: Cui bono? Who benefits?

Indeed, the surreal image of National Socialism as exclusively Nordic has been promoted by the left — antifascist scholars, environmentalists, Freudo-Boasians, various Jewish and pro-Jewish academic think tanks, the caviar-left, the gated community White liberals, etc. How? For decades they have been cranking out an overkill of one-sided books and movies on National Socialism and racism, and this for two simple reasons. First, it pays well and provides lush media and academic sinecures. Secondly, there has been a well-conceived pedagogical project ever since 1945 to prevent a critical reexamination of race and racism.

A Hollywood image of a German officer (the “Jew Hunter”) played by Christof Waltz in Quentin Tarantino’s Inglourious Basterds, a fantasy of Jewish revenge

Diane Kruger and Christof Waltz who played major roles as Germans in Inglourious Basterds

The Many Faces of National Socialism

For starters, the second most powerful National Socialist man in the Third Reich was a dark-haired “shrunken German” (“nachgedunkelter Schrumpfgermane”), the proverbial Joseph Goebbels, a thin man, little over 5 feet tall, whose stature and face resembled more an ancient Roman quaestor than a blond  fighting machine.  His thin lips, a round protruding back head (occiput), sad, yet very sharp eyes, testified to a man who under different historical circumstances would have made an excellent professor in comparative literature.  Goebbels was born in the German province of Westphalia, close to France. In the 1st century ad, this area was an important Roman military outpost and a region in which many Germans today still show distinct Mediterranean facial traits.

Joseph Goebbels

The much discussed German anti-Slavic policies, which were based on the alleged racial inferiority of Slavs, are nonsense — all the more so since at least one out of three Germans carries the name of Slavic origin. Prior to 1945, well over 15 million Germans were born and lived in the Slavic speaking areas of East Europe, including the third-ranking man in the National Socialist command, the Russian-Baltic born German Alfred Rosenberg.  Rosenberg’s face shows Nordic features with a slight Alpine Slavic streak.

Alfred Rosenberg

The linguistic approach to the study of races should not be neglected because it was common for many Slavs all over Europe to change their names to German names (“Weber,” ” Bauer,” “Schmitt”), just as it was  common for many Germans to change their names to Slavic ones. One needs to open up the white pages in Vienna, or in the once heavily Polish-populated Rhine basin, or in Berlin, to realize that one in every three German names ends with the Slavic syllable, such as  ‘ski,’ ‘tschc,’ or ‘c.’

In former Prussia — which is today under Russian  and Polish jurisdiction — lived a significant number of Germans of French ancestry with names like “Fontane,” “de Maizière”, or “Lafontaine,” bearing witness to a significant group of expelled 16th-century French Protestant Huguenots, many of whom became prominent German leaders and scholars. Unlike all other European kingdoms, 18th-century Prussia under Frederick the Great was the first country to endorse, the American Declaration of Independence. Prussia was then the most tolerant place on earth, attracting Enlightenment philosophers from France and from other parts of Europe.

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Some of the highest ranking German generals in the Wehrmacht were of Slavic-German origin. Their family names are clearly Slavic and their skull morphology points to a large variety of all European subracial types, from  the  Alpine(“ostisch”), the Mediterranean (“westisch”) to the Nordic: Hans Hellmich, Curt Badinski, Bruno Chrobeck, Emil Dedek, Heinrich Domansky, Walter Dybilasz, Erich Glodkowski, Kurt Mierzinsky, Adalbert Mikulicz, Bronislaw Pawel, Georg Radziej, Hans Radisch, Franz Zednicek, Walter von Brauchitsch. So were the other high German officers such as the master of panzer warfare, the round-headed Heinz Guderian, who was of distant Armenian origin, or the tall and big-nosed  Wilhelm Canaris, who was of Italian/Greek origin. (See the important book by Christopher Dolbeau — practically unknown in France — Face au Bolchevisme: Petit dictionnaire des résistances nationales à  l’Est de l’Europe: 1917–1989. (Against Bolshevism: A Little Dictionary of National Resistances  in East Europe: 1917–1989).

The Beautiful Beast?

To assume, therefore, that the Institute for Racial Hygiene in Germany or the Gestapo were checking the names or the cranial index of high German officials, before admitting them to high military positions is academic lunacy. Yet a type of deliberate lunacy is still alive in some influential anti-German conspiratorial circles in the West and in America. The alleged racism of Germans against Slavs was part and parcel of the Allied propaganda and later of the Frankfurt School, whose goal was to whip up Slavs during and after WWII into anti-German frenzy. By accepting more than one million volunteers from Russia, Ukraine, Croatia, Slovakia, etc. in the Wehrmacht and by allowing half a million non-German European volunteers in the Waffen SS,  the German high military command thought it could create its own version of united Europe and successfully fight the war on two fronts.

Even the very bad guys — the men most feared by Communists and Jews all over Europe and only trusted by Adolf  Hitler in the last year of the war — were not quite the paradigms of the “Nazi Nordic” supermen. Or were they? Those haunting five were: the SS Gestapo and Interpol chief, the Austrian-born Ernst Kaltenbrunner; the Czech-Moravian  born SS Reichskommissar and Foreign Minister hopeful, Arthur Seyss Inquart (real name Arthur Zajtich); the Austrian- born SS Chief of Special Forces, whose name appears to be of Hungarian origin, Otto Skorzeny; the Italian, Trieste-born SS police chief of Slovenian origin, Odilo Globocnik, who put down the Warsaw Jewish ghetto uprising in late April 1943; and finally the Croat-born Wehrmacht general, Lothar von Rendulic, who, even long after the war, was considered an expert on  terrorist communist guerilla warfare. Many of their fellow travelers — the ones who escaped suicide or the Allied gallows — played a crucial role in the development of the US strategy for Cold War Communist  containment.

Otto Skorzeny, whose face had a prominent Schmiss (German for “gash”) from academic fencing in his youth

Physically, all these men could be described as of the Dinaro-Nordic mixture, with prominent long heads and, to top it off,  they are well over 6 foot tall, with Kaltenbrunner measuring  6′ 7″ (201 cm) feet and  Skorzeny 6′ 4″ (194 cm). It is striking that all five were born in the former Austro-Hungarian Empire, an area of Europe where Hitler himself was born and which he knew best.

Traditionally, tall stature has been a matter of pride and a trademark of ethnic groups in this part of southeast Mitteleuropa. From Bavaria to Austria, along the German-speaking northern Italian province of South Tyrol and stretching further along the Croatian coast down to Montenegro, this part of Europe had been literally the military highway of different European and non-European armies since time immemorial. It is a convergence point of all European ethnicities: Goths, Celts, Latins, Illyrians and Slavs, with some inescapable Asiatic, Turkic recessive genes still to be detected, particularly further inland in the eastern Balkans.  The Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius in the 3rd century brought hundreds of thousands Roman legionaries to defend the limes on the Danube against Barbarians.  The same can be said of the Goths who settled there in the 4th century and of Napoleon’s Grande Armée, which went on foot all the way from Paris to Vienna, then further north to Moscow and then further south to the Croatian coastal and medieval town of Dubrovnik.  There was a brief Mongol incursion in the 13th century, followed later, from the late 15th to the early 18th century by lengthy and painful Turkish invasions, which the populace in this region holds in very bitter memory. The German derivative of the noun ‘Türke,’ the past participle verb ‘getürkt’ (‘faked,’ ‘screwed up’)  has a very derogatory meaning today. So does the noun ‘Turčin’ among Croats, or ‘Turco’ in Italian — words still used to depict gross and violent behavior.

It is a common sight in the capital city of Bolzano, in South Tyrol and in the Croat coastal town of Split, to see lank long-limbed women who are 6 feet tall. Incidentally, the tallest man in Europe was a Croat, Grgo Kusic (1892–1918), who was 7’9” tall (2.37m) and who served in the Royal Guard of the late Austrian emperor Franz Joseph II.   His contemporary, the Montenegrin Princess Helenameasured 6 feet  and was married to the late Italian King Vicror Emmanuel III, who measured a modest 5 feet.

California governor Arnold Schwarzenegger also comes from this region. Born in the small village of Thal, right on the Slovenian-Styrian Austrian border, his physique and facial traits are not quite common for this region. He is a typical Nordic specimen — highly intelligent, although his square jaw is reminiscent of old Cro-Magnon chromosomes. Although born as a provincial “hillbilly” (“Bergtrottel” in colloquial German), after being successfully coached by his wife Maria (a member of the Kennedy dynasty), he learned the ropes of political survival in America. A few Californian pep talks about multiracial conviviality, coupled with his generous donations to Jewish organizations, made him a success story that his lookalikes in Austria could only dream of. Otherwise, under different historical circumstances, he would have ended up like his father, singing a different political tune — albeit with another heavy accent.

Go to Part 4.

Tom Sunic (www.tomsunic.infohttp://doctorsunic.netfirms.com/) is an author, former political science professor in the USA, translator and former Croat diplomat. He is the author of Homo americanus: Child of the Postmodern Age ( 2007). Email him.

Fundraising Appeal: Why support The Occidental Observer?

The United States and the rest of the Western world are coming under intense pressure with the rise of multiculturalism and continuing high levels of massive, non-White immigration. We can see the changes all around us, and yet discussion of public policy related to these issues in the mainstream media is contained within a hopelessly narrow space.

We at The Occidental Observer are determined to change this. In this, our first fundraising appeal, we are asking readers to contribute financially to TOO’s success and increased visibility. It is important to get our message out in the most professional manner possible.

Western societies have become cauldrons of competing ethnic groups where only one group — White people of European descent — cannot be heard. Where only one group cannot even articulate its interests. Where only one group seems to think that self-destruction and abdication of political power are moral imperatives.

The Occidental Observer occupies a unique space on the Internet. There is simply no other outlet that discusses issues related to White survival and interests with the same level of intelligence and intellectual honesty that can be found here.

In particular, it is no secret that many of our articles deal with Jewish power and influence. This is a very difficult topic to discuss fairly and honestly. A large part of the problem is that even well-argued, factually-based discussions of Jewish power and influence are typically labeled “anti-Semitic” and are banned from mainstream discussion. The occasional lapses from this public decorum are aggressively policed by an imposing array of well-financed activist organizations. These organizations have no scruples about ruining careers or doing whatever else they see as necessary to maintain the status quo. They typically operate by creating moral panics aimed at shutting down any discussion of Jewish power and any discussion of the Jewish role in the decline of Whites in America and other Western societies.

Prior to the Internet, it was possible to relegate all discussions of Jewish power and influence to the fringes of the culture. But that is no longer the case. The Occidental Observer has a place on the web that is just as accessible as theNew York Times or the Washington Post.

It doesn’t take billions or even millions of dollars to develop a presence in this new medium. But it does require a sound financial foundation. We have set upTOO on a shoe-string budget. The great majority of the writing and all of the technical work have been done as a labor of love by people who are self-motivated to contribute to this effort.

We have posted some exceptional material within these constraints. But volunteer labor can only go so far. Good writers are a rarity and it is only natural that writers would appreciate some compensation — even if it is far less than they would need to earn a living.

Huge numbers of readers are not critical for our success. In my recent back-and-forth discussion with Eric P. Kaufmann on his book, The Rise and Fall of Anglo-America, one thing we agreed on was that the anti-White revolution in America was a top-down phenomenon. To a significant extent, the revolution began in rarified intellectual circles with magazines like Partisan Review with small circulations.

The next revolution will also likely be a top-down phenomenon in which ideas that are completely outside the mainstream are disseminated and gradually take hold among people who can make a difference, whether because they have money, writing ability, or skills in the political arena.  The point is not how many people are reading TOO. The point is that some of the people reading it may be able to make a difference in the future.

Realize that even small donations make a huge difference. At this time, we are not a 501C3 tax-deductible organization — something that we will attempt to remedy in the near future.

At present, we have two ways to make donations:

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Kevin MacDonald (Email him) is Editor of The Occidental Observer and is Professor of Psychology at California State University–Long Beach.

The Culture of Deceit, Part II

Two weeks ago, I showed that deceiving non-Jews was normative behavior for the Jewish community historically. As I wrote, “illegal activities involving deception and deceit are tolerated within the Jewish community. . . . The only ethical principle involved here is the age old ‘Is it good for the Jews?’”

I focused on financial crimes because they have been in the news for so long now and have involved Jews to a degree that most astute people can’t miss. Of course no human group is entirely free of deception or financial misdeeds but, as I argued, there seems to be a greater likelihood of financial crime among Jews (again, see here for an academic treatment that tiptoes around the issue). More importantly, I continued, Jewish white collar criminals do not face censure within their own communities.” For instance Moshe Rosenberg, an Orthodox rabbi, lamented that “Unfortunately, unethical and even illegal behavior too often does not face serious censure in our communities.”

From financial fraud and manipulation, I moved on to literary deceit, pointing to specific instances of Jewish deception by some of the most esteemed authors of our time. I did this because I hoped to show that it is not merely the desire for money that motivates Jewish deception. Rather, as I seek to illustrate, deceit is a normative aspect of Jewish culture. That is, it is not censured as it commonly is among, say, Christians. Instead, it is sanctioned as long as it is directed toward outgroups.

Today I would like to focus on another area in which American Jews have attempted to hoodwink their fellow Americans into believing that Jews have made more sacrifices than in fact they have — military bravery and sacrifice.

Valor on the battlefield and recognition of that valor are central to many cultures, including most Western cultures. As our last “Good War,” World War II occupies an important place not only in American history but in American mythology as well. In that war, the story goes, we reluctantly set out to smite forces of pure evil that threatened the entire world, from the Pacific theater to Europe.

Perhaps more remarkable is the fact that the question of Jewish valor in that war still makes the headlines. For instance, during the Clinton Administration, Larry Lawrence, U.S. Ambassador to Switzerland, died and was buried in Arlington National Cemetery.

One of America’s richest men, Lawrence owned the Hotel Del Coronado in San Diego, where his friend President Bill Clinton vacationed. Lawrence’s claim to the right to be buried in Arlington hinged on his assertion that he had had served in the Merchant Marine during WWII and had been injured. In fact, he had avoided the draft and never served.

The U.S. Army is in charge of Arlington Cemetery, so Army personnel carefully checked Lawrence’s story but found nothing to support it. Richard Holbrooke, who also happens to be Jewish, was Assistant Secretary of State at the time and appealed to the White House on Lawrence’s behalf. His request was granted, and Clinton presided over the 1996 burial.

As the New York Times reported, however, “Confronted with mounting evidence that M. Larry Lawrence, the late Ambassador to Switzerland, had fabricated a heroic World War II record, his widow decided today to have his remains exhumed from Arlington National Cemetery, where he was granted burial under an unusual waiver.”

Another Jewish WWII soldier, Sgt. David Rubitsky, claims to have accomplished superhuman feats. He was serving in New Guinea in 1942 when the Japanese attacked. As Joseph Farah reported in 2001:

Rubitsky watched the Japanese soldiers move small artillery pieces, heavy machine guns, mortars and anti-aircraft armaments into the area. He watched as more and more soldiers gathered. Anticipating a surprise attack by the Japanese on his 2nd Battalion, Rubitsky decided to lead his own surprise attack.

He opened fire. As Japanese soldiers advanced toward his bunker, Rubitsky used every weapon in his arsenal for nine grueling hours of intense fighting. He alternated between firing his .30-caliber water-cooled machine gun with 3,000 rounds of ammunition, a Browning automatic rifle with close to 600 rounds, his M-1 rifle, a pistol and tossing some of his 35 hand grenades.

Rubitsky spent a total of 21 hours in the bunker — including nine under heavy siege. The Japanese army attacked from three different directions – the north, south and west. . . . When Lt. Col. Herbert Smith came up to the bunker the next day, he estimated that Rubitsky had single-handedly killed 500 to 600 Japanese soldiers, thereby saving his own battalion from being decimated in a surprise attack.

Rubitsky made strenuous efforts to receive the Congressional Medal of Honor but insists it was denied because of anti-Semitism. The Anti-Defamation League initially aided Rubitsky’s campaign, as did the media generally. For example, as one researcher noted, “Newspaper and magazine articles, with references to ‘anti-Semitism’ [related to the Rubitsky campaign], appeared in such prestige publications as TIME and the New York Times.”

This researcher then added that “Because of the lobbying efforts of the ADL, including a resolution signed by 92 members of Congress, in 1987 the U.S. Army undertook a two-year review of David Rubitsky’s story. On December 8, 1989, after obtaining evidence from forensic specialists and taking statements from Rubitsky and 20 others who served alongside him, the U.S. Army concluded that Rubitsky’s claim was unfounded.”

To date, it is not known if Hollywood plans a bio-pic of Sgt. David Rubitsky.

As you can see, there are varying levels of spin used in these accounts. Of note is the support given by the (heavily Jewish) media and by Jewish activist organizations to validate these accounts. They create a narrative where Jews have allegedly performed valiantly, yet anti-Semitism, blatant or otherwise, has once again dogged these deserving Jews.

Steven Spielberg has contributed to this perception. In his film Saving Private Ryan, for instance, from the very beginning he visually insinuates that Jewish G.I.s made sacrifices comparable to that of their non-Jewish fellow soldiers. As the now-aged Mr. Ryan walks into the American cemetery in Normandy, his all-White family trailing him, director Spielberg fills the screen with a white cross, followed immediately by a grave with a Star of David (see the 1:50 mark on this YouTube outtake). That is a rather transparent bias when we next observe Ryan walking among a sea of Crosses over the graves of dead non-Jews. Spielberg repeats the scene at the film’s close (0:25 and 1:37 from this clip).

A Spielbergian View of the American Cemetery at Coleville-sur-Mer, Normandy

This brings to mind the story of former Congressman and now White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel. Unlike, say, Larry Lawrence, who did not serve during WWII, Emanuel did serve his country during the first Gulf War — as an Israeli soldier in Israel. In his book Rulers and Ruled in the US Empire: Bankers, Zionists and Militants, scholar James Petras notes that “less than 2/10 of one percent (0.2 percent) of the US soldiers in Iraq were Jewish and probably very few of those were on the front lines. More young American Jews volunteer to serve in the Israeli Defense Forces.” Of course this recalls Pat Buchanan’s 1990 claim that should America prosecute the first war on Iraq in favor of Israeli interests, the fighting would be done by kids “with names like McAllister, Murphy, Gonzales, and Leroy Brown.”

In any case, let me return to my central argument that deception is central to Jewish behavior — and it is not something they are ashamed of. As evidence of this, look at one of the founding myths Jews have of themselves, the biblical story of Jacob and Esau:

And the Lord said unto Rebecca, “Two nations are in thy womb, and two manner of people shall be separated from thy bowels; and the one people shall be stronger than the other people; and the elder shall serve the younger.”  And when her days to be delivered were fulfilled…the first came out all red, all over like a hairy garment; and they called his name Esau.  And after that came his brother out, and his hand took ahold of Esau’s heel; and his name was called Jacob. (Gen. 25:23-26)

Historian Albert Lindemann unpacks the meaning of this story in Esau’s Tears: Modern Anti-Semitism and the Rise of the Jews:

Indeed, the division between Jew and Gentile goes to the very origins and structures of western civilization. It predates the advent of Christianity and may be found in the earliest texts of the Old Testament . . . In those texts of the Hebrew Bible the mythical origins of the division between Jews and others are described, and a thought-provoking explanation for the antagonism of the two groups is offered. The account in Genesis of Esau and Jacob, twin brothers born to Rebecca and Isaac, has evoked a seemingly endless cycle of interpretations. Already in the earliest Jewish commentaries on the text in Genesis one encounters not only the rich layers of meaning but also the elusiveness, the profound ambiguity in the relationship between Jew (in archetype, Jacob) and Gentile (in archetype, Esau).

What is the archetype of the Jew in the Jews’ own founding myth? It is that of the liar or trickster. Recall what happened in Genesis 27:5-45. Nearing death, the elderly Isaac sent Esau out to trap game in order to prepare a meal appropriate to the blessing Isaac was to bestow upon his first son. With Rebecca’s participation, Jacob deceived his father into believing that he was in fact Esau. Numerous times Isaac suspected a ruse, finally asking, “Are you really my son Esau?” “I am,” Jacob lied. Jacob was ultimately successful in deceiving his father and received his blessing.

This passage is a stark instance in which we see one origin for the still-common Jewish belief that others (goyim) are to serve them. “Let peoples serve you, and nations bow down to you. Be lord over your brothers.”

Also of note is Isaac’s ambivalent blessing to his deceived son Esau: “Behold, away from the fatness of the earth shall your dwelling be, and away from the dew of heaven on high. By your sword you shall live, but your brother you shall serve.” About the only hopeful note comes when Isaac concludes: “But when you break loose you shall break his [Jacob’s] yoke from your neck.”

If one prefers to put a positive spin on the value of deceit, turn to Yuri Slezkine’s exposition of the Mercurian archetype in his book The Jewish Century. He explains that the Mercurians, including Jews, “possess a quality that the Greeks called metis, or ‘cunning intelligence.’” Thus Jews, as descendants of “tricksters,” are proud to possess such a trait, one that non-Jews (“Apollonians” in Slezkine’s dualism) deplore. Host cultures see Jews and other Mercurians as “devious, acquisitive, greedy, crafty, pushy, and crude.” Sounds familiar.

The bottom line is that non-Jews need to be realistic about this Jewish trait and not entertain notions that Jews can be shamed out of such belief and behavior. For example, the biblical story of Esther, which I related last week, captures Jewish pride in defeating their non-Jewish enemies by using deception. As with other Jewish biblical stories, Esther begins with deception and ends with the Israelites slaughtering their enemies and achieving high status and power.

Again, these messages appear repeatedly in the Old Testament. In the Book of Genesis, for example, God promises his Chosen People: “May God give you of the dew of heaven, and of the fatness of the earth, and plenty of grain and wine. Let peoples serve you, and nations bow down to you.” Later, in Deuteronomy 6:10–11, God promises to give great and goodly cities “which you did not build, and houses full of all good things, which you did not fill, and cisterns hewn out, which you did not hew, and vineyards and olive trees, which you did not plant.“

In Joshua 24:12–13, God tells the Jews: “I gave you a land on which you had not labored, and cities which you had not built, and you dwell therein; you eat the fruit of vineyards and oliveyards which you did not plant.”

How do you think they accomplished this? People do not simply hand over their cities to invaders. If in fact God did intervene and perform a miracle, well, that’s one thing. Still, it suggests something we keep seeing throughout history — Jews becoming a dominant elite over native populations.

I hope readers will accept that part of this success indeed stems from Jewish use of deception, a practice that is not going to go away. In closing, I’ll turn to Canadian poet David Solway, who mockingly wrote recently, “We Jews are a sly and surreptitious people. It pains me to admit this, but candor compels.” But here, of course, Solway is using deception, for in fact he is simply telling the truth. Do not be fooled by the trickster’s resort to mockery to veil the truth.

Edmund Connelly (email him) is a freelance writer, academic, and expert on the cinema arts. He has previously written for The Occidental Quarterly.

The Beauty and the Beast: Race and Racism in Europe, Part II

The word and epithet ‘racist’ and ‘racism’ are usually hurled against White nationalists, never ever scathing other racial non-European outgroups.  Over the last fifty years, no effort has been spared by the Western system and its mediacracy to pathologize White Western peoples into endless atonement and perpetual guilt feelings about their White race. The intended goal was to create a perception that all non-European races and outgroups are immune to sentiments of xenophobia or racial exclusion. The incessant anti-White propaganda and the idealization of non-Whites has attained grotesque dimensions, resulting in clinical self-hate and neurotic behavior among the majority of Whites.

Were such sickening attitudes of White Europeans and White Americans not suicidal, they would appear laughable at best. The sense of territorial imperative, the seething interracial hate is far more salient and violent among and amidst non-Whites than among Whites.

Beauty of the Beast

Mexican Americans do not like African Americans (see here, here). Neither do American Asians like African Americans and Mexican Americans combined (see AmRen’s list of racial conflict in the US). In a likely scenario of Whites becoming a displaced minority in the USA and Europe, other races would soon be at each other’s throat with violence surpassing the imagination of White peoples.

Similarly, in South Africa, the influential Xhosa tribesmen, who hold important political positions, resent Zulus, but so are they themselves the target of hate by Ndebele and Kwazulus. In Rwanda, Tutsis, who consider themselves more “European” and more civilized, hate Hutus, but so do Hutus hate Tutsis. Generally, Arab-speaking populations in northern Africa and the Middle East resent dark, Black neighbors below the Sahara belt.

The Sikhs in Punjab consider themselves the best looking people on the Indian subcontinent, ridiculing as less human the populace in neighboring Rajasthan. It is a common practice among Indian women, but also among women in the Middle East, not to expose themselves to sun, as White skin has more charm and provides huge social prestige. The ex-president of Pakistan, Benazir Bhutto, with her quasi-Euro- Mediterranean facial traits and complexion, gave her country an enormous sense of pride.

Benazir Bhutoo

A  Mexican cabbage picker from Salinas in California’s Central Valley is often encouraged  by do-good US liberal White attorneys to yammer about being discriminated against by Whites, and, of course, this is standard procedure for organizations like the anti-White ADL. Yet it would never cross the cabbage picker’s mind to voice similar grievances or ask the ADL to remedy his lot in his native Mexico. It is considered an unwritten rule that the bulk of the Mexican diplomatic corps should be made up of Whites, ‘hidalgos’ of sorts, so that a California “cholo” never dares to envisage his niche amidst them. He knows very well his socio-racial place, and if not tempted by robbing or stealing he can only dream in his barrio about having his sister or daughter married to a light skinned Anglo. Former Mexican president Vicente Fox (who did his best to make the US a non-White country by ridding Mexico of its dark-skinned citizens) looked more like a picture perfect antebellum “gringo” than like an LA “beaner.”

Vicente Fox

In Turkey high social positions and political perks, as well as diplomatic postings are the protected turf of individuals whose ancestry goes back to White slaves from 16th-century Southeastern Europe and the 18th-century Transcaucasia—not to the steppes of Turkmenistan. There is no worse insult for a Turk or an Iranian to dub them “Arabs” — which they are not.  In the Red Light District of Istanbul, Aksaray, a stupendous 6-foot White Russian hooker is very, very pricy indeed, whereas a ride with a tiny Philipino woman costs almost nothing. The father of modern Turkey, Kemal Pasha Ataturk, was a tall man with blue eyes of either Illyrian or Slavic ancestry, who spent more time brooding over  modern Turks as hypothetical descendants of the Indo-European Hittites than recounting the exploits of pillaging Asiatic horsemen. It would never ever cross the mind of a stocky half-Mongoloid, unibrow  blue collar worker in Ankara to ask for his share of Turkish social glitz — except when he arrives to Germany or Belgium with already good premonition of Germany’s self-hate and its tax payers’ largesse.

Kemal Pasha Ataturk

“We” vs. “They” — the “Other” is the basic conceptual pillar in the studies of racial psychology, whereby every racial group or subgroup dreams to be a bit more of the Other, provided that the Other is genetically better equipped. Thus an attractive White European or American woman with recessive Mediterranean genes may nervously pluck the stubborn hair on her upper lip or depilates her widow’s peak. Or a short Alpine-headed man from southern France may purchase high-healed boots. These are often issues of social acceptance or social rejection.  Sometimes they can be matters of life or death.

One can only imagine the dramatic self-perception of non-Whites landing in America or in Europe, however modest or low their IQ may be. After all, which non-European mother, be it  in Berlin, Stockholm, or San Antonio, does not strive to see, or at least project her son or daughter into a better gene pool, however much she may envy or hate her White host? And if her son is already doomed to be a victim of poor heredity, then some hyper-real surgical trick might do the job— as witnessed by the facial escapades of the Western hero, the late pop star Michael Jackson.

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The Painful Otherness

The normative concept of beauty and the general code of social and political conduct and civility are exclusively of European origin. This includes the famous “body language” practiced by White liberal politicians and avidly mimicked by non-white politicians. Hence the norm for all peoples, of all races world-wide is to accept White Otherness either by emulating or mimicking its phenotype. The Western heritage, regardless of whether it is despised or loved by non-Europeans, is viewed either consciously or subconsciously as the ideal type and role model for all.

The major crime of the liberal system and its human rights pontiffs is that on the one hand it preaches diversity and uniqueness of each culture and each ethnic group, while on the other hand, because of its egalitarian, levelling and procrustean tactics, it fosters discriminatory policies against all races and all peoples wordwide. The liberal ideology of global ‘panmixia’ destroys individual cultures of different peoples while imposing feelings of cultural and racial inferiority on all. Thus, many non-Europeans, especially if cultivated, are implicitly forced to be ashamed of their roots, while accepting something which is alien to their psychophysical and cultural heritage.

While Europeans of different ethnic origins and with different facial traits (Dinaric, Alpine, Mediterranean, Nordic) do not have trouble in blending in, non-European races have considerable difficulties. This often results in feelings of racial exclusion, and consequently in criminal activities, especially among younger new comers to the USA or to Europe.

In a little known, yet highly significant preface to the second edition of his once famous book (Rasse und Seele [Race and Soul], 2nd edition, 1943), and following the attacks by the Vatican clergy against the racial laws of Nationalist Socialist Germany, the once-famous German psychologist and anthropologist Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss,  wrote:

We have been accused of considering only the Nordic race as worthy and all other races as inferior. Wherever such “evidence” was believed, it has affected us negatively.

This is especially true because the word “Nordic” is easily misunderstood and misinterpreted by laymen, which has created all kinds of mischief. This was entirely mistaken and unnecessary.

It is true that in Germany and elsewhere, a number of books and booklets have been published that assert this sort of thing. From the beginning, the psychology of race clearly teaches us that each race finds ultimate value in itself. … In the final analysis it is the only factor that determines racial-spiritual values.

Every race bears within itself its own value system and standard of excellence; and no race can be evaluated by the standards of any other race. … Only a person who could stand above all races and transcend race would be able to make “objective” statements about a given human race. … Such a person does not exist, however, because to be human means to be conditioned and determined by race.

Perhaps God knows the true hierarchy of races, but we humans do not.

The German Volk or Nation is a mixture of various races, in which the Nordic race clearly predominates. However, there is an admixture of “Blood” in the German Volk (for example Mediterranean). Today it is no longer possible to sow mistrust between friendly peoples. … Each step in international and colonial politics confirms the tenets of racial psychology and increases its usefulness (practical utility) in dealing with different peoples. Its goal is not to divide and separate nations, but rather to connect them by objectively establishing enlightened understanding between them.(my translation)

Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss

Clauss is labelled a “Nazi scholar” by his Jewish and liberal detractors, although some of his remarks run counter to Hollywood custom-designed “Nazi Nordicists” and self-proclaimed Aryans, all the more because Clauss, like many German anthropologists, wrote much about Bedouins, and is still considered an authority on Arabic culture.

The Jew vs. the Same

It would be interesting to find out what was crossing the mind of the Jewish American author Susan Sontag, who famously said that “the White race is thecancer of human history.” If one grants that the White race is a cancer, Sontag is putting herself in an awkward position. Does she reject being White? Implicitly she suggested that Jews are not Whites, which only confirms the thesis of hundreds if not millions of of White racialists that Jews constitute a uniqueracial/ethnic group — and not just a different culture or a different religion.

Consequently, can Sontag’s Jewish compatriots be Whites —  in the sense their White Euro-American liberal friends want them to be?  Her defamatorycomments on Whites imply that Jews do not fall into the category of Whites. But as practice has shown in Jew-Gentile relationships all over the West, neither do they like being called “Jews” by non-Jews —  except  when they need to capitalize on their Jewishness, both figuratively and financially. Yet implicitly,many Jews, while rejecting Whiteness in its “anti-Semitic” “right-wing,” or “Nazi” connotation — are not at all opposed to displaying their Whiteness. The late Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, with his feigned self-assertiveness, must have been well aware that his quasi-Nordic facial traits would be popular with his fellow Jews.

Yitzhak Rabin

Many Jews quite rightly resent the German word and the concept of “Mischlinge” (crossbreeds)  or “Mauscheljude”  (trickster Jew or hidden Jew). At the same time, many Jews like to conceal as much as they can their original Turko-Kazharic-Semitic features. As I wrote earlier, the more things look hyper-real,the more real they get eventually.  By the same logic, if Jews get upset by anti-Semites, why not call Jews Semites? Most likely this would be an offensive  word for them too.

Tons of books on this subject are very difficult to obtain, especially if written in German. As a result, this most incendiary topic of our times is debated only in private or avoided completely. One thing is when Jewish authors like Salcia Landmann (Die Juden als Rasse, 1981) and Jon Entine (Abraham’s Children: Race, Identity, and the DNA of the Chosen People) write objectively — albeit from a Jewish perspective — about the “Jews as a race.” Yet it is quite a different story when a famous German anthropologist and eugenicist, also dubbed a “Nazi,”  Otmar von Verschuer,  writes about “the Jewish race.” It appears that the expression and the concept “the Jewish race” can only have safe passage and scholarly legitimacy when used and discussed by Jews.

Go to Part 3.


Tom Sunic (www.tomsunic.infohttp://doctorsunic.netfirms.com/) is an author, former political science professor in the USA, translator and former Croat diplomat. He is the author of Homo americanus: Child of the Postmodern Age ( 2007). Email him.

Signs of the Times, Part I: Postmodern Moral Panics and the Manufacture of Virtue

It has been suggested that we live in an era of postmodern moral panics — bouts of moral horror directed, inter alia, at contraventions of elite values related to race, racism, and ethnic and gender identity politics. Kenneth Thompson has pointed out the “increasing rapidity in the succession of moral panics” and “the all-pervasive quality of panics that distinguish the current era.” Amplifying and sensationalizing collective anxieties, moral panics become a vehicle for the reassertion of consensual societal values and moral boundaries in a de-traditionalized cultural climate — a climate characterized by the politics of spectacle and simulation, “manufactured uncertainties,” mediatized crises and unprecedented mass migrations of non-Europeans.

In the course of its historical evolution, as Ingolfur Blühdorn has pointed out, democracy seems to be moving away from the theoretical ideal of rule of the people by the people. Throughout the West, mainstream political parties struggle to hold back the tide of growing disillusionment of electorates, reflecting a transnational, post-democratic exhaustion of the emancipatory-progressive project, accompanied by a shift to the politics of simulation.

Postmodernism has, since its inception in the 1960s, been associated with the assumption of a breakdown of the distinction between fact and fiction and the denial of an extra-linguistic reality. The changed conditions of the 1980s, most visible in the debates about race, gender and creed, the practice of multiculturalism, and the fervor of political correctness, have — according to Gerhard Hoffmann and Alfred Hornung — brought about a form of “emancipatory postmodernism,” intensifying the urgency of moral conduct. Moral panic about racism has sometimes been routinized and institutionalized into ongoing, long-lasting campaigns in an attempt to reshape the entire normative, attitudinal, and axiological landscape, leading to the construction of an entirely euphemistic, media-saturated society, expurgated of every sort of “evil.” The final outcome is a hackneyed world of surfaces ,— an era marked by sanitization of language“hate crime” laws, a post-democratic cult of minorities, and mainstream “anti-Whiteism.”

The Media: Ritualized Manufacture of Moral Virtue

As Nick Couldry points out, ever since information and communication technologies such as television and computers were domesticated – that is, “inserted into lasting positions within everyday routines” – the media have taken their place “alongside other domestic technologies such as central heating systems and the car … the dynamics of family life, education, etc.” Media discourses tend to be highly ritualized, ideological, and fundamentally moral. As Simon Cottle observes, the politics of race and racism have often been refracted and publicly enacted “in dramatic, ritualized and performative ways.”

Performing Anti-Racism

According to Roger Silverstone, the world’s media are “an increasingly significant site for the construction of a moral order.” The mass media are capable of manufacturing consent, enacting and performing conflicts as well as reporting and representing them. Media representations, thus, are not politically innocent or outside the action; the daily infusion of journalism — delivered 24/7 into the fabric of everyday existence via real-time modes of communication — often define the situation influencing public behavior, thus often becoming self-fulfilling prophecies. Simon Cottle observes that “the media rarely contribute to an area of democratic engagement and public deliberation but to a distorted realm of communication in which propaganda and dominant views and values are disseminated largely unopposed.” Media representations do not simply ”reflect” society but can play an active part in constituting what the nature of that society is and in defining what its future may be. As John Fiske notes in his article “Radical shopping in Los Angeles: race, media and the sphere of consumption”:

The term media event is an indication that in a postmodern world we can no longer rely on a stable relationship or clear distinction between a ‘real’ event and its mediated representation. Consequently, we can no longer work with the idea that the ‘real’ is more important, significant, or even ‘true’ than the representation. A media event, then, is not a mere representation of what happened, but it has its own reality, which gathers up into itself the reality of the event that may or may not have preceded it.

The social antagonism at the heart of “media events” and their captivating, sometimes mesmerizing fascination for audiences seem to suggest that media spectacle is becoming one of the organizing principles of the economy, polity, society and everyday life. As Fareed Zakaria observes, the immediacy of the images and the intensity of the twenty-four-hour news cycle combine to produce constant hyperbole: ”Every weather disturbance is ‘the storm of the century.’ Every bomb that explodes is BREAKING NEWS.”

Edvard Munch, The Scream, 1893

The Media: Constructing an “Us versus Them” Climate of Fear

Part of the moral panic induced by the media is that issues are represented as extremes of Good and Evil. Autonomous thought is decapitated by being reduced to a Schmittian concept of the political, gravitating towards friend-enemy dichotomies. As Jean Baudrillard observed, the world of the media is “sworn to extremes, not to equilibrium,” to “radical antagonism, not to reconciliation or synthesis.”

Professor Kevin MacDonald has drawn attention to Jewish aggressiveness,psychological intensity and powerful influence in the media. These qualities and traits — lubricated with the “Puritan moral intensity” of previously dominantintellectual elites in America — may well have inspired or set off a chain reaction leaving a lasting mark on the style and noise level of journalism; e.g. in the widespread journalistic righteousness and hectic aggressiveness, the “prophetic journalism” of passion, polemic, and moral opinion — sometimes resembling the rule-bound sanctimony of the Pharisees. As Doug Underwood has noted:

Many elements of the prophetic tradition — the spirit of righteousness, the indignant moralism, the effort to maintain purity of values, the call for spiritual and ethical renewal, the fierce sense of corruption abounding everywhere — are as typically found in today’s best investigative reporters or crusading editors as they were in the prophetic voices who tried to keep alive Jewish faith and morality during the Israelite empire and the Jewish exile in Babylon. The image of the investigative reporter as the heir of the prophetic tradition is exemplified by I. F. Stone, the son of Russian Jewish immigrants, who spent almost twenty years mining federal government documents for examples of waste and duplicity that he published in his widely circulated newsletter. Described as a ‘cheerfully angry man’, Stone impressed people with his ‘permanent sense of outrage’, as the Washington Post reporter Peter Osnos put it.

Underwood describes the way in which “the prophets of the Bible loom behind the writing that today we would call advocacy or adversarial journalism.” Although the religious overtones may not always be evident in contemporary journalism, the prophecy of moral indignation rings loudly. According to Underwood, the elements of Jewish prophetic expression are most clearly evident in the “journalism of outrage,” as modern investigative journalism has been described. This strong tendency to claim the moral high ground has been one of the key features of Jewish intellectual and political movements, and a hallmark of moral panic:

[Moral panic] is not about pluralism but about virtue. It is not about doing the right thing, but doing the righteous thing. It is not about public policy, but about setting affairs in order. It is about cleansing, rectification. It is about holy war.

The intense ingroup morality of activism makes the population susceptible to vigilant campaigns, endless processes of excommunication and never-ending cycles of censorship initiatives from political claims-makers, moral entrepreneurs and inquisition-style agencies of indoctrination and intimidation. Moral crusades and ‘stigma contests’ are continually launched by the use of highly emotive and rhetorical language, reflecting, as John Fekete observes, “shifting or collapsing boundaries in the meanings, values, codes, and institutions that make up our cultural world.”

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In an age of uncertainty, as W. Hollway and T. Jefferson emphasize, “discourses that appear to promise a resolution to ambivalence by producing identifiable victims and blameable villains are likely to figure prominently in the State’s ceaseless attempts to impose social order.” Elite-manufactured panics can help to divert attention from deepening crises — as a response to an “exhaustion” of public consent to a crumbling civilization. While the impact of more short-term panics is usually restricted to reaffirming moral boundaries, a series of panics focused on the same threat over a long period of time can bring about institutional change in the criminal justice system, the education system, politics, etc. The consequences of the contemporary “moral administration” of the public sphere is political correctness, orthodoxy and decorum. As John Fekete points out: “Panic thinking makes panic politics, and panic politics have panic implementation.”

Beginning in January 1989, Professor J. P. Rushton was exposed to years of abuse, and to the threat of job loss and even criminal incarceration after reading a paper at a science symposium in San Francisco: According to John Fekete, Rushton examined social-science data related to social behavior, physical characteristics, and numerous other traits, and concluded that the data clustered in such a way that three different racial groups — Negroids, Caucasoids, and Mongoloids — could be distinguished. He did not claim that his hypotheses about the evolution of races could predict individual variation or that they can serve as the basis for any social, legal, or political policies that would single out members of a racial group for discriminatory treatment. Nevertheless,

on February 2, 1989, David Peterson, former premier of Ontario, denounced Rushton’s work as ‘offensive to the way Ontario thinks’ and demanded that he be fired.  Rushton was pilloried in the press, and linked by metaphor with the Nazis, the Ku Klux Klan, and the Anti-Christ. A month later, the Ontario Provincial Police launched a six-month investigation, questioning him and his colleagues, to determine whether he had violated the Criminal Code by promoting “hatred.”  The Attorney General of Ontario decided that his scholarship was incompetent but not criminal.[emphasis in original]

Rushton’s department ordered that he be removed from direct contact with students, and lecture only by videotape, and that students be permitted to watch the tape only individually, under supervision at a location in the psychology department.

Similar punitive trends and ostracism of non-conforming belief or behavior have also been observed in the campaign against Kevin MacDonald by the $PLC. As Professor MacDonald reports:

Someone not connected to CSULB sent an email to the entire Psychology Department—except me—asking why they allowed an“anti-Semite” to teach there. The result was an uproar, with heated exchanges on the faculty email list, a departmental meeting on what to do about me and my work, and intense meetings of the departmental governing committee. Cold shoulders, forced smiles and hostile stares became a reality. Going into my office to teach my classes and attend committee meetings became an ordeal.

Prof. MacDonald has been listed as one of the “13 worst people in America” and “The scariest academic”. Obviously, the guiding principle of moral panic is: guilty if accused. As Prof. Fekete points out, a zero tolerance strategy is employed “to automate the implementation of its own program”:

Zero tolerance is about enforcement. Often, its proponents pretend to be unaware of the born-again authoritarianism that is concealed behind the moralistic subject matter of zero tolerance.  They speak virtue, but they prepare to do vice.  Zero tolerance is the dark side of utopian absolutism; it is tyranny militant, even if it views itself only in the mirror of its intentions, and not pragmatically, in the mirror of its actions and their consequences.

A prime example of moral panic is the Matthew Shepard case which led to years of moral angst in the media and pressure by activist groups that ultimately resulted in the passage of expanded “Hate Crime” laws. Numerous songs have been written about the murder, as well as three narrative movies and a documentary. Simon Cottle reports that the Stephen Lawrence case in Britain — principally played out and enacted in the media — led to a “raft of wide-ranging, and consequential, legislative reforms … aimed at, inter alia, changing policing practices, increasing ethnic minority recruitment and instituting social reforms designed to tackle ‘institutional racism’ … within police services as well as over 44.000 separate public institutions throughout British society.”

The ”self-immunizing techniques” used by anti-racist elites and pro-immigration activists in their point-blank refusal of any criticism of the ongoing suicidal project, are often rooted in the stereotypically retold events of World War II, from whose ashes and ruins the gospel of liberal immigration policy emerged – preached, wrapped and marketed as moral penance. In both Europe and America the Holocaust can be seen as a central icon of victimology (often accompanied by a correspondingly antagonistic demonology) and a powerful weapon of the forces advocating — more or less implicitly — the displacement of European-derived peoples.

In accordance with this dualistic Good-versus-Evil Weltanschauung, Hitler, racists and the Holocaust become useful secular mental images of Satan, demons and hell. The world is thus perceived as a stage for a mythic “struggle between two forces … a manifestation of good and evil locked in an archetypal battle that must be re-fought and re-won.” In a society gradually becoming completely operational, euphemistic and “hyperreal,” the symbolic duality of Good and Evil undergoes a fundamental mutation: Good becomes a utilitarian value judgement.

Exorcising Negativity and Manufacturing Positivity

Steve Macek reminds us of the fact that “the deviant, threatening, or troubling objects of a panic are social constructions, produced by particular social agents in particular contexts for specific purposes.” Quite often, the panic is aimed at eradicating from public discourse negative portrayals of Blacks or other groups favored by the postmodern elites. On July 8, 1996, the school board in Lindale,Texas, voted to ban thirty-two books on an advanced placement (AP) reading list because a trustee said the books conflicted with the values of the community. Prominent among the titles banned by the Lindale board was Huckleberry Finn due to the fact that some of the book’s characters use the racial epithets common to the Mississippi Valley thirty years before Emancipation.

This taste for banning all expressions of “heresy” and negativity is widespread. As noted in Banned in the USA,

In July 1996, Superintendent Dr. Claire Brown, Jr., told eighty people at a school board meeting that Huckleberry Finn would be dropped from the required reading list at Upper Dublin (Pennsylvania) High School.  Black parents and students had protested the book because the frequent use of the word “nigger” made black children uncomfortable. In February 1997, the Reverend Charles Sims and about twenty members of the African American community in Columbus, Indiana, attended a school board meeting to protest the use of Huckleberry Finn and Tom Sawyer in the local high school’s classrooms. Sims said exposing African American children to the books was “degrading, insensitive, and oppressive.”

In January 1998, the Pennsylvania NAACP added its voice to the debate over Huckleberry Finn by passing a resolution calling on school districts to remove the book from required reading lists, but not school or public libraries, because of its offensive racial language. The NAACP said it would target school districts that insist on having the book read aloud to students.

Baudrillard warned against this kind of “uninterrupted production of positivity” in which only positive statements are allowed: “Whereas negativity engenders crisis and critique, hyperbolic positivity for its part engenders catastrophe, for it is incapable of distilling crisis and criticism in homeopathic doses. Any structure that hunts down, expels or exorcizes its negative elements risks a catastrophe,” says Baudrillard. The utopia of Human Rights “begins in enthusiasm, but when the system truly arrives at the point of the universal, to the point of saturation, it produces a terrible reversion, and all the accidents we’re seeing now, in the form of virulence, which has in a way replaced historical violence.”

Managing Political Discourse: Toward the Soft-Totalitarian State

Baudrillard describes the transpolitical as “the passage from growth to excrescence … from organic equilibria to cancerous metastases.” The paradoxical outcome of the late-modern “trans-political” situation — in which everything becomes political as the political domain loses its boundaries and distinctness — is a depoliticization of society. This is sometimes called the third transformation of democracy (the second triggered the transition from direct city-state democracy to modern, representative nation-state democracy) — a move towards presidentialized leader democracy, in which electorates become merely “re-active” in top-down political processes.

These top-down processes define what the issues are and the limits of legitimate debate. Colin Crouch emphasizes that Western societies “are increasingly moving towards the post-democratic pole” as politics and government “are increasingly slipping back into the control of privileged elites in the manner characteristic of pre-democratic times”:

[In post-democracy] public electoral debate is a tightly controlled spectacle, managed by rival teams of professional experts in the techniques of persuasion, and considering a small range of issues selected by those teams. The mass of citizens plays a passive, quiescent, even apathetic part, responding only to the signals given them. Behind this spectacle of the electoral game, politics is really shaped in private by interaction between elected governments and elites.

The result is that many of the most important issues facing Western countries, such as the wisdom and fairness of massive non-White immigration, are never debated by political candidates or discussed in the mainstream media in a balanced, intellectually honest, rational and informed manner.

Kevin MacDonald has emphasized the genesis of “soft totalitarian” regimes, i.e. regimes “maintained less by brute force than by an unrelenting, enormously sophisticated, and massively effective campaign to contain political and cultural activity within very narrow boundaries.”

The regime is maintained by a consensus that has become part of the furniture of life, repeated endlessly in the major media and reassuringly affirmed by wise-looking professors at prestigious universities. To dissent from this consensus removes one from the mainstream and stigmatizes one as immoral and quite possibly suffering from a psychiatric disorder. … [D]emocracy is identified not with the power of the people to pursue their perceived interests. Rather, government is to be the province of morally and intellectually superior elites who have no commitment to the ethnic interests of the European majority; and in an Orwellian turn, democracy is defined as guaranteeing that majorities will not resist the expansion of power of minorities even if that means a decline in their own power.

The aim of this totalitarian tendency, says Zygmunt Bauman, “is not so much to stop individuals from thinking —  since that would be impossible even by the most fanatical of standards; but to make that thinking impotent, irrelevant and of no consequence for the success or failure of power.” Giorgio Agamben has noted that “the declaration of the state of exception has gradually been replaced by an unprecedented generalization of the paradigm of security as the normal technique of government.” Global risks produce authoritarian “failed states” — even in the West, as the state structure in what Ulrich Beck has termed “world risk society” bear signs of post-democratic authoritarianism. In the 1990s, Heribert Prantl observed a “new policy of a strong state”:

Politics is in the process of developing a new state. In the security state of the year 2000, the point will no longer be to prosecute crimes and prevent concrete dangers, but instead to avoid even conceivable risks.  In this state, therefore, every individual citizen will be viewed and treated as a risk factor.  Such a state, which conceives of itself as a risk-avoidance organization, will permit fewer and fewer freedoms to the people. … The people in such a state will at first believe they are in a well-patrolled holiday resort, and will not notice until it is too late that this is a posh prison.

As Beck points out, risk society is a catastrophic society —  characterized by a stream of emergencies — in which fear “determines the attitude towards life”:

Security is displacing freedom and equality from the highest position on the scale of values. The result is a tightening of laws, a seemingly rational ‘totalitarianism of defence against threats’.  The ‘fear business’ will profit from the general loss of nerve.  The suspicious and suspect citizen must be grateful when he is scanned, photographed, searched and interrogated ‘for his own safety’. Security is becoming a profitable public and private sector consumer good like water and electricity.

The Media: Producing Generalized Fear and Anxiety

Brian Massumi has emphasized low-level fear — “naturalized fear … the discomfiting affective Muzak” — as the organizing concept or trademark of contemporary America.  The “cancer of fear has taken over,” according to William Upski Wimsatt: “We have government by fear. We have a fear economy. We have a landscape of fear. We have a mass media that sells it.” As the columnist Martin Jacques, noted in The Guardian over a decade ago:

Far from living in less moral times, we now live in a more demanding moral climate. When I was a boy in the fifties, child abuse, the sexual division of labour, violence against women, paedophilia and environmental awareness, to name but a few, were undiscussed and largely unrecognised. Our moral repertoire has expanded enormously.

What we are dealing with in the everyday, mediatized techno-cinema world is the “game of affect-by-design”, or, in Jamie “Skye” Bianco’s words, reality-by-design: “Technoscience and new mediated digital ecologies make futures without loyalty to any past(s), all while charging themselves on the affects of histories.”

The shaping of perception becomes a shaping of reality. As Prof. Fekete observes, panic shapes “an anxiety-ridden world of meanings and values. …Anxiety information today travels at electronic speeds —  what Marshall McLuhan once called the speed of angels —  and creates instantaneous communication and community. A community of electronic panic: our special gift to the millennium.” As summarized by Elayne Rapping, the general mass media message usually fits into a ritualized, formulaic panic design:

The world is out of control; we are at the mercy of irrational forces, of deranged, sex- and drug-crazed criminals, of heroes and leaders who are degenerate, corrupt, and powerless against their own inner demons and outer temptations — Call the police!

Next: Signs of the Times, Part II: Post-Democracy in the Age of Simulation

E. R. E. Knutsson (email him) is a freelance writer.