The January 6th event in Washington, D.C. continues to be systematically promoted as domestic terror, but also as “White insurrection,” and “White Supremacy.” The three words—supremacy, terror, and insurrection—have been turned into a triad memetic, where supremacy represents terror, and terror leads to insurrection. They are self-reinforcing and self-perpetuating concepts that can be applied in nearly any context, and positioned as a profound threat to public safety that purportedly needs to be “confronted,” suppressed and extinguished. It is a theme that is being deepened in its institutional promotion, and accelerated and heightened in its use as threat and intimidation language against millions of Americans who are either conservative, aligned with the Republican Party, or especially, if they are White and have positive attitudes about Anglo-Saxon culture.
What is fascinating however, is how this theme of domestic terror is advanced, not only by most cooperating media that many adults listen to and view, but also that it is firmly entrenched at the higher education level as a tool of political propaganda and influence directed at the nation’s young adults who are at or nearing voting age. Getting at the 18–25-year-old cohort, with such racial and ideological messaging, is critical in influencing public attitudes, and creating a massive “force” of active followers, whereas older adults generally are either more resistant or indifferent. Young adults are more prone to become activists, to be more vocal, and to internalize the racial terror concept into their daily thinking and behavior.
“White Supremacy” shares, in this regard, a similar opportunism with the Covid program which in many ways is also centered directly in the university sector, as the modern university or college campus contains all the characteristics and infrastructure necessary to efficiently and effectively promote and disseminate what are highly structured psychological programs, designed to “cognitively infiltrate” (in the words of former Obama advisor, Harvard Law professor Cass Sunstein) young adults.
At the center of the structured programming that I’m describing—and perhaps the most deeply committed higher education institution that is actively serving as an ideological conduit and as an effective agent or partner in racial and ethnic propaganda programming—is the University of Chicago. Its concentrated mix of political influence (active campus “Left” alumni including former president Barack Obama, Chicago Mayor Laurie Lightfoot, US Senator Bernie Sanders, and DNC operative and former Obama advisor, David Axelrod), combined with: active government-corporate sponsored programs in race and identity; medical- and biosecurity-related communications; and the University’s deeply embedded relationships with several foundations, including especially the Rockefeller Foundation, along with the Obama, Soros, Gates, and Pritzker Foundations, and its active management of US Department of Defense and intelligence programs, make the University of Chicago arguably the epicenter of current U.S. university special interest programs that are being directly targeted against the American public.
Among its several institutional campus centers that are actively devoted to the articulation, dissemination, and even “research” concerning “White Terror” is the Chicago Program on Security and Threats (or “CPOST”). It is headed by former Bush administration White House advisor Robert Pape (Ph.D, UChicago) who is an original member of the Bush “911” team and who subsequently promoted the “Muslim terror” construct, including creating a “Muslim suicide terror” data base as his first effort as head of UChicago’s CPOST.
The Center is supported by an Advisory Board that includes former CIA Deputy (and Acting) Director, Michael Morell who made his career from the Global War on Terror program, and markets himself as one of the few confidants (and apparently a hero) at Bush’s side on 9-11. It also includes former US Army General Andrew Twomey who acted as “deputy commanding general and chief of staff for the Combined Security Transition Command in Afghanistan, where he planned and directed the execution of security assistance programs to field the Afghan National Security Forces.”
Perhaps more unsettling, and threatening to the larger integrity of the university community is “Counterterrorism Strategic Advisor,” Laurie Adler. Adler is a graduate of the University of Chicago’s master’s program in International Relations and has a resume that indicates her deep involvement in psychological operations within the Washington establishment: “During her 25-year Washington, DC career, Adler worked with US/International Governments & Fortune 500 clients on counterterrorism, public relations, and government/international affairs. She managed complex, high-profile, crisis & international public affairs issues.”
As the Strategic Communications Advisor to the US Army’s Human Terrain System (HTS), “Adler led all strategic/crisis communications & public affairs. HTS embedded social scientists with Brigade Commanders in Iraq & Afghanistan which provided field commanders with an understanding of the local population & culture to assist their operational requirements. Spearheading a creative team, she won a $100 million US Special Operations Command psychological operations campaign contract. This campaign was to counter militant Islamic propaganda through creative information campaigns against terrorists in Iraq, Afghanistan & worldwide.”
In my view, Adler’s work in the Middle East, like the larger Global War on Terror, is now being turned inward, domestically, on American citizens. Her new “enemy” is the American “White Supremacist.”
At an organizational level, the University of Chicago consists of a multi-level hierarchy of influence and interests that together create the overall institutional culture and ideology that invites, facilitates and nourishes the kind of programming, like the ideology of “White Terror,” which then serves as a platform for academic activity (research and teaching), as well as for funding, from government agencies, and from private corporations serving them.
At its Board of Trustee level, the University is carefully organized with influencers and interests that consolidate around opportunistic themes, programs and strategic initiatives that can be used for several purposes: to extend university-corporate linkages; to attract finance to underwrite new departments or department expansion; and to attract students and researchers who otherwise have no original intellectual instinct or capability, but can attach themselves eagerly to programs that radiate authority, reinforce social and political consensus, and offer reassurances of further career prospects, especially in an institutional dimension.
The University’s “Becker Friedman Institute” (BFI) is its highly financed, para-state flagship economics center, named after Nobel economist Milton Friedman. It is another active propaganda platform, staffed with a number of political assets including former Obama chief economics advisor, the far Left Austan Goolsbee, who provides regular defense of racial activism, including his regular apologia for BLM terror and violence, by couching it in seemingly objective economic terms.
The BFI organization itself is run by former Chief Economist for the Obama administration Council of Economic Advisers, Michael Greenstone, who champions state-based programs, government spending, radical taxation, and of course equity and diversity studies as part of his larger social engineering advocacy. A recent BFI-sponsored paper sought to reinforce the January 6th event as White terror, by asserting a scientific study of cellphone location data, targeting private citizens as insurrectionists: “Profiling Insurrection: Characterizing Collective Action Using Mobile Device Data.” It was a stunning intellectual assault on Americans.
The growing consensus on the concept of “White terror” provides an organizing system of thought that allows graduate students and faculty to attach themselves to an initiative with economic promise, and social recognition. It is by agreement, not by confrontation, that most young adults and faculty seek their orientation within local societies and institutions like university and college corporations. By tacitly agreeing and cooperating with “White Supremacy” academic programming, both faculty and graduate students are rewarded with grants, donations, academic publishing, and promises of further employment.
For the various special interests that seek to demonize, marginalize, and responsively classify certain others as “White Supremacists”—and to attach to that label a reflexive, conditioned association of danger, threat, destabilization and criminal intent, it is especially vital to condition young adults. And there is no better place to reach them than in the nation’s higher education complex. The university system is effectively a ready-made network of “re-education” camps that house, feed, train, socialize, condition, reinforce, and dangle life incentives (career preparation, income, economic fit and stability) in return for conforming to the status quo.
In nearly all fascist, authoritarian and operational communist regimes, it is young adult recruitment and control that is key to creating the “army” of mass obedience, and especially, an army with a self-policing sociology where the young adult mind becomes the effective jailor and keeper of its own intellectual confines and of its own tribal affiliations. Such recruitment and control reinforce group solidarity, but they also radically reinforce group division among “insiders” and “outsiders”—among the safe and unsafe, the acceptable and the unacceptable. In the past such programs have provided the cognitive and behavioral justification for incarceration and murder, and in some times and places, even mass extermination, imprisonment or isolation.
The “White Terror” meme cannot be as effectively deployed and enforced on older adults, as they already have a network of interests, associations, beliefs and experiences that create at least some resistance to ideological conditioning, if only through economic self-interest (such as property) and the necessary cooperative routines of living and working in an adult economy.
But students generally have no such (or many fewer) compromises, conflicts, practical concerns or attachments: they live in a world of unattached independence, their lives defined by a rented apartment or dormitory room, a meal plan, and the campus itself as their entire economic world including all the issues related to safety, security, health care, recreation, socialization, romance, and highly defined routines.
The college campus is in fact nearly the perfect microcosm of a socialist society, where many of life’s demands are kept at bay or not even visible. These needs are provided for and centrally directed by a controlling administrative authority, and by older adult “keepers” and guides (faculty) who carefully structure acceptable or desirable thinking, especially at a group political level. Indeed, it is the power of abstraction, privately employed that, as William James remarked, creates a “vicious abstractionism” that is “among the great original sins of the rationalistic mind.”
The University of Chicago further reinforces this arrangement by completely surrounding the university with authority figures—prominent, influential people. As a pillar of the establishment, it regards the state and certain corporations, foundations, and political and even religious affiliations as more, or less acceptable, or even “safe” or unsafe. In UChicago’s case, this includes the on-campus Institute of Politics, run by former Obama senior advisor and Israel-first advocate, David Axelrod, and the Obama Foundation itself, an institution that is much more than a mere presidential library that protects presidential reputations, but rather an active “community organizing” center that promotes and disseminates its racial ideology across the entire university including the professional graduate schools such as the law school, where he taught “race and law.”
The university is further reinforced ideologically by its deep managerial role with the Fermi Lab, and the Argonne National Laboratories, both Department of Defense installations. The new Pritzker School of Molecular Engineering and the Pritzker School of Medicine, backed by Chicago’s Pritzker family, act as additional nodes of influence and ideology, including the careful thematic management and credentialing of the overall Covid and biosecurity domain, in large part through the use of the “medical expert” platform it provides. (They act also as effective state broadcast and propaganda centers, issuing medical and behavioral guidance on a nearly daily basis.) Indeed, race, biosecurity, and social divisiveness are powerfully combined in the realm of vaccination policy, where the “unvaccinated” and especially those who doubt and question the Covid vaccines, are branded as outsiders, and linked to red state politics, and White, conservative, rural, and even southern identity
The current biological and ethno-cultural narratives of racial safety and political safety are combined together to create a powerful fear-threat reaction among young adults who are still cognitively and emotionally vulnerable and developing. Via the totality of conditioning hosted and operated by the university complex, this represents a new social threat—a threat that is more pronounced and well beyond any previously present on our nation’s university and college campuses. The ever-present indoctrination of racial animosity, fear and even hatred, re-establishes the education complex—including now even elementary and secondary schools—as an institutional body fully absorbed into the state itself, rather than merely part of a “complex” that historically sought to actively maintain some independence from government, commercial, and political influences.
Like the original American system of federalism that consists of separate, independent layers and units of government, the university, originally founded on similar independence, has collapsed into the center of a unified block of monolithic authority, largely because of its vulnerability to and eager willingness to obtain financial grants from government and private foundations, regardless of their objectives.
V.S. Solovyev is a graduate of the University of Chicago
 Friedman was not quite the “free market” guru and champion that he is typically portrayed to be, and often argued for state priorities including his design of the income tax automatic payroll deduction system which utterly changed the relationship between the individual and the state by taking private property prior to private review and voluntary agreement.
 THE MEANING OF TRUTH: A SEQUEL TO “PRAGMATISM.” By William James. London, Bombay and Calcutta: LJongmans, Green & Co., 1909