There is a pattern to the chaos and disorder engulfing the Government.

In England, police officers who handcuffed Henry Nowak as he died pleading for help triggered a wave of protests, and outrage on the part of the Prime Minister – not at the actions of the officers, or at the guidelines that led them to treat different ethnic groups in different ways, but at those who dared to point this out.

In Belfast, a barbarous assault caught on camera led to rioting. Again, the response: rightful condemnation of the unrest, yes, but also of those who asked how the attack on Stephen Ogilvie came to happen.

Each year now, it seems, we are confronted with a summer of unrest, and a Government paralysed by indecision, desperately trying to find a way to dismiss it. What should be shocking has become business as usual.

Once again, the establishment parties in Westminster are singing from the same hymn sheet – it’s just part and parcel of living in a modern city, nothing else to see – because they’re unwilling to acknowledge the real problem.

The underlying cause is simple. The British state is no longer working for everyone in this country. Across public and economic life, the power of the Government has been brought to bear on tackling “inequalities”, in a narrow and specific sense. Anything which is seen to disadvantage a minority group is cracked down on. Anything which benefits a minority and damages the White British is likely to be left alone.

British people fundamentally expect a fair deal. But there is nothing fair about the way White people have been treated by their governments.

I’m sure you’re familiar with the refrain that this mistreatment is somehow justified – as the activists like to put it, “when you are accustomed to privilege, true equality can feel like oppression”. But equality has nothing to do with it. Let me show you, in the first of many on my new Substack, just how insidious the two-tier system of British government really is – and how deeply anti-White racism is embedded into the heart of the state.

At the centre of Government

Where else could I begin but with Westminster?

Certainly, nobody could accuse the government of not putting its money where its mouth is when it comes to the toxic ideology of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (DEI). Every section of the state, from the civil servants who enact policies to the politicians who legislate on your behalf, has been ideologically compromised.

On the surface, the objective seems unobjectionable: the Government should strive to be a little bit kinder, a little bit more understanding, in its dealings with minority groups. In practice, it is a deeply sinister act of social cleansing.

Equality has nothing to do with it. The intention is to dominate. Employees working in one civil service department were told they should “yield positions of power to those otherwise marginalised” in order to be in the “growth zone”, and “surround [themselves] with others who think and look differently”. Identity network groups focused around race and religion – which can exert staggering power over senior staff members – operate as unelected and unaccountable networks of power.

Their commitment to this doctrine goes as far as directly interfering with the plans of the democratically elected government. Civil servants in the Home Office openly shared their plans to block the deportation of illegal migrants to the safe third country of Rwanda on political grounds.

A fish rots from the head, and local government has taken its DEI cues from the top. Westminster City Council ordered staff to undergo a “privilege” test, while giving preferential treatment to non-White “global majority” candidates over equally qualified White applicants. As basic services like bin collection are slashed, councils continue to commandeer public funds to spend on dubious contracts and opaque outsourcing.

But nothing demonstrates the state’s commitment to anti-Whiteness more than the ironically named “Equality Act”. It’s through this legislation that anti-Whiteness is institutionalised into every aspect of public life.

You may not be familiar with the law, which was introduced by Harriet Harman in 2010 in the final days of New Labour. The bill aimed to go far beyond previous laws that forbade discrimination on the basis of immutable characteristics – not that voters knew this, or even had a chance to give their say on the matter.

Britain was not an “unequal” country in 2009 – so why did Labour insist on the law? You can listen to Harman herself, who rather gave the game away a few years later. She wanted the legislation to be a “recognised public policy objective… all those in public life should be committed to that objective”.

This wasn’t about stopping discrimination – those laws had already been in place for decades. It was a chance for Labour to infect us with a political agenda that would persist long after they had been chucked out of government. Unbeknownst to the country, they had signed us up to a permanent revolution. And “equality”, as we would come to realise, had nothing to do with it.

The insidiousness of the Equality Act is buried all the way down in section 149. This introduced a “public sector equality duty” which obliged public bodies to “encourage persons who share a relevant protected characteristic to participate in public life … in which participation by such persons is disproportionately low”. In other words, they are effectively obligated by law to build DEI into their decision-making.

To be totally clear, this isn’t anyone’s definition of equality. I suppose activists would call it “equity” – picking and choosing a supposedly disadvantaged group and giving them a leg up at the expense of another. I’d put it more bluntly. It was discrimination.

It gets worse. The Conservative government decided in all its wisdom to strengthen the public sector equality duty, forcing public bodies to publish “equality objectives”, and annual reports on equality information. Overnight, the Tories created a gigantic legal burden for the public sector that necessitated the creation of a permanent class of DEI bureaucrats. Is it any wonder that the Human Resources sector seems to be the only part of the economy that’s actually functioning?

Raise these criticisms, however, and the defenders of the Equality Act howl with outrage. Don’t you know, they say, that explicit quotas are forbidden?

That may be the case for “explicit” discrimination. But these bigots are rarely so stupid to share their hateful views explicitly. There are plenty of workarounds for those determined to keep White people out.

While the Equality Act doesn’t permit “positive discrimination”, it does allow “positive action” where minority groups are allowed access to exclusionary outreach schemes. Section 159 also allows employers to use a “tiebreaker”, discriminating against a White candidate if an equally qualified candidate with a protected characteristic has also applied. The Equality Act has also encouraged informal methods of discrimination, from lowering standards to reduce disparities.

The result of this project hasn’t been to create a more harmonious society. Employment discrimination complaints have increased seven-fold since 2016, despite the fact that only 5% have been successful. That doesn’t matter to firms, though, who must shell out for legal representation each and every time, let alone the millions wasted on compliance make-work.

Reform would bring this madness to an end, abolishing the Equality Act and reverting to previous anti-discrimination legislation. This would overnight make so-called “positive action” in recruitment and promotion illegal. No recruitment, training or promotion policies that favour one group over another will be lawful: we will restore meritocracy so your skin colour, sex, age or sexuality has no bearing on your job prospects or treatment as an employee. It’s the best person for the job that matters.

National and local government bodies will be prohibited from engaging in or promoting DEI. To ensure democratic accountability, political appointments will be appointed from Westminster into public bodies with a mandate to enforce bans on DEI at a ground level.

The Two-Tier Market

For now, however, we can see the effects of this legislation on the ground. Young people entering the world of work are met with an explicitly two-tier system. Thanks to the Equality Act, “positive action” is rife, tilting the playing field against the White British.

Examples include the National Audit Office putting taxpayers money to work on special internships where middle class White men are barred from applying, the Bank of England running exclusive schemes for black applicants, the security services running programmes which exclude White British students, and David Lammy’s Ministry of Justice coming up with ways to rig the appointments process to match Britain’s “diversity profile”.^,

Again, the people running these schemes see nothing wrong with them. They’re happy for talented White students to miss out on the inside track to a good job if it fits with their vision of what’s “fair”. The Conservatives and Labour evidently agree, having set out and preserved the carve-outs that allow them to function. Personally, I think they’re grotesque.

As bad as they are, however, they’re just the tip of the iceberg. As we covered, the Equality Act theoretically bans the use of race as a hiring criterion. In practice, HR bureaucrats across the country, drunk on “anti-racist” ideology, have engaged in explicit, illegal discrimination against White candidates applying for jobs. Cheshire Police, Thames Valley Police and the Royal Airforce have all been caught out deliberately tilting the playing field against White candidates, preferring to hire less qualified minorities with the right skin colours. If the police and the armed forces are either ignorant of the true state of the law, or willing to blatantly breach it in the name of “equity”, it’s a safe bet that it’s happening elsewhere.

Similar problems emerge in public spending. Each year, the government spends over £300 billion on procurement from the private sector. It awards contracts based on price and quality, as you’d expect, but it also has a special metric for “social value”.

Southwark Council, for instance, lists the proportion of workforce from ethnic minority backgrounds as a subpart of its social value goals^,, arguing that this could “advance equality of opportunity” and “encourages suppliers to increase the proportion of their local workforce who are Black, Asian and minority ethnic”.

Andy Burnham’s administration at the Greater Manchester Combined Authority, meanwhile, drafted plans to tackle “inequality” by measuring spending with “diverse led suppliers” where ethnic minorities formed 51% or more of senior management, while the Northern Gateway project run in a consortium with Bury and Rochdale suggested measuring ethnic minority hires, apprenticeships, and training opportunities as social value outputs. The council’s “Race Equity Plan” demands that “race” be “considered in all service and policy development and decision making” and that funding is provided “for sustainable access to infrastructure for community-led organisations in racially minoritised communities”.

And while the budget for High Speed 2 was spiralling out of control, the HS2 corporation was busy congratulating itself for exceeding its “corporate target of 23% for ethnic minority diversity in the workforce”, hitting 31%. At various points, “EDI requirements” for the route have required contractors to “monitor and report on supply chain spend” with “diverse suppliers”.

I believe, as you do, that Britain should give everyone a fair chance to succeed in life. And I believe, also, that people should be allowed to use their talents to the best of their abilities, to give themselves every chance to succeed in life. But this is not what these policies achieve. Politicians have created a backdoor for anti-White discrimination.

Housing

The results of this attitude are everywhere. Take our stock of social housing, and how it’s been treated over the last century. When Labour and Conservative politicians opened Britain’s borders after the war, it would have been simple to maintain a basic principle: the British people paid for these homes, should be housed in them, and newcomers will have to be patient as they earn their way in.

Instead, the “Homes fit for Heroes” became homes for humanity. Rules which gave priority to local people and ties to the area were stripped away^, in part on the grounds that they discriminated against Britain’s newly diverse population, only to be reimposed in part only after massive disruption to the social fabric of these areas.

The results have been absurd. Councils spend fortunes on translation services so that migrants who don’t speak English can access social housing.^, Westminster Council was recently providing leaflets in six different languages on how to access its rent support fund for “council tenants who don’t get full benefits”. After all, providing information in English alone could be indirect discrimination, as would be setting residency requirements so only people with deep roots in an area get subsidised.

By 2006, statutory guidelines urged housing associations to set targets for ethnic minority letting. The rules that have replaced these are more vague, referring instead to indirect discrimination and allowing judicial review to determine the boundaries. The effect is the same, and the result has been to redistribute the nation’s stock of social housing away from the White British populations who originally inhabited these areas.

In Westminster, one in seven social tenants — handed discounts on private sector rents worth hundreds of thousands of pounds over their lifetimes — hold foreign passports with no British paperwork. Around 42% were born outside of the UK and Ireland. For London as a whole, it’s 33%. Look at the head of household — without the dilution of children born here — and the figure is almost 50%, benefiting from over £3.5 billion in rent discounts each year.

Among those to have benefited from Britain’s generosity are the first lady of Sierra Leone and a Hamas fugitive, while lacking citizenship is not an absolute barrier: housing associations are free to allocate homes to those with no recourse to public funds, even when public funds were used to build those houses. The absurdity of the situation is demonstrated by the almost 15,000 social tenancies handed out since 2020 to those who came to Britain as refugees.

The outflow from social housing has been mirrored in the dismantling of communities. In 1991, a reasonable estimate is that around 90% of Barking’s inhabitants were White British. In 2001, this figure had dropped to 81%. Today, it’s less than 31%. Brent has gone from 46% to 15%; Westminster from 73% to 28%; Croydon from 80% to 37%.

This demographic shift didn’t happen because social housing policies were changed: it was the result of a huge inflow of migrant populations, combined with price signals that dispersed the people previously living there, combined with uninterest from politicians at what was being lost. It is hard to square this lack of interest with the constant opposition to “gentrification”, or the City Hall documents lamenting economic regeneration means that “spaces long inhabited by migrant populations are being lost” The same phenomenon previously enabled, now viewed as cause for concern.

Under a Reform UK Government, foreign nationals will not have any access to welfare. Foreign nationals who are unable to relocate to private rented accommodation after a three month grace period will lose their right to remain and be liable for deportation under Operation Restoring Justice. Residency and preference requirements for social housing will be used to ensure that veterans and long-term local residents will be preferenced for social housing, with exceptions only for groups like domestic abuse survivors and care leavers.

Healthcare

In housing and employment, Britain’s DEI state is grotesquely unfair. In healthcare, it’s lethal.

We can start with mental health. As politicians have repeatedly noted, Black people are more likely to be sectioned under the Mental Health Act. They are detained at rates roughly 3.5 times higher than their White peers. And if this were where the story ended, it could indicate a problem. But the government’s own data shows that Black men are more than ten times as likely to screen positive for a psychotic disorder than their White counterparts.

Nevertheless, at the level of individual staff members, the idea that disparities are evidence of racism is deeply ingrained. Valdo Calocane, a paranoid schizophrenic who murdered Ian Coates, Barnaby Webber, and Grace O’Malley-Kumar in Nottingham, was previously allowed to go free despite a history of violence and repeated refusal to take medication. Mental health workers were reportedly worried about the over-representation of Black men in the mental health system.

Former and current psychiatrists have spoken about the pressure they have felt to follow this line of reasoning. Politicians in Westminster, meanwhile, think they should be obligated to do so. In 2022, the Conservatives declared that they intended to reform the Mental Health Act to reduce the rates of Black and minority individuals held for compulsory detention and treatment. Fortunately, their Government imploded before they could get around to doing it. Less fortunately, the other wing of the Uniparty immediately adopted the policy. Labour’s manifesto declared that legislation should be modernised so it no longer “discriminates against Black people”.

The result of this approach seems almost certain to be mentally ill people who don’t get the support they need, and, I’m afraid, more innocent people who find themselves the targets of random outbursts of violence.

Tackling this, however, will require addressing a deep-rooted cultural problem in our health service. When the Covid vaccine first became available, GPs and politicians called for non-White people to jump to the head of the queue for vaccines. On this occasion, the principle that all should be treated evenly just about held. In others, it’s been shattered.

The NHS Core20PLUS5 scheme specifically notes that “ethnic minority communities” and “vulnerable migrants” are among those it expects to be targeted for “accelerated improvement”, such as better maternity care, annual physical health checks for those with mental illness, and higher cancer diagnosis rates. The “patient and carer race equality framework” introduced in 2023 requires NHS Trusts to show “reduced inequalities” over time, with attention drawn repeatedly to mental health detentions. And the NHS Race and Health Observatory has explicitly called on Trusts to reject “improvement efforts” which “risk reinforcing inequities”. The result is a slew of schemes aiming to improve outcomes in minority groups. In the case of prostate cancer, the NHS is restricting routine screening for the general population even as it expands it to all black men in the relevant age groups.

NHS staff have boasted online of integrating “anti-Whiteness” into their work and manipulated interview processes in favour of ethnic minorities, Trusts have adopted crude racial quotas for directors, and NHS England documents urge using race as a “tie-breaker” or asking managers to justify hiring White British people. Others have simply broken the law, and engaged in “positive discrimination” in favour of the “global majority”.

Alongside this is an explicitly two-tier priority system. British taxpayers attempting to get healthcare through the NHS face long, drawn out waiting lists. Illegal migrants, on the other hand, have special schemes set up to jump the queue for healthcare, including dentistry services those here legally find essentially unavailable. The NHS argues that this is part of its “legal duty to address inequalities in access to NHS services”.

Again, this isn’t just unfair. Despite the overwhelming focus on the health outcomes of ethnic minorities, the age-standardised mortality rate for White British people is higher than for all other ethnic groups. Somehow, this has failed to become a priority for an organisation otherwise obsessed with racial “equity”, and with closing “disparities”.

Equally, it has been the case for decades that doctors trained overseas are significantly more likely to be hauled in front of fitness to practise hearings, and more likely to be struck off.^, In some cases, doctors banned overseas have turned up practising medicine in the National Health Service. By 2019, foreign-trained doctors were referred at over twice the rate of their British peers, as were ethnic minority doctors.

The response of the system has been to eliminate these disparities, not by improving hiring processes or education, but instead by regulators setting targets for referrals. Similarly, consistent ethnic minority and international graduate underperformance in exams and professional tests have resulted in a slew of measures aimed at boosting pass rates, rather than an honest examination of the calibre of candidates being admitted to medical schools or hired overseas.

Regrettably, this would have required a clash with the ideology of diversity, equity and inclusion. As a result, a flood of incoming international graduates left the excellent young doctors coming through Britain’s own medical schools – the doctors with consistently better performance than their international peers – unable to find the specialty training places needed to progress their careers, and in some cases absurdly left unemployed.

After years of this absurdity, it seemed that Labour had actually seen sense when it passed an act to prioritise domestic graduates. Unfortunately, the BMA has pointed out a loophole left in for those foreign doctors with “significant NHS experience” could well mean that it has no real effect at all.

It’s hard to think of a better way to summarise the damage done by DEI ideology. Even the NHS, an organisation supposedly set up to care for the British people, prefers when push comes to shove to look out for the interests of foreigners, and to leave the White British last in the list for treatment.

A Reform Government would end this madness. The NHS would be expected to look at all disparities, not only those which direct resources to minority groups, and we would significantly raise standards (including mandatory fluency in English) and cap the recruitment of foreign doctors to ensure that British patients are not being put at risk. We would preference home students over international graduates

Education

It’s a similar story in education, where bureaucrats are more interested in diversity than the educational success of the largest group of pupils. White state school students have the lowest rate of entry into university, and poor White British students have the worst GCSE results of any large ethnic group. Yet the overwhelming focus in rhetoric and policy appears to be directed at making a bad situation worse.

Barely over a third of White British boys on free school meals meet the expected standard in English and Maths, five years after the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities pointed this out. Yet the schools which should be dealing with addressing this sometimes seem to have other concerns.

Take Langley School, in Solihull. Some 23% of its students are eligible for Free School Meals; almost half of its students are White British. Its Equality policy contains a fascinating glimpse into how our institutions think: it promises “embedding EDI within teaching and resources”, “promoting community cohesion”, “instilling in pupils an awareness of prejudice”, and presents a glossary featuring “microaggression”, “safe space”, “decolonisation”, “White privilege” and “White supremacy”.

Or take Hillview, in Kent, which sets out the guidance provided for children aged 0-5: “equity and inclusion require more than treating everyone the same”, “talking about race is a first step in countering racism”, “practitioner training is an important step toward… understanding about White privilege, systemic racism, and how racism affects children and families”, and, of course, teaching children to “recognise racist behaviours and develop anti-racist views” while providing “role-play clothing that allows children to play in gender-flexible ways”.

I could go on, but I won’t. The point is simple: while White children are being left behind, the teachers who should be looking out for them are lecturing them about “White privilege”, telling them about their “responsibility” to reduce racism, telling them it is impossible for Black people to be racist towards those with White skin.

Things are no better at university. The focus of access schemes – despite careful wording around disadvantage – seems all too often to be on race, while White students are squeezed to make way.

Prestige is no protection. Oxford University has been accused of engaging in social engineering on a massive scale, with data showing Black students who missed their A-level grades receiving offers at almost four times the rate of their White peers.

Since 2020 and the moral outrage that followed the murder of George Floyd, the ethnic minority share of undergraduates admitted to Oxford has risen by 31%. The University’s Race Equality Charter Action Plan contains pledges to raise this figure further, to secure postgraduate scholarships for ethnic groups under-represented at the university, and to improve the grades of minority students.

Targeted outreach soliciting applications, scholarships reserved by race – these actions are legal because the Equality Act permits “positive action”, and Oxford is very far from alone in making use of this loophole. Curiously, the university is less vocal about its policies for admitting White Working Class students, who made up just 3% of the student body in 2019.

Some of this behaviour is mandated, with the Office for Students insisting on Access and Participation Plans that target “disadvantage”. The asymmetry of care, however, appears to be voluntary, and in keeping with the wider behaviour of the university sector. The result is that White middle class students applying to institutions across the country are at a serious disadvantage, and that White working class students may never get that far.

As I have stated, Reform UK would repeal the Equality Act, and strip back the regulations that allow for “positive action” in universities. We would insist that the criteria for admission to universities receiving state funding be purely meritocratic. Free speech protections on campus will be strengthened to restore freedom of expression and stop those who dissent against DEI being cancelled.

A Reform UK Government will end the ideological capture of our classrooms and ensure that every pupil in England receives a balanced and patriotic education. Under a Reform Government, every school will be required to fly the Union Flag, honour St George’s Day in England (and national days in the other home nations), and mount an official portrait of the King in a visible communal space.

We will introduce a new history curriculum, rooted in honouring our island story with pride. There will be no public funding for research or courses attempting to ‘decolonise’ the curriculum. Pupils should not be forced to celebrate Black History Month, Pride Month and Refugee Week.

Military

We will also restore pride to our armed forces. You may believe that our armed forces would be the last place to become a bastion of wokery. You’d be mistaken. On top of swingeing cuts from the previous Conservative Government, the military has been forced to allocate precious resources to diversity over defence.

Diversity and Inclusion “advisors” are stationed in every unit of the Army. £2 million is spent annually on paying their salaries. A leaked document titled “The British Army’s Race Action Plan” set out schemes that would relax security requirements for overseas recruits into positions with “uncontrolled access to secret assets”. For all the state’s investment into diversity and inclusion, it has had little noticeable effect. More British Muslims chose to pursue Jihad with ISIS than fight for Britain. Millions of pounds of taxpayer money is wasted on ridiculous social engineering schemes.

Military personnel put their lives at risk to ensure the safety of the country. The very least they deserve is our respect. And yet, the government can’t even bring itself to support those willing to make the ultimate sacrifice. They want to send a message to White servicemen that is impossible to ignore: you’re not welcome here.

Just look at the revolting language used to describe the brave people fighting for Britain. In leaked email correspondence, senior figures in the RAF told staff to stop choosing “useless White males” for training courses, threatening to halt the boarding process for training courses in order to recruit “BAME” alternatives.

We only know the extent of this behaviour thanks to several brave figures who have spoken out about clear anti-White discrimination. These people include Group Captain Lizzy Nicholl, who resigned after she refused to implement an “unlawful order” to recruit men and women over white men to hit diversity targets.

A Reform government would require the Armed Forces to focus on the maintenance of combat effectiveness above all other objectives, and recruitment would be no exception to this role. DEI initiatives would be closed down, as elsewhere in the public sector.

Policing

While DEI is undermining the state’s ability to protect our nation, it’s also undermining your safety on the streets. If there’s one arm of the government that exceeds all the others combined in its obsessive commitment to anti-White discrimination, it’s policing.

Again, we return to Henry Nowak, 18 years old, walking back to his university accommodation in December after celebrating the end of term with his friends when he crossed paths with Vickrum Digwa.

Digwa launched a frenzied knife attack against Henry. He stabbed him twice in the leg, once in the abdomen, and once deeply in his chest. Henry desperately tried to escape from Digwa by climbing over a fence, before collapsing to the ground. Neighbours in the area heard his voice crying out for help: “I’ve been stabbed!”

But help didn’t come for Henry that night. Digwa invited his family members to the scene, passing the bloody knife to his mother to hide. His brother called the police.

“We’ve just got attacked racially by some White person… we’re Sikhs, we wear a turban and he’s attacked my brother… We’re restraining him right now because he’s attacked my brother”.

This was a lie. But it didn’t matter. When officers arrived they listened as the falsehood was repeated, with Vickrum Digwa showing a non-existent “bruise”. Henry was still collapsed on the ground. He cried out again, “I’ve been stabbed”, and “I can’t breathe” as an officer dragged his body across the gravel, replying, “I don’t think you have, mate”. Henry’s voice was weaker as he told the police again that he had been stabbed. They responded by placing handcuffs on him. His last words were “I can’t breathe”, uttered as police read him his rights.

It was too late for Henry by the time the police finally realised the extent of his wounds. Vickrum Digwa was arrested. Unlike Henry, he was spared the indignity of handcuffs.

As if the police’s appalling conduct on that night couldn’t get any worse, the memory of Henry Nowak would be smeared before he could even be given a proper burial. The first statement put out by the police said “it was reported two men had been assaulted by an unknown man”. The next statement would again have falsely portrayed Henry as the aggressor. It was only the outrage of his grieving family that got them to change their minds. The police already knew at this point that Digwa was a liar. Nevertheless, the force tried to put out a statement condemning “disinformation” at a critical point of the murder trial, an action described as a “highly unusual move”.

This was not institutional incompetence. It was two-tier policing. The full horror of the case would only come to light thanks to the brave decision of Henry’s family to push for the release of police bodycam footage. Listen to what Henry’s father said in a statement outside of the courtroom shortly after Digwa’s sentencing. His son had died without “dignity” or “the care he deserved” while “his murderer was afforded decency”. Why?

I have some more questions. Why, when the police routinely ignore burglaries, muggings, and thefts, did they rush to the scene of a so-called “hate crime”? Why was Henry handcuffed while the murderer was not? Why was a man shouting that he had been stabbed and that he couldn’t breathe ignored?

And here’s one for Keir Starmer. Since when did you have the right to tell British people when they’re allowed to be angry?

Telling the truth about Henry Nowak’s murder isn’t divisive. Pretending we can continue with business as usual is. I have no doubt anti-White bias played a pivotal role in Henry’s treatment by the police. If that doesn’t fill you with cold rage, I don’t know what will.

Reform UK has already pledged to end the exemption for Sikhs to carry large bladed weapons. But what happened to Henry goes beyond this. It was the predictable consequence of a system that devalues White people, treating their safety as expendable if it requires holding minority groups to the same standards as everyone else. Nowak’s treatment has been waved away by the usual suspects. Mistakes were made under difficult and unclear circumstances, we are told. And perhaps they were. But why were these specific mistakes made?

To find the answer, we need only to check the website of the Hampshire Constabulary, which states that “being anti-racist, ethical and inclusive is top of our agenda.” When a career criminal from 4,000 miles away said “I can’t breathe”, Hampshire police placed DEI “at the top of the agenda”. A Race Action Plan was published, alongside the delivery of regular DEI indoctrination classes.

Did police officers privilege Digwa because they were afraid of being called racist? They would have every reason to be afraid, after all. If a staff member failed to uphold the Race Action Plan’s diktats, “Our internal reporting mechanisms are strong… we have a proven track record of removing those found guilty, no matter what rank they hold.”

Frighteningly, Hampshire Constabulary isn’t a lone case. Race Action Plans are embedded in every police service across the country. The largest police force in the country – the Met – will soon spend £5.2 million on diversity roles annually. Some still refuse to share their no doubt sizeable spending with the public. Greater Manchester police – one of the forces most implicated in the decades-long coverup of the mass rape of White working class girls by grooming gangs operating with police and local authority complicity – has declined to share how many full-time staff work as DEI officers.

The National Police Chiefs Council, meanwhile, released guidance for police forces urging them to pursue racial “equity”, which was clearly described as being different from the ideal of “treating everyone ‘the same’ or being ‘colour blind’ (racial equality)”.

Have the police forces espousing these views shown any sign of introspection whatsoever after Henry Nowak’s murder? No. Instead, they’ve decided to double down on the ideology that left Henry to die. Abimbola Johnson, who chaired a scrutiny board overseeing police Race Action Plans, said efforts to combat “institutional racism” hadn’t gone far enough.

I’ve seen enough bad-faith coverage in the press in the past weeks to know how the establishment will attempt to present this blatant discrimination as legitimate. It will deflect attention with the usual questions: what about stop and search? What about arrest rates?

The issue here is that disparate outcomes do not always equal discrimination. That’s why the police’s embrace of “equity” at the expense of “colour-blind” policing is so sinister: it sees racism where there is none, and imposes genuine discrimination in response.

A failure to understand this basic concept has caused dangerous outcomes. A “gangs matrix” that predicted future crimes based on affiliation with gang members was halted after it was accused of “algorithmic bias” after black men were disproportionately flagged.

Disproportionality was meaningless in this case if it wasn’t made clear who the figures flagged by the matrix were compared against – the general public, who are on average more likely to be White, or gang members, who are more likely to be black.

The same category error is applied to Stop and Search, restricted by Theresa May and the Tories. Despite making up only 13% of London’s total population, black Londoners account for 45% of London’s knife murder victims, 61% of knife murder perpetrators and 53% of knife crime perpetrators. It made sense that stop and search efforts would be similarly focused.

The obsessive focus on racism against minorities and the supposed risk of White violence runs directly against what we can actually see in the figures: highly disproportionate rates of violence committed by ethnic minority criminals against White victims.

How did we get to this point? The officers of the 70s and 80s were far from perfect. They could and indeed did overstep the mark in pursuit of their mission to keep the Queen’s peace. But keeping the peace was, after all, their only responsibility. Officers now have a far more sinister purpose: to enforce ideological conformity.

I’ve spoken to several people who have quit their jobs in disgust at what they see as the perversion of their role. They didn’t sign up to be “social workers”, to arrest people for rude social media posts while genuine criminals walk the streets unmolested. This shift came about almost 30 years ago with the publication of the Macpherson report. Concluding that the Metropolitan Police were institutionally racist, it pushed for radical changes, such as incidents perceived to be racist by witnesses and victims to be recorded and investigated as such (regardless of evidence).

That report would go on to shape the direction of policing in the decades to come, and not wholly for the better: by encouraging future generations of police officers to view society through a particular framework where racial minorities were victims and Whites side-eyed as latent bigots or potential perpetrators. Racism was not merely one social problem among many, but the defining moral problem of 21st century Britain.

All interactions were then to be viewed through this lens. Hate crime was redefined to include even a “perception” of bigotry. All disparities were taken as evidence of latent racism. Ethnic minorities were to be believed, lest an officer wished to invite a career-ending accusation of racism.

A police force trained for a quarter century to view accusations of racism as uniquely important will eventually behave as though accusations of racism are uniquely important – even more important, self-evidently, than the life of an innocent White teenager. That’s why the Conservative Party are so wrong to believe that officers are merely making mistakes. They are not. They are following the script successive governments have given them.

And what begins with the police is followed up by the judiciary. I’ve covered David Lammy and the efforts to “increase diversity” at the expense of the majority, but the truth is that judicial appointments have been corrupted for decades. In 2006, the Labour government created an arms-length body that took over the ancient role of the Lord Chancellor to appoint Judges. The Judicial Appointments Commission is required to promote diversity, and has become more hostile to meritocracy in recent years. Lammy’s choice to become the JAC’s new chairman previously embraced “positive action” schemes for non-White candidates that included providing interview questions in advance.

Reform UK has already pledged to enact the ‘Policing (Equal Treatment) Act’ within the First 100 Days of entering government. This will overturn the progressive capture of policing and ensure equality before the law, prohibiting Police Race Action Plans, eliminating diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) practices.

The Future

I’ve barely begun to expose the rot at the heart of the state. It is already the case that these rules and policies are dangerous and discriminatory: in the future, they have the potential to be catastrophic.

It’s clear that there’s an unspoken assumption: White British people are a sizeable majority, they can take the institutional disadvantage and the institutional scorn, and find a way around it. As a majority group, they’ll always be ok.

But this will not be the case forever. Thanks to the mass migration policies of Conservative and Labour governments, White Brits will become a minority in this country before the end of the century. Without a voice to speak up for them, the future will be manifestly unjust.

The events of the last week should have woken the establishment up. But, of course, they haven’t. The uniparty would rather court chaos than admit the evils of their cruel ideology. It’s the same playbook I’ve fought against for decades. Make no mistake: if there is no urgent action taken to remove discriminatory and dangerous anti-White policies, we will see another Belfast. I don’t take what I say lightly – but I refuse to join the crowd burying their heads in the sand as our country is torn apart at the seams.

There is reason for hope. I believe the British people are fundamentally fair and decent. Your frustration is my own: that voice that says you don’t have to live like this anymore. We’re long past empty platitudes about change: only Reform has the will and the ability to ensure that no young White person ever has to grow up feeling ashamed of who they are again.

A Reform government won’t just look back at the wrongs of the past. It will build a stronger and fairer future. The hour is late, but all is not lost. I will not let you down.

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