Reaping the whirlwind of decades of Jewish activism
Australia’s African (and Pacific Islander, and Middle Eastern) crime epidemic is the inevitable result of the successful campaign waged by Jewish activists to end Australia’s White Australia policy. As detailed in my series of essays entitled The War on White Australia, Jewish ethnic activism was pivotal in overthrowing Australia’s longstanding European-only immigration policy. The Jewish academic Dan Goldberg proudly acknowledges this, noting that “In addition to their activism on Aboriginal issues, Jews were instrumental in leading the crusade against the White Australia policy, a series of laws from 1901 to 1973 that restricted non-White immigration to Australia.”
Jews have likewise been at the forefront of those lobbying for a massively expanded refugee intake for Australia (both in terms of numbers and countries of origin). Walter Lippmann, the Jewish community leader and activist who chaired the committee that produced the first parliamentary report strongly endorsing state-sponsored multiculturalism, also played a critical role, alongside former Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser, in shaping Australia’s current refugee policy. That Fraser was such a willing ally of Lippmann is perhaps not surprising given that Fraser’s mother, Una Woolf, was of Jewish descent. In her 2010 biography Malcolm Fraser: The Political Memoirs (co-written by Fraser), Margaret Simons notes that Fraser’s “mother’s father Louis Woolf had been born in New Zealand, the son of a Jewish father who had emigrated from South Africa, and Esther Reuben. Una believed that her grandmother was not Jewish, but the name suggests that the Jewish heritage may have been on both sides of the family.”[i] Thus Malcolm Fraser was, it seems, Jewish enough to qualify as a citizen of Israel.
Jewish historian Suzanne Rutland acknowledges that “Fraser’s positions in terms of multiculturalism, Soviet Jewry and Israel while he was Prime Minister were very much to the benefit of both the Australian Jewish community and world Jewry, and were very much appreciated at the time.” Uncertain to what extent he was influenced by his Jewish background, she notes how under his leadership “Australian Jewry benefitted from Fraser’s liberal approach to multiculturalism.” Mark Lopez has likewise noted that Fraser, the first federal politician to use the word “multiculturalism,” was “politically and morally predisposed to cultural pluralism.” The Executive Director of the Australia Israel Jewish Affairs Council, Colin Rubinstein, has also spoken admiringly of Fraser’s contribution to the development of Australian multiculturalism, observing that the former Prime Minister regarded “diversity as a quality to be actively embraced” which was a position he believed was dictated by “both morality and hard-nosed reason.”
Fraser himself proudly stated that, under his leadership, “The days of Anglo-Saxon conformity have gone from Australia forever, and we are a better country for it.” In her biography of Fraser, Simons observes that Fraser was the first Liberal leader “to break with the Anglocentric and assimilationist traditions of his party” and was “well aware that the decision to take large numbers of Asian refugees and their families was a fundamental one, changing the face of Australia and with the potential for vicious electoral backlash.” According to veteran Canberra journalist Michelle Grattan, “the fight against racism” was one of Fraser’s “defining issues, although it took observers a while to realise just how central this was for him.” Interestingly, Fraser was involved in brokering the agreement for Black majority rule in the new Zimbabwe. Grattan notes that “the disaster that eventually unfolded there has to be a devastating disappointment.”
In 1976 Walter Lippmann led a delegation to Canberra that successfully lobbied for the introduction of Australia’s first dedicated refugee policy. Academic Bronwyn Hinz notes that:
Meeting with senators and senior government officials the delegation strongly recommended the federal government increase its humanitarian intake, and that this intake be separate from the regular immigration intake to allow the acceptance of refugees on humanitarian grounds even if they did not meet immigration criteria or if immigration quotas had been met. Within a few months of Lippmann’s lobbying, the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence acknowledged the “complete lack of policy for the acceptance of people into Australia as refugees rather than as migrants,” and using Lippmann’s arguments, recommended as a matter of urgency “a comprehensive set of policy guidelines and the establishment of appropriate machinery” to be applied to refugee situations, including those currently unfolding.[ii]
The first Indo-Chinese and Vietnamese boat people started to arrive in Australia in 1976. In the same year Malcolm Fraser ignored strong warnings from his own immigration department that potential refugees from Lebanon “were of questionable character” and lacked the language, vocational skills, and cultural norms to fit into Australian society. Fraser was also warned of “the possibility that the conflicts, tensions and divisions within Lebanon will be transferred to Australia,” and was told by his immigration minister that a high percentage were “illiterate.”
Fraser defied all these warnings, and the result was revealed, decades later, in the 2011 Census which showed that nearly one in five of those born in Lebanon still struggled to speak English. They earned a median income of just $333 a week on average, far below the Australian average of $577, and were four times more likely to be on a disability pension. Moreover, eleven of the 21 people jailed here for terrorism offences are from Lebanese families. Lebanese Muslims also predominate among the 150 “Australians” currently fighting with Islamic State — far more than are serving in the Australian Defence Forces. A further 100 thought likely to join Islamic State have had their passports confiscated and another 200 have been pulled off planes. Meanwhile, ASIO is investigating 400 other cases involving Islamic terrorist threats. Gun crime, involving men of Lebanese background is extraordinarily high in western Sydney and in northern Melbourne.
The Australian recently investigated how Lebanese crime gangs in Sydney’s west are involved in “a battle for the city’s multi-million-dollar drug trade that has sparked a series of shootings and murders” and who “are expanding their influence interstate and internationally.” The head of NSW’s Middle East Organised Crime Squad, established in 2006 in response to rampant criminality in this community, described how it often involves “drugs, and from the drugs comes extortion, stand-overs, drug-runs and all that internal-external violence that comes from that, whether that be shootings, drive-by shootings, right up to murders.”
Most of the crime families the squad deals with are “from the same three places in north Lebanon: Tripoli, el-Minieh and Akkar.” Sydney’s Lebanese community, estimated at 300,000, is the largest in Australia with the majority having arrived at Malcolm Fraser’s discretion during the Lebanese civil war. As a result of their presence, journalist John Lyons notes that driving around parts of southwest Sydney “is like a macabre tour of the city’s criminal world — someone shot dead in that park; someone shot dead in his driveway two streets away; two cars firebombed down there.”
In 1983, Malcolm Fraser was replaced as Prime Minister by Bob Hawke who, while not Jewish, was described by the Jewish intellectual Antony Loewenstein as “the best friend the Australian Zionist lobby ever had, until the arrival of John Howard.”[iii] James Jupp notes that Labor Prime Minister Bob Hawke “was strongly in favor of multiculturalism, which was not necessarily true for all his ministers. He was particularly close to the Jewish community,” including “influential individuals such as Walter Lippmann, James Gobbo and Peter Abeles who had direct access to the prime minister.”[iv] Bronwyn Hinz also notes that Hawke was “a personal friend of ECCV [Ethnic Communities Council of Victoria] founding Chairperson Walter Lippmann, and provided Lippmann and other ECCV activists with direct access to his office. In the first year of the Hawke government, the ECCV’s lobbying [led by Lippmann] culminated in the reduction of citizenship waiting period to two years, the replacement of the term alien with “non‐citizen” in the 1983 Migration Act, and an increase of the refugee intake.”[v]
Chances of a Holocaust in Australia now “remote”
As a result of this concerted campaign by Jewish activists to transform Australia’s immigration and refugee policies — ostensibly to prevent another “Holocaust” — White Australians are increasingly forced to live under the threat of South African-style violent crime. Thanks to the increased “diversity” triggered by the Jewish-led overthrow of the White Australia policy, and virtual commandeering of Australia’s immigration and refugee polices, Jewish activist and lawyer Ruth Barson is now confident that: “The chances of the Holocaust occurring in Australia today are remote,” but she cautions that history shows Jews are never truly safe, and consequently, “we should have no tolerance for even the shadows of racism and xenophobia. These are dangerous in any guise.”
Dvir Abramovich, the chairman of Australia’s B’nai B’rith Anti-Defamation Commission, likewise contends that “The horrors of the Holocaust did not begin in the gas chambers — but with hateful words of incitement and contempt, and with the demonizing of anyone who was deemed unworthy by the Nazis.” Accordingly, in addition to continuing to aggressively prosecute “hate speech” through Section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act, he insists that “it’s time that compulsory teaching about the Holocaust is introduced in all Australian schools, to not only develop an understanding of the dangerous ramifications of racism and prejudice, but to heighten awareness of the value of diversity, religious freedom, acceptance and pluralism.” How the current African crime plague, which is a direct result of Jewish-engineered “diversity” and “pluralism” contributes anything of “value” of Australian society is not explicated by Abramovich.
With staggering (but oh so characteristic) hypocrisy and chutzpah, Abramovich recently hailed the 68th anniversary of the founding of the state of Israel. Despite Israel having one of the lowest asylum-seeker acceptance rates in the world, he extolled the “Jewish state” for “putting out the welcome mat to refugees, traumatized survivors and victims of anti-Semitism” and for being “a thriving, free and tolerant state” that “comprises a multitude of ethnic and religious groups whose cultural and artistic diversity add to the country’s spirituality and creativity.”
He naturally declined to mention that this diverse “multitude” are all Jews. He also neglected to mention that Israel’s treatment of African refugees is far from “tolerant.” As reported in the New York Times last year:
Israel’s policy toward African asylum seekers is to pressure them to self-deport or, as the former interior minister Eli Yishai put it, to “make their lives miserable” until they give up and let the government deport them. … A law passed in 2013 requires male African asylum seekers already in Israel to be detained automatically and indefinitely in the open detention center, Holov, in the Negev desert. The detainees are allowed to wander the desert between three obligatory check-ins every day, and they must remain in Holov overnight. If they miss a check-in, they can be transferred to the nearby prison. Their only alternative is to accept a sum of $3,500 to return to their country of origin, or a third country, usually Uganda or Rwanda, often without proper documentation to stay. … Prime Minister Benjamin Natanyahu once warned that the arrival of African people poses a demographic risk to Israel: “If we don’t stop their entry, the problem that currently stands at 60,000 could grow to 600,000, and that threatens our existence as a Jewish and democratic state.”
Given Abramovich’s fervent support for the ethno-nationalist state of Israel, despite its harsh policies toward African refugees, his sanctimonious words about the virtues of “diversity” are exposed for what they truly are: a rhetorical mask for ethnic aggression against White Australians.
Abramovich and other Jewish activists recently forced the Victorian Education Minister to review the text selection process for schools after they “condemned the inclusion of a play on the [senior school] drama list, Tales of a City by the Sea, which depicted life in Gaza and was written by Palestinian playwright Samah Sabawi.” The minister initiated the review “after the B’nai B’rith Anti-Defamation Commission and the Jewish Community Council of Victoria complained that the play promoted an anti-Jewish agenda and could isolate Jewish students.” Abramovich claimed, in truly Orwellian words, that students should not be exposed to “pedagogical materials” that “create tension and disharmony” and that school text selection “must reflect community standards by ensuring that students are provided with plays that promote understanding of complex issues and which furnish its learners with appropriate context and balance.” “Community standards” is Abramovich’s lexical camouflage for “Jewish standards” — which demand that pro-Palestinian and pro-White voices are systematically censored within education and the arts.
Abramovich’s hypocritical attitude (in tacitly lauding policies in Israel that he stridently condemns when implemented elsewhere) is standard among the ranks of Australia’s activist Jews. Rabbi Jonathan Keren-Black, another staunch Zionist, conveniently ignored Israel’s refusal to take a single Syrian refugee when he last year condemned Hungary’s response to the European migrant crisis for its “blatantly racist tone.” The ultra-Zionist Executive Council of Australian Jewry has, alongside other Jewish activist organizations, been silent about Israel’s treatment of African refugees and the country’s refusal to take a single Syrian refugee. Yet it heartily endorsed the Australian government’s decision last year to admit an additional 12,000 Syrian refugees, despite the fact there is already a problem with Syrian organized crime gangs in Sydney’s southwest. Police recently moved to “stop violence between two Syrian gangs: the Assyrian Kings and Dlasthr” which has included “drive-by shootings” and “murders between opposing groups in the Assyrian community.”
NSW Jewish Board of Deputies CEO, Vic Alhadeff, said his organization wholeheartedly supported the decision to increase the Syrian refugee intake on the basis that: “As a nation we have a responsibility to be a sanctuary for those in need and play our part in the spirit of humanity and kindness. Now is the time for compassion and to ensure those who are most in need can establish a life in our country.” In March, Robin Margo, the former president of the NSW Jewish Board of Deputies, addressed a pro-refugee rally which, the Australian Jewish News reported, included “dozens who came together under a banner that read ‘Jews for Refugees.’ Among them were members of the progressive Zionist Youth movement Netzer.” In his speech Margo “made reference to the Australia-wide rabbinical support ‘from all streams of Judaism’ for refugees that has been formally expressed through statements from 16 rabbis and from the Rabbinical Council of Victoria,” who have unanimously called “on the government to observe Australia’s obligations under international law and to show compassion to these most vulnerable people.” Neither Alhadeff nor Margo have ever uttered a single word of criticism of Israel’s refugee policies.
In what can only be described as poetic justice, members of Melbourne’s Jewish community have also fallen victim to predatory gangs of African youths because of their comparative wealth. Despite comprising a population of just 120,000 out of 24 million (0.5%), it was recently revealed that four of the five wealthiest people in the country are Jewish. African gangs have carjacked luxury vehicles in suburbs of Melbourne heavily populated by Jews, and in response, The Age reported that: “A group of Jewish residents fed up with a spate of violent crimes in Melbourne’s south-east hope that banding together will help create safer streets for the community,” creating a Facebook page called J-Safe to enable Jews “to share their experiences and warn others of crime in real time.”
The hypocrisy of Australia’s Jewish-controlled media on refugees
An important part of the Jewish matrix of power in Australia is the leftwing media infrastructure created by the multimillionaire property developer and publisher Morris (Morrie) Schwartz. This Jewish media mogul, who migrated to Australia from Hungary via Israel, is the proprietor behind Black Inc. publishing, the leftwing journals The Monthly and Quarterly Essay (which have been called “the most powerful leftwing voices in Australia”), and The Saturday Paper. Schwartz’s various media organs churn out a never-ending stream of articles indignantly demanding that Australia dramatically increase its refugee intake and end the off-shore processing of asylum-seekers.
Conspicuously absent from these same media organs, however, is any discussion (let alone critique) of Israel’s brutal treatment of the Palestinians, or its unaccommodating policies toward non-Jewish refugees and asylum-seekers. The slaughter of Palestinians in Gaza in 2014 went totally unreported across Schwartz’s media empire. One commentator observed that, while the Schwartz publications are full of articles about “indigenous rights, climate change, [and] asylum-seeker policy,” they were “shamefully silent” when it came to “Israel’s assault on the Palestinians.” A former editor and staff writer at The Monthly explained that when working under
Morrie Schwartz at Black Inc. or The Monthly, you work very closely with the publisher and things do get spiked and you have raving rows about what goes through and what doesn’t and there are certain glass walls set by the publisher that you can’t go outside of and… one of those is Palestine. I means it’s seen as a leftwing publication, but the publisher is very rightwing on Israel. … And he’s very much to the, you know, Benjamin Natanyahu end of politics. So you can’t touch it: just don’t touch it. It’s a glass wall.
In her profile of Schwartz for The Australian, journalist Kate Legge notes that “everyone says Schwartz responds viscerally” to all issues concerning Israel. She quotes his close friend, the Jewish academic Robert Manne, who pointed out that “loyalty to the idea of a Jewish homeland is very important to him.” Former editor of The Monthly, Peter Craven, observed that: “He’s very one-eyed on these sort of things. I once said to [his wife] Anna that I was going to see [the Wagner opera] Tristan and Isolde and she said, “Peter, I won’t even buy German goods.” Legge mentions how, back in 1982, Schwartz published a biography of former Prime Minister Bob Hawke that other publishers had turned down. The author noted that “Morrie was very influenced by the fact that Bob was a huge supporter of Israel. It was really Bob’s connection to Israel that he leapt at.”
To give an indication of just how wealthy and intensively-networked the Australian Jewish community is, consider that Schwartz, this supporter of hardline ethno-nationalism for Israel yet leading propagandist of open borders and multiculturalism for Australia, is related through marriage to yet another property developer, Albert Dadon, who was former Prime Minister Kevin Rudd’s “most trusted kitchen cabinet advisor on Israel.” Journalist Jason Koutsoukis observed in 2009, regarding Dadon, that “in the small but competitive world of Australian Jewish politics, the ultimate test of esteem is whether or not you have the ear of the Prime Minister of the day.”
Dadon, another radical Zionist who nevertheless favors open borders and multiculturalism for Australia, took on the role of that Colin Rubinstein had assumed during John Howard’s tenure as Prime Minister. Dadon had spotted Rudd’s potential soon after he entered parliament in 1998 and “courted the future Prime Minister assiduously.” Rudd was the man who disastrously scrapped Australia’s tough border laws, opening the doors to 50,000 illegal boat people. Koutsoukis notes that it was under Dadon’s direction that Rudd also inaugurated the annual Australia-Israel Leadership Forum in Jerusalem — a two-day talkfest for Australian and Israeli politicians, academics and businesspeople designed to further consolidate the Australia-Israel alliance.
Noting the incredible hypocrisy of those who, like Schwartz and Dadon, simultaneously condemn immigration restrictions in Western nations like Australia while defending the Jewish ethno-nationalist state of Israel (and traditional Jewish prohibitions against intermarriage), Kevin MacDonald observed in The Culture of Critique that
ironically, many intellectuals who absolutely reject evolutionary thinking and any imputation that genetic self-interest might be important in human affairs also favor policies that are rather self-interestedly ethnocentric, and they often condemn the self-interested ethnocentric behavior of other groups, particularly any indication that the European-derived majority … is developing a cohesive group strategy and high levels of ethnocentrism in reaction to the group strategies of others. … A Jew maintaining [that nativist opposition to immigration is irrational] … should, to retain intellectual consistency, agree that the traditional Jewish concern with endogamy and consanguinity has been irrational. Moreover, such a person would also believe that Jews ought not attempt to retain political power in Israel because there is no rational reason to suppose that any particular group should have power anywhere. Nor should Jews attempt to influence the political process … in such a manner as to disadvantage another group or benefit their own. And to be logically consistent, one should also apply this argument to all those who promote immigration of their own ethnic groups, the mirror image of group-based opposition to such immigration.[vi]
The obvious Jewish ethnic aggression underpinning the hypocritical moral stance of Jews like Schwartz, Dadon and innumerable other activist Jews, has, of course, been especially channeled into the propagation of the culture of the “Holocaust” throughout the West. I noted earlier this year how this decades-long campaign of psychological terrorism has had a truly demoralizing effect on the German people. The Jewish state MP and deputy chair of the NSW Parliamentary Friends of Israel, Walt Secord, was last year impressed by the “pragmatic acceptance” of most Germans and their “readiness to assist” in the migrant crisis, comparing the current openness and acceptance to that nation’s “darkest days.” Writing in The Australian he observed that
the memory of the Holocaust remains, rightly, etched not only in the minds of everyday Germans but in the very fabric of their cities. As I walked among the stone columns of the Berlin Holocaust Memorial, the Berlin Jewish Museum’s Holocaust memorial chamber, and through Israeli artist Menashe Kadishman’s disturbing installation Fallen Leaves, it did not escape me that Germany is disproportionately shouldering the response to the refugee intake. It is apparent that there is a collective German fear — particularly by Merkel — that as a nation, it cannot be callous. Not in light of the Holocaust.
This culture of the Holocaust has been used to devastating effect throughout the West to stifle opposition to the Jewish diaspora strategies of mass non-White immigration and multiculturalism. It is the rhetorical lynchpin of the White displacement agenda, with any hint of European racial or ethnic identification or solidarity being instantly linked by Jewish activists with “the single most evil event in human history.” In Part 3 of this essay I examine the response of Australia’s leftwing intellectual and media elites (who have been marinated in this culture their entire lives) to the African crime plague and the many other failings of Australian multiculturalism.
End of Part 2 of 3
[i] Margaret Simons & Malcolm Fraser, Malcolm Fraser: The Political Memoirs (Melbourne: Melbourne University Publishing, 2010), 24.
[ii] Bronwyn Hinz, “Ethnic associations, networks and the construction of Australian multiculturalism,” Paper presented at the Canadian Political Science Association Annual Conference, Corcordia University, Montreal, 1‐3 June 2010, http://www.bronwynhinz.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/06/Hinz-2010-Australian-multiculturalism-paper-for-CPSA-v4.pdf, 7.
[iii] Antony Loewenstein, My Israel Question: Reframing the Israel/Palestine Conflict (Melbourne: Melbourne University Publishing, 2009).
[iv] James Jupp, From White Australia to Woomera — The Story of Australian Immigration (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 46-47.
[v] Hinz, “Ethnic associations,” 9-10.
[vi] Kevin MacDonald, The Culture of Critique: An Evolutionary Analysis of Jewish Involvement in Twentieth‑Century Intellectual and Political Movements (Westport, CT: Praeger, Revised Paperback edition, 2001), 311 & 324-325.