JTA on Charlie Kirk Assassination: A mixed legacy — for Whites and Jews

Charlie Kirk, conservative activist who considered himself a defender of Jews and Israel, is dead at 31

The conservative activist killed in Utah at times faced allegations of antisemitism from across the political spectrum.

Charlie Kirk, the conservative activist who through more than a decade in public life expressed staunch support for Israel while at times being accused of antisemitism, is dead at 31.

He was fatally shot while speaking at a Utah university in front of a crowd of roughly 1,000.

Kirk was the CEO and co-founder of Turning Point USA, an influential youth organization in conservative politics. Born and raised in the suburbs of Chicago, he founded the group at 18 after dropping out of college. Over the following years, he played a crucial role in galvanizing youth support for President Donald Trump and came to represent a vanguard of Christian nationalism in the United States.

Kirk frequently characterized himself as a defender of the Jews and Israel, even as he faced criticism from across the spectrum over his comments about Jews and from the Anti-Defamation League and others over his role in the mainstreaming of the far right.

“Charlie has been a shining light in these troubled times for the American Jewish community, and we are deeply saddened at his passing,” the Republican Jewish Coalition said in a statement. “All people of good will must condemn this horrific murder and demand justice for Charlie.”

Morton Klein, CEO of the Zionist Organization of America, said Kirk had recently accepted an invitation to speak at the group’s national gala later this year.

“Charlie Kirk was a great man, a personal friend and an ally who loved Israel and the Jewish people,” Klein said in a statement. “I had the pleasure of walking all over Jerusalem with him and sitting for an incredible interview with him on his radio show where for over an hour, Charlie asked great questions to better understand the Arab-Islamist war against Israel, the Jewish people and the West.”

Among the first global leaders to send their prayers following reports that Kirk had been shot was Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Kirk was a vocal backer of Israel, visiting the country multiple times and more recently staunchly supporting its war in Gaza amid mounting headwinds from an isolationist wing of the Republican Party.

After visiting Israel in May 2018 for a ribbon-cutting ceremony for the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem and again in 2019, Kirk described his visits to the country as eye-opening.

He told a crowd at a Jerusalem bar during his second trip: “I’m very pro-Israel, I’m an evangelical Christian, I’m a conservative, I’m a Trump supporter, I’m a Republican, and my whole life I have defended Israel.”

Kirk at times drew criticism for veering into antisemitism as he discussed matters related to Israel and other topics. In October 2023, just days after Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack on Israel, Kirk drew controversy after he derided Jewish philanthropy to American universities for “subsidizing your own demise by supporting institutions that breed Anti-Semites and endorse genocidal killers.”

Weeks later on “The Charlie Kirk Show,” he also said that Jewish people control “not just the colleges; it’s the nonprofits, it’s the movies, it’s Hollywood, it’s all of it.”

Some conservatives decried his comments. Erick Erickson, a Christian radio host, posted on X that Turning Point USA was “looking like not just a grifting operation, but an anti-Semitic grifting operation.” Ben Domenech, the editor of The Spectator, wrote that if Kirk remained the head of his organization, “the right has an anti-Semite problem that will follow them into the coming elections.”

The next month, Kirk defended Elon Musk on his show after the tech mogul responded “you have said the actual truth” to a user who had posted a reference to the “Great Replacement” theory, writing that Jews were “coming to the disturbing realization” that immigrants to the United States “don’t exactly like them too much.”

“Jewish communities have been pushing the exact kind of hatred against whites that they claim to want people to stop using against them,” said Kirk on his show, later adding that “the philosophical foundation of anti-whiteness has been largely financed by Jewish donors in the country.”

Kirk’s concerns about the erosion of status for white Americans were central to his politics, and he also railed against what he called “Marxism,” efforts to curtail gun rights, and transgender people, about whom he was answering a question when he was shot.

In April 2024, as pro-Palestinian protests spread through American campuses, Kirk backed Republican crackdowns and urged them also to confront what he called “institutional hatred of white people.”

“I’m loving all the GOP unity against Jew hatred. It has no place in America,” wrote Kirk. “Can we get the same unity about the institutional hatred of white people on campus? It’s even more embedded than the antisemitism.”

After Kirk was given a prime time speaking slot at the 2024 Republican National Convention, the Democratic Majority for Israel launched a petition calling on them to rescind their pick over what they called Kirk’s “long record of antisemitic statements.”

In a backgrounder about Turning Point USA from the Anti-Defamation League, the ADL accused Kirk of creating a “vast platform for extremists and far-right conspiracy theorists” and promoting “Christian nationalism.”

Rejecting the criticism, Kirk long framed himself as a defender of the Jews.

“No non-Jewish person my age has a longer or clearer record of support for Israel, sympathy with the Jewish people, or opposition to antisemitism than I do,” he posted on X in April as part of a critique of  David Friedman, the former U.S. Ambassador to Israel, challenging his view of pro-Palestinian protests on college campuses. He said he rejected the idea of punishing people for their speech.

“Once ‘antisemitism’ becomes valid grounds to censor or even imprison somebody, there will be frantic efforts to label all kinds of speech as antisemitic — the same way the left labeled all kinds of statements as ‘racist’ to justify silencing their opposition,” he said. “Not only that, but all of this won’t even work.”

In a post on X in August, Kirk called on his supporters to reject antisemitism: “Jew hate has no place in civil society. It rots the brain, reject it.”

Kirk has also frequently defended Israel in its prosecution of the war in Gaza. In July, he posted a segment from his show on X in which he defended the country against allegations that it is starving Palestinians.

Last month, he hosted a discussion with Gen Z Turning Point USA students in which they discussed waning support for Israel among Republicans and rampant antisemitism in the United States.

“As you’ll see, they don’t hate Israel or Jewish people, but they are skeptical about the state of America’s current relationship with the country, and they want to be confident America’s leaders are putting their own country first,” wrote Kirk in a post on X about the discussion. “I have been working hard to help conservative politicians, donors, and friends of Israel better understand this dynamic.”

Kirk is survived by his wife and two young children.

Tucker interviews former State Dept. employee: Israel Lobby in complete control of anything having to do with Israel

Transcript.

Tucker [00:00:00] So you were marched out of the State Department two weeks ago. You left involuntarily, and I want to hear why. But first, what did you do there? What was your job at the State?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:00:09] I was a press officer in the Near Eastern Affairs Bureau, started September 2024. Essentially, the main bread and butter role of a press office is twofold. One is preparing the spokesperson before they go on the podium and do their daily press briefing. Yeah. And second, reporters ask questions all the time. So a reporter with XYZ outlet submits a question and it’s our job to use cleared lines, or cleared meaning approved lines, and send them back to the reporter. And if you ever read an article that says a state department spokesperson said X, those are press officers taking those cleared lines and sharing it with that reporter.

Tucker [00:01:14] Who clears the lines?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:01:16] Good question. So the press officer will draft the lines from there. It will go up a ladder essentially. So there’ll be desk officers. Leadership in the NEA press office itself and then it goes up to the seventh floor, meaning the secretary’s policy planning office, the deputy secretary of state’s office, but it’s not them self. You’re not going to get the deputy Secretary of State looking at this, right? It’s going to just be like a staffer who represents that equity. So it becomes an inclusive process to make sure everyone has eyes on it. And if there are flags, they’ll let you know. For example, you could be driving a lion on Israel. But it involves Lebanon. But there’s another press officer and a whole other desk and leadership working on Lebanon that might have an equity that you may not be aware of that they’ll edit the line.

Tucker [00:02:09] So, describe the bureau that you work for, Near Eastern Affairs.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:02:12] Yes. What is that? It’s well, it’s an old school name. It basically means anything involved in the Middle East. So it’s Morocco to Iran.

Tucker [00:02:20] Essentially the whole Middle East, not just the Levant, like the whole middle.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:02:23] Yeah, Near East. Yeah, it’s a they need to update the name. I think people are aware. But yeah, it it’s the entire Middle East. So they use all these acronyms. So Israeli Palestinian Affairs is IPA or ISPAL. Saudi, Oman, Yemen, Bahrain, that whole grouping is ARP for Arabian Peninsula. And then North Africa is its own entity as well. Morocco to Egypt goes under NA. OK, so it’s.

Tucker [00:02:51] The Levant, the Gulf, Iran, yeah, Iran, Iraq. Huh, interesting. And that’s all in the same bureau. So the State Department divides the world into bureaus. Correct. Go traffic called desks. Correct.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:03:05] Correct. So from Canada down to Chile’s WHA, Western Hemisphere Affairs, Asia’s EAP, Eastern Asia, East Asia Pacific. So we have all these divisions. And Africa, correct. EUR for Europe, Africa’s AF. Um, I was in NEA, um, and I was a press officer there originally covering Lebanon, Jordan, just for a couple of months, and I quickly shifted to, uh, ISPAL. Israel, Palestine. It’s your bow sign.

Tucker [00:03:37] Um, so that’s the hottest of all desks, I would think most scrutiny, most at stake rhetoric, most closely supervised. I would, I’m just guessing, but.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:03:50] Yes, it’s true. The press officer for Israeli Palestinian affairs, you’re on a stage constantly because you’re getting the most questions from reporters for good reason. The spokesperson is going to deal with the most question at the podium about the topic. And so it was a compliment yet difficult for me to process the fact that it was requested from various people in leadership When the administration was changing in January, they said, hey, I know you’ve only been here for a couple of months, but we’re going to put you on this, in this position. Which was surprising, but I wanted to take on the challenge at the time.

Tucker [00:04:32] That by the incoming administration, by the Trump administration.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:04:34] It was, well, it was people from leadership in NEA, which some of them were civil servants, but there were experienced people that recognized how heavy the topic was going to be coming in.

Tucker [00:04:47] How do you get current on that? How do do your research?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:04:51] So it’s, it’s multifold. So we do receive like in terms of standard mainstream media, we do get like, uh, copies of articles and coverage and it’s not necessarily politically, um, uh, isolated, at least in the beginning, it wasn’t. So I would see everything in my email inbox plus personally, right? I’m always absorbing things and you’re only going to be a good press officer if you’re reading Twitter and the standard emails are getting, um, through the inbox. Yeah. So you’re absorbing a lot of information. And it’s not just the details. Like, of course, if I have a question, I want to go to the Israel experts at the State Department. So if there’s a detail I don’t know, there might be a desk officer or someone like that that would know the numbers or the challenges that I need for a specific press line. For me though, as a press officer, my addition in those conversations is like more stylistic. Okay, if we put this line out there, We’re going to invite. These problems or it’s good if we say it this way because uh, this will help us Uh, they’ll defend us in this other way. So it was a stylistic endeavor. Um for from day to day um, and You don’t have full control because i’m obviously the personality of someone at the podium is going to say It one way even though I was hoping this line would deliver this other Way, right? You don’t you have full. Control, but you you do have a who’s the spokesman for the nearer? Well, right now it’s, it’s more the spokesperson of the entire department that I was briefing. So it was Tammy Bruce. She left, um, and then there’s, uh, deputies that are currently. Where did Tammy Bruce go? She’s going to the UN.

Tucker [00:06:33] Um, so were you given parameters? Like how do you get your orders? Like we do say this, we don’t say that.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:06:43] The main day-to-day activity that I think people may not be aware of, but are probably not aware of is that I have these packets called press guidance, called PG. So on Tuesday and Thursday, which are the days that a spokesperson would go on to the podium, I would have all the sample questions. And some of them are tasked from the main press office in at the city department. But I also would come up with my own questions, like, hey. Where we’re getting this question a lot, we need to have lines for this, so we can’t leave this alone. So I’d create a packet, clear it through the building, like I was saying earlier, through the seventh floor, and then I’d present that brief to the spokesperson about two hours before she went onto the podium.

Tucker [00:07:27] How do you know what the official US position, especially on that topic, Israel-Palestine, I mean, that’s again, the most politicized area there is. And it’s the stakes are high. So how do you what the officially US position is on that conflict?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:07:43] It’s a very good question, especially in the beginning of the administration, it’s a bit of an art. You’re taking the gold for a press officer or lines from the principles. Essentially, if President Trump says something, if Special Envoy Wyckoff says something. I take those quotes and I’m like, okay, that’s policy. So if he’s talking about…

Tucker [00:08:03] And I think that’s literally true, right? I mean, the president sort of unilaterally can form our foreign policy.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:08:08] Yeah, and there’s no questioning like a quote that comes from a principal, especially President Trump or Secretary Rubio for the State Department is often the case. So I would take those lines and it would answer certain questions that would come up. Where are we with the ceasefire? Oh, Special Envoy Witkoff went on XYZ Sunday show, so I’ll pull that line and I’ll brief the spokesperson and then she or he can quote. Especially when we wake up at the podium again, because that’s the policy. That’s the easiest way of doing it. You don’t always have quotes. So what would happen instead is you kind of have.

Tucker [00:08:43] Did you ever get a question on that? Question on? Well, I mean, if you say, you know, you should respond in this way and then cite the president or Steve Wittkopf or Secretary Rubio, then that kind of that kind of ends the conversation, right?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:08:55] It should end the conversation. What was surprising, and this will go back to why, when I ended up departing and getting fired in August, was that on a specific question, one of the three events I think led up to my firing, was on a Monday, we received a question about forced displacement, which is essentially ethnic cleansing, and what our policy was about Israel intending to move Palestinians in Gaza to South Sudan. So to South Sudan, yeah, that was every, like every two or three months we had a new, um, Reporting would come out in the spring. It was they’re moving Um palestinians in gaza to libya There was a rumor about somaliland even though we don’t recognize somalilan but There was reporting about are we going to do an exchange where we recognize somali land? But they have to take on palestineans And then we had an ethiopia round and then the last last round that I witnessed before I left was a South Sudan. So, and so that appears in somewhere in the press appears somewhere in the press. And we received a question. What’s your response to this reporting? And then I, I came up the line, not, but it wasn’t a line that like, I just came out of the blue. It was something that’s President Trump and Special Envoy Witkoff had said in other words in the spring. I said, we do not support forced displacement.

Tucker [00:10:21] And why, what did they say about it? So that was your interpretation of what they said. Do you remember what they said, what Wyckoff and Trump said on that topic?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:10:29] So specifically special envoy Wittkopf said something, we’re not, said something along the lines of we’re not trying to evict anybody, right? So from, as a press officer, there’s an art to it, right. Cause you’re not you can sometimes do the exact quote, or you can just come up with a new line that reflects that quote.

Tucker [00:10:43] I think forced displacement and eviction are synonyms, any fair person would say that.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:10:48] And keep in mind, this had already been cleared. It was approved for about a couple of weeks before this particular question popped up because the Ethiopia rumor was like July 28th. So I put it in the PG, put it into the packet, cleared through, I briefed it multiple times. So when that question came up, I said, I actually probably had the right to just send that line because it cleared so many times. But to be extra careful, I sent it out to the spokesman. Person and that’s their staff and made sure the most important equities were re-clearing it and from my understanding now I wasn’t on the chain but from my understanding they went to the secretary’s office and they cut that line of we do not support forced displacement. The only other bullet that we have which is pretty standard is we don’t discuss private diplomatic conversations which is standard I always say you know. Ongoing. Yeah, exactly. Yeah. It’s one of those lines. So that line was there. So, that’s all we ended up providing. So there’s some sensitivity, which I found very odd because out of the three events, I can get into the other ones, but that was like number two. But the two days before I was fired, that Thursday and Friday, the only feedback that I got, Cause my bureau was confused as to why. Uh, the secretary’s office was coming down on me, right? Cause they don’t know me. They don’t interact with a random press officer at NEA, right. Maybe a little bit more because of the sensitive topic, but chances are generally low. My leadership has said, Hey, they’re asking where you got that line from. From Monday. I’m like, today’s Thursday, you four days later, they were asking me where I, where I got this line that I drafted, but they cut it. I went through the procedure, right, I cut it, they cut it and the reporter never saw that line.

Tucker [00:12:43] Did they explain why they cut it?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:12:46] All I got from, all I heard, all eyewitness, was the acting spokesperson saying.

Tucker [00:12:51] So you were paraphrasing the envoy, Steve Wicoff, and the President of the United States, Donald Trump, when you said the United State does not support a forced displacement. Yep. I don’t think we do support that, do we, by the way? I would hope so. Yeah, one would hope not. Right. And especially, we’re not going to pay for that. And they cut that out, but didn’t explain why. Right. And then your supervisors came to you and said, hey, they’re complaining about you.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:13:21] Right. And they didn’t, they only specified that line, just like the act of drafting it. And I was like, I have a track record. They asked me Thursday afternoon and Friday morning, twice in a row, which is very odd for a random bullet. I was, like, I have the evidence from July 28th of clearing this press guidance with that line. And here are the relevant quotes.

Tucker [00:13:41] Say, by the way, you may not know this, but the United States does support forced displacement. No one said that. No one’s said that, but by the way, sorry, I got it wrong. We’re all about forced displacement, okay? We want, we want, kind of want to trail a tear situation here because we’re for that.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:13:58] It’s tragic because it’s such a standard. So bonkers. Yeah. That’s something you would want to advertise. You want to put out there that we’re against this. Like, hey, we still have some moral standing somewhere. And when the Washington Post piece came out like yesterday, two days ago, saying there’s some plan involving the consultations of Tony Blair of moving gauzans out, but we may pay for something, a piece of it. I’m like, why? So is this why I got fired is because I was, I was still sticking through this line and they saw me as some kind of obstacle, which I wasn’t because I was going through the exact procedures they wanted. But I knew that when I was fired as someone who was, again, close with political appointees and with civil servants and was pretty well established in NEA. Again, like I said earlier, you don’t get this role covering Israeli-Palestinian affairs on a whim and I’m suddenly pushed out. That means things are going to go into a very radical direction. Well, yeah, I should also say.

Tucker [00:14:59] Because I know that you will be attacked and I’ll be attacked for speaking to you on the following grounds. This guy’s a partisan Democrat who liked Bernie. He was a saboteur, a wrecker. I know from our conversations off camera, at least what you said to me was basically agreed with Trump’s foreign policy instincts. You know, fewer pointless wars, Like, get along with more people.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:15:24] Yeah, that’s fair. I’ve always been an advocate for ending endless war on a personal level. And so when President Trump is saying, hey, we don’t want to get into any forever wars, I’m like, that is great. And we technically started with a ceasefire in Gaza and started the administration. That was something we could have expanded on. We were speaking to the Iranians. So there’s so many chances for true peace, but things went in the wrong direction. I would say somewhere in the summer. Uh, I remember listening to president Trump’s speech in Saudi in May, where he was talking about amazing speech. Love that speech. I remember I was, I was like,

Tucker [00:16:03] I was cheering.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:16:04] Exactly. And in my, in my cubicle at the state department, I was like, this is a great speech.

Tucker [00:16:07] I was too, that was one of the best speeches I’ve ever given.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:16:10] And I was like, this is amazing. It was ballsy to the speech. Calling out neocons, like, no one calls out neocrons in DC, right? No, of course not. We brushed that under the rug. We kept moving, right. We still see them as an analyst here and there on TV. Here and there? They dominate the biggest cable news channel. Yes, Don Bavaria. Yeah. So, so glad to see that. But then why two weeks later, were we sabotaging our own talks with Iran and then bombing them? Right? So the events. Like the idea that I’m some partisan is just wrong. I guess on a personal avenue, I don’t want any more endless wars. But President Trump was in line with that. And I was doing my job in line with the procedures that were necessary every single day. Yeah, but it sounds like you agreed with him.

Tucker [00:16:56] So, I guess that’s my point. If you like that, I mean, I don’t know, you know, a lot of these, some of the labels are real, but some of them are also created and certainly sustained in order to keep people from listening to each other so they don’t discover they actually agree on a lot. And if you love the Saudi speech and I love the Saudi speech, then we’re probably not too far from each other then. Because I thought that and that was a Donald Trump speech. And by the way, if you’re such a partisan Democrat, you’re admitting on camera that you loved a Donald Trump speech. You’re not too partisan, I guess.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:17:27] I just want to see because I’m here. I’m honest these matters Yeah, it’s like it’s the it’s they it’s their issues. We have informed policy that I matter that I care about I don’t care about the labels per se

Tucker [00:17:36] Oh, I don’t either. Well, they’re clearly meaningless. Yes. If we’re both cheering on the Riyadh speech. So yes. Okay. I just wanted to establish that. So you start hearing from your bosses, like, Hey, what is this thing that you put in there about opposing forced displacement? We’ve always.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:17:51] Yeah, we’ve always, yeah, four or five days earlier, not even like the next day. There was like a delay annoyance. It was weird.

Tucker [00:17:59] So you said that there are three examples of this where they found problems with your work?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:18:05] Right. And some of this, it kind of made sense from hindsight, because I didn’t like, in the moment, I didn’t t realize. But Sunday, Israel had struck a tent with several journalists living inside, including Anas, who millions of people had watched cover the events in Gaza. They all died. I drafted a line, a few lines. And by the way, there were not… Saw some softy lines. The only thing that was there that they didn’t like was they did share condolences, which is pretty standard, uh, uh policy.

Tucker [00:18:39] What do you mean?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:18:41] So I said, we check indulgences for the families of the killed journalists.

Tucker [00:18:45] Well, that sounds, that sounds like hate speech to me. Condolences to the families of people who got killed, non-combatants killed in war.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:18:55] And what’s so disappointing, too, was that… Wait, wait, so what…

Tucker [00:19:00] What happened when you put that in there?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:19:01] I was immediately told from a senior official that we don’t know what Anas did essentially, and I was like, that’s odd. And it’s what he did. Like, we don’t know what his conduct was. Like we don’t know, we need more information. He might, it was, she or he was alluding to the fact. He may have done something or he’s a problematic actor in some way.

Tucker [00:19:30] Okay, let me just say I would be totally comfortable sharing condolences with Osama Bin Laden’s family. I hate Osama bin Laden. On the other hand, if somebody dies, it’s okay to say, I’m sorry to his family that you’re- He had a toddler. That’s what I’m saying. Yeah. That’s immaterial. I would say that to the family of an executed murderer in a prison. It doesn’t mean I support the murder or the murderer, but this is family. Like that’s okay. That’s called like human decency and anyone who’s against that.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:20:02] Yeah, and it seemed that we’re setting up this constant, this is my issue that I noticed from the get-go, the constant deferring to Israel. It was like waiting for some statement, like, let them speak first. And then on Monday, Israel said, al Hamas, which is a throwaway line they’ve used. Al Hamas meaning what? They’re journalists. Were al Hamass? Yeah. Or at least with Anas, if I remember correctly. And so they brushed that away. Were they? Look, my point when I heard that… Was what does our intelligence say? If they were like being super strict and said, hey, we’re gonna triple check using our US intelligence of who these people are, maybe, maybe. Right? I still don’t agree with cutting the condolences line, but sure. But why is there, oh, Israel said this, done. We don’t have Intel services? Right, right. So what’s with the instinct to defer to Israel when we have the entire apparatus that could check that?

Tucker [00:21:02] And then by Tuesday got like 17 different intelligence services in this country that take, you know, a trillion dollars a year or whatever the actual budget is. And we don’t consult them at all. We wait for the Israeli spokesman to tell us what reality is. That what you’re saying.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:21:17] And how is that America first, right? This whole apparatus of like, of, of mirroring certain Israeli statements and waiting for them to comment first was something that I found tragic. It was, it was odd. Um, and that’s what ended up happening by the press briefing that Tuesday. We’re like, we refer you to Israel, which was a line that, um, popped up in my press guidance way too often.

Tucker [00:21:47] We were so we don’t have a position on it.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:21:50] Right. And that came up on any, any topic that was somewhat

Tucker [00:21:57] sensitive or waiting for Israel to make a move. Does the State Department have any position that contradicts the position of the Israeli government that you’re aware of? No.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:22:08] The closest, I think, for US interests we do, but in our current policy and posture, we do not. So- Not one. The closest we got-

Tucker [00:22:21] Do you love them? I love them. Do you have any sticking points with them? Is there, is there something you don’t fully agree on?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:22:26] As any siblings do.

Tucker [00:22:27] Exactly. Exactly. So loving someone or having an alliance with someone or even like sharing the same parents as somebody doesn’t mean that you have to agree on every little point.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:22:37] Would be weird if you did. It would be weird. Yeah. Agenical twins have disagreed. That’s a little odd. This is getting a little weird. Why is there nothing like this? It’s very strange. And the closest we came and there was no follow through was when I actually liked the statement which was a thousand other things I had personal issues which was irrelevant but Ambassador Huckabee when there was these type attacks against the Christians in West Bank he did put out a statement saying these attacks are unacceptable we call on Israel to investigate, but there’s no follow-through, right? What do you mean? He had a statement that said- Oh, I remember-

Tucker [00:23:12] Oh, I remembered very well.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:23:13] Very well. Yeah, there’s no, there is no follow through. And like, you’re like, oh, that’s a good statement. That’s, I’m like, wow.

Tucker [00:23:19] You can’t attack Christians with U.S. Tax dollars. Sorry. And not allowed. I don’t care who you are.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:23:24] And it was it was just it was one statement and there was no like and if we got questions, hey, what’s the size of the investigation?

Tucker [00:23:34] So no one at the State Department looked into it? This is a majority Christian country, but nobody felt like that would be a good use of American tax dollars to find out what this was or ask anybody any questions.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:23:47] And that’s the thing, each time there’s a call for investigation, a very rare opportunity that that’s in front of us. There’s no follow through the strong statement. We did the thing and you don’t hear about it for, for weeks and months. So there’s no one in the state department who cared. Look, I don’t want to speak for the entire, I think there, there were people that cared. I think that there are, I cared a lot, there are civil servants or political appointees, forest service officers that see, see all of this. And, but it’s the style of constantly deferring to Israel that’s at the forefront. So we can criticize up to a certain point. And it’s awful because if we want Israel to investigate, then we should be following up and ask, hey, what happened to the investigation? I thought you were going to investigate. Where are the prosecutions? Who did all the damage? Who did this and why? Yeah. But we’d never hear the follow up.

Tucker [00:24:48] So there’s no, as far as you’re aware, mechanism in the State Department to, because you’ve described a relationship that’s unique, there’s no other country in the world that has this relationship with the United States, and a lot of resources go into supporting that country, but there’s no mechanism in US State Department, to like follow up on this.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:25:13] In the public realm, because I was working, I work as a press officer, right? So I’m always working with reporters and how, like this, the presentation, those things matter. So if there was a system of following up, I didn’t see it. It’s possible. Personally, I kind of doubt it. Um, but on the public realm,

Tucker [00:25:33] You would have known about it because what if somebody asks you?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:25:35] Right. And you would think that if there was follow-up, you’d want to advertise it too. Like, Hey, we followed up, but they were, they were the preference was to defer and deflect and give

Tucker [00:25:49] We persecute Christians with American tax dollars, nobody cares. You’re making me mad. No, it’s just frustrating. It’s frustrating. I know, it is. Frustrating to see people get, cause it’s not a neutral situation. Like some people are winning and some people are losing. And if the losers are people that you, you know, didn’t do anything wrong, the Christians aren’t in Hamas, like what? What’s their crime?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:26:15] Look, the scenes are horrific, so on a human level, it shouldn’t matter, but if that’s the whole thing of having an ambassador out could be there, it’s like, at least maybe you’ll care about this. And then, yeah, you put a strong statement out, but don’t follow up.

Tucker [00:26:28] Care at all. Yeah, right. The self-described Christians don’t care at all about the Christians. And by the way, the whole justification for all this, you just said it, these journalists get blown up, they were Hamas. Okay, end of conversation. No one can plausibly claim that a Christian family are in Hamas, okay? So like what, tell me, you can’t claim that they’re in Hamas while simultaneously claiming that Hamas is, you know, a group of jihadis, they’re Islamic extremists, which they also claim. Constantly, which I don’t know if that’s true, by the way, it seems more like a political organization But whatever it is, they’re telling us constantly they’re al-qaeda So it can’t also be true that Christians are a member of al-Qaeda. Sorry. Yeah. Yeah So then we know they’re not in Hamas. So why did they get killed? Why was their church blown up? Why were they killed in that hospital? Like what is this? And there’s not one person in the State Department who cares enough to get to the bottom of that question

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:27:19] And all you saw, I mean, all I saw President Trump did call Prime Minister Netanyahu and Netanyah gave an apology for the church that was attacked in Gaza.

Tucker [00:27:28] One of many.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:27:31] There’s never follow-up. There’s never like, hey, this is the prosecution. This is where our investigation landed. It’s this quick two-hour brush on the rug, put a statement out, and then you don’t hear anything ever again.

Tucker [00:27:50] The third example of work that you produced that your superiors were unhappy with and led ultimately to your firing was what?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:28:00] It was a Tuesday, so that’s the press guidance day of all the sample questions. It was actually arguably, we said OBE, which meant overcome by events, which means that we’re like beyond its relevancy, but like, it was still could come up. So I put it, I left it in there was a reaction to Speaker Johnson visiting the settlements in the West Bank. Um, I had a line pretty standard and kind of not, not very specific, but it said, we support stability in the West bank stability. Yeah. We support stability. That’s all. So, and the last, well, the last piece was comma, um, which helps secure Israel. But I think the stable comment was, I don’t know, too much, because if we say we want a stable West Bank, are we accidentally being critical of something Speaker Johnson or Israel is doing?

Tucker [00:28:55] What is that? Flesh that out if you don’t mind. Sure. I mean, I know what you’re saying, but I’m not sure everyone knows. I’m not sure everyone else.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:29:00] Yeah, no, no. Yeah, it’s a good question. So.

Tucker [00:29:01] So why would the US government, so the US government is against extending condolences to the families of non-combatants killed. Correct. Okay. Correct. And the US Government is also now in favor of the forced movement of large populations. That was Monday. Right. Okay, and now you’re saying the US Government is against stability? Right. How are we against stability, why is stability a bad thing?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:29:26] Now, stability is a word that’s used a lot, and we are on paper saying we support stability in the region all the time. But in this specific context, when discussing settlements, it will sound like we’re critiquing Israel indirectly by saying we supports stability in reaction to a question about settlements. Right? So, that was how I interpreted the issue.

Tucker [00:29:48] So in other words, you might be suggesting that the US government opposes radical demographic change in the West Bank.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:29:56] Right. Now I have this line again, just like the force of displacement, it had cleared previously. This is where what was discussed when this first broke my firing in the, in the Washington post was that senior officials from embassy Jerusalem, David Milstein specifically would occasionally pop into my docs. Now it didn’t happen every single day. Like at a Google doc, right. It wasn’t a Google Doc. It was a, it was like, I don’t know, the brand doesn’t matter. Yeah. An internal system. I would share it with, um, in the morning, the equities I was mentioning, one of the equities. Is embassy Jerusalem.

Tucker [00:30:35] So inequity just for State Department speak people haven’t heard it tell us what inequity is. It’s like.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:30:39] So someone has some stake in those lines, and obviously Jerusalem does, obviously, because they’re the ones that are… The US embassy in Jerusalem. The US Embassy in Jerusalem, American diplomats posted to Israel. On those press briefing days, I would share it with them for them to review the document and be like, okay, these are our press lines for these sample questions, are you okay with them? Now, it was interesting because they often did not clear, they didn’t reject it, they just with a non-response because the press officer’s there would defer up the chain to David Milstein and Ambassador Huckabee because they didn’t want to put their name on it. Because if it’s something that they didn’t like, no one wants their name on a press guidance that wasn’t approved by these influential people. Who is David Milstain? He is the senior advisor to Ambassador Huckeby.

Tucker [00:31:26] And what’s his, how old is he? What’s his background? Is he a career diplomat or, uh, he’s a, from my understanding, he has a political

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:31:34] Believe you worked on the hill.

Tucker [00:31:37] Did he work for Ted Cruz? Yes. Yes, he worked for Ted Cruise.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:31:40] And he is the stepson of your best friend, Mark Levin.

Tucker [00:31:46] He’s Mark Levin’s stepson? Yeah. He’s working at the State Department? So, David Milstein is a political guy working now for Mike Huckabee in Jerusalem, and he was going through your lines. Okay.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:32:03] Uh, now on paper, uh, he could be, but the, the way that he would edit my docs as aggressively as he would, and we can get into this, but, the other, uh statements and pieces that were reported in the Washington Post, uh he would push certain agenda that was very aligned with Israel that I found very problematic. Now in this specific example, because we’re discussing the third example of why I was was that he changed the stability line. To we commend Speaker John’s for visiting Judea and Samaria. So we as a government.

Tucker [00:32:40] Jaya and Samaria.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:32:44] It’s a term that is like religious, it’s about Israel’s land grab of the West Bank.

Tucker [00:32:53] Are Judea and Samaria, like, administrative districts? No, it’s not. Is there a mayor of Samaria? Nope, doesn’t exist. Because there’s no actual place called Judea in Samaria. The civil authorities don’t recognize Judea or Samaria

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:33:08] Okay. Nope. It’s the more extreme wing of the, uh, elements of the Israeli government and David Milstein was in line with that language and it’s designed to erase any paucity legitimacy that this is, this is supposed to be, so the point is really

Tucker [00:33:27] By using those terms, they’re biblical terms, they refer to regions described in what Christians call the Old Testament. And the point is to remind everybody that this land was promised by God to the Jewish people, to the Hebrew people, and that, you know, anyone who’s lived there subsequently for the last 3,000 years has no right to it. Right. That’s the point. But from a sort of government perspective, Judean Samaria are not real places in that they’re not. They’re not nation states, they’re not provinces, they are not… And… Do they have clearly defined borders?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:34:04] Not from my understanding, I think they do not. And that would increase, that would give you, that opens the door. What the fuck? It opens the doors to more land grab.

Tucker [00:34:12] Okay, but if a place doesn’t have a clearly defined border, then how can the U.S. Government refer to it in any kind of official capacity? They can.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:34:24] And it’s scary too, because if you look at the airstrikes that Israel is doing in Syria, and they’re building settlements even outside the Golan Heights, it’s all part of this idea of a greater Israel that people are discussing that was beyond these borders. So it’s very scary, and it’s against the stability of the region that we’ve been calling for as a government for

Tucker [00:34:49] So certainly in the modern era, definitely since the fall of the Ottoman Empire in 1918, you’ve had clear borders between countries. In fact, we’re fighting a war against Russia right now on the premise that they violated those borders by moving into eastern Ukraine. So like the US government takes borders very seriously, obviously not including our own, but as a matter of like statecraft and diplomacy, that really, really matters. So, you would never! Use a phrase in an official communication that referred to a place whose territory you couldn’t define. That would be fucking crazy to do something like that. A hundred percent. Okay. So you think this Milstein guy, who is Mark Levin’s stepson, you say, it’s almost like you’re making this up. It’s like a joke. Who worked for Ted Cruz in the Senate. He added this to the statement. Correct. And then did it go out?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:35:46] So from that point, I cut it because I even accepted most of his edits in the, in the document because going to battle with him was a whole headache because he’ll call, he’ll push certain things. He was, he was known for doing that. Like he’ll, he will, David Milstein phone call was not the favorite thing.

Tucker [00:36:05] What was it like? Tell us for those of us who don’t work, which Mark Levin steps on at the State Department.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:36:11] Sure. So he would call and he would just push it. Why was that removed? Or why was XYZ done? Very often. And if you said no, there was a tendency to go up the chain in order for him to push the agenda of any given day. And this is something that I’ve dealt with since very early.

Tucker [00:36:30] Where’s his, is he the DCM or what’s… He’s just a senior advisor to Ambassador Huckabee. He’s like an assistant to the U.S. Ambassador to Israel. Correct.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:36:39] And he, sticking with the public reporting from Washington Post, like he would push in one occasion, statements that were in the voice of Secretary Rubio, not even the spokesperson. And he drafted them. He would push them through and be like, I want this statement out. And- I want the statement out? Yeah. He would go through and he’d be like I drafted this, this is the statement I want. I would go though the process of clearing it, but he would fight for it. Like he would be in the document, getting arguments with people one by one. In order to kind of overwhelm the process and get certain his agenda out there the way he wanted. It’s very difficult.

Tucker [00:37:20] What authority? I mean, that’s pretty cheeky behavior for a guy who’s an aid to Mike Huckabee.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:37:25] It was, you would call around the building and it was very consistent and persistent.

Tucker [00:37:33] But he lives in Jerusalem. He does.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:37:37] And policy comes from DC, like this is obviously they have influence and they have discussions, but the policy comes to DC. So what do you mean call around? You would go either laterally or up the chain and call various people and say, Master Huckabee, you’ll cite Huckaby usually and say wants to stun or in for X, Y, Z reason and If that person didn’t pick up it would go to the next person So he would so even if I we’re discussing equities earlier for one particular equity said we can’t do this Then he would go up Well, I don’t care because this guy above you may clear it

Tucker [00:38:18] and how to see if everyone’s number.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:38:20] That was that’s what I was wondering

Tucker [00:38:24] But David Milstein in an assistant in the U S embassy in Jerusalem, that’s, I just want to restate having grown up grown up around this. That’s not a high level post is like zero authority to do anything.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:38:37] And it’s drafting a statement on behalf, this is very audacious, to draft a statement on behalf of Secretary Rubio. The Secretary of State. Yes, in one occasion, again, referring just to public reporting, was the statement to condemn Ireland for considering a bill that would put economic sanctions on Israel.

Tucker [00:00:00] So you were marched out of the State Department two weeks ago. You left involuntarily, and I want to hear why. But first, what did you do there? What was your job at the State?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:00:09] I was a press officer in the Near Eastern Affairs Bureau, started September 2024. Essentially, the main bread and butter role of a press office is twofold. One is preparing the spokesperson before they go on the podium and do their daily press briefing. Yeah. And second, reporters ask questions all the time. So a reporter with XYZ outlet submits a question and it’s our job to use cleared lines, or cleared meaning approved lines, and send them back to the reporter. And if you ever read an article that says a state department spokesperson said X, those are press officers taking those cleared lines and sharing it with that reporter.

Tucker [00:01:14] Who clears the lines?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:01:16] Good question. So the press officer will draft the lines from there. It will go up a ladder essentially. So there’ll be desk officers. Leadership in the NEA press office itself and then it goes up to the seventh floor, meaning the secretary’s policy planning office, the deputy secretary of state’s office, but it’s not them self. You’re not going to get the deputy Secretary of State looking at this, right? It’s going to just be like a staffer who represents that equity. So it becomes an inclusive process to make sure everyone has eyes on it. And if there are flags, they’ll let you know. For example, you could be driving a lion on Israel. But it involves Lebanon. But there’s another press officer and a whole other desk and leadership working on Lebanon that might have an equity that you may not be aware of that they’ll edit the line.

Tucker [00:02:09] So, describe the bureau that you work for, Near Eastern Affairs.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:02:12] Yes. What is that? It’s well, it’s an old school name. It basically means anything involved in the Middle East. So it’s Morocco to Iran.

Tucker [00:02:20] Essentially the whole Middle East, not just the Levant, like the whole middle.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:02:23] Yeah, Near East. Yeah, it’s a they need to update the name. I think people are aware. But yeah, it it’s the entire Middle East. So they use all these acronyms. So Israeli Palestinian Affairs is IPA or ISPAL. Saudi, Oman, Yemen, Bahrain, that whole grouping is ARP for Arabian Peninsula. And then North Africa is its own entity as well. Morocco to Egypt goes under NA. OK, so it’s.

Tucker [00:02:51] The Levant, the Gulf, Iran, yeah, Iran, Iraq. Huh, interesting. And that’s all in the same bureau. So the State Department divides the world into bureaus. Correct. Go traffic called desks. Correct.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:03:05] Correct. So from Canada down to Chile’s WHA, Western Hemisphere Affairs, Asia’s EAP, Eastern Asia, East Asia Pacific. So we have all these divisions. And Africa, correct. EUR for Europe, Africa’s AF. Um, I was in NEA, um, and I was a press officer there originally covering Lebanon, Jordan, just for a couple of months, and I quickly shifted to, uh, ISPAL. Israel, Palestine. It’s your bow sign.

Tucker [00:03:37] Um, so that’s the hottest of all desks, I would think most scrutiny, most at stake rhetoric, most closely supervised. I would, I’m just guessing, but.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:03:50] Yes, it’s true. The press officer for Israeli Palestinian affairs, you’re on a stage constantly because you’re getting the most questions from reporters for good reason. The spokesperson is going to deal with the most question at the podium about the topic. And so it was a compliment yet difficult for me to process the fact that it was requested from various people in leadership When the administration was changing in January, they said, hey, I know you’ve only been here for a couple of months, but we’re going to put you on this, in this position. Which was surprising, but I wanted to take on the challenge at the time.

Tucker [00:04:32] That by the incoming administration, by the Trump administration.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:04:34] It was, well, it was people from leadership in NEA, which some of them were civil servants, but there were experienced people that recognized how heavy the topic was going to be coming in.

Tucker [00:04:47] How do you get current on that? How do do your research?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:04:51] So it’s, it’s multifold. So we do receive like in terms of standard mainstream media, we do get like, uh, copies of articles and coverage and it’s not necessarily politically, um, uh, isolated, at least in the beginning, it wasn’t. So I would see everything in my email inbox plus personally, right? I’m always absorbing things and you’re only going to be a good press officer if you’re reading Twitter and the standard emails are getting, um, through the inbox. Yeah. So you’re absorbing a lot of information. And it’s not just the details. Like, of course, if I have a question, I want to go to the Israel experts at the State Department. So if there’s a detail I don’t know, there might be a desk officer or someone like that that would know the numbers or the challenges that I need for a specific press line. For me though, as a press officer, my addition in those conversations is like more stylistic. Okay, if we put this line out there, We’re going to invite. These problems or it’s good if we say it this way because uh, this will help us Uh, they’ll defend us in this other way. So it was a stylistic endeavor. Um for from day to day um, and You don’t have full control because i’m obviously the personality of someone at the podium is going to say It one way even though I was hoping this line would deliver this other Way, right? You don’t you have full. Control, but you you do have a who’s the spokesman for the nearer? Well, right now it’s, it’s more the spokesperson of the entire department that I was briefing. So it was Tammy Bruce. She left, um, and then there’s, uh, deputies that are currently. Where did Tammy Bruce go? She’s going to the UN.

Tucker [00:06:33] Um, so were you given parameters? Like how do you get your orders? Like we do say this, we don’t say that.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:06:43] The main day-to-day activity that I think people may not be aware of, but are probably not aware of is that I have these packets called press guidance, called PG. So on Tuesday and Thursday, which are the days that a spokesperson would go on to the podium, I would have all the sample questions. And some of them are tasked from the main press office in at the city department. But I also would come up with my own questions, like, hey. Where we’re getting this question a lot, we need to have lines for this, so we can’t leave this alone. So I’d create a packet, clear it through the building, like I was saying earlier, through the seventh floor, and then I’d present that brief to the spokesperson about two hours before she went onto the podium.

Tucker [00:07:27] How do you know what the official US position, especially on that topic, Israel-Palestine, I mean, that’s again, the most politicized area there is. And it’s the stakes are high. So how do you what the officially US position is on that conflict?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:07:43] It’s a very good question, especially in the beginning of the administration, it’s a bit of an art. You’re taking the gold for a press officer or lines from the principles. Essentially, if President Trump says something, if Special Envoy Wyckoff says something. I take those quotes and I’m like, okay, that’s policy. So if he’s talking about…

Tucker [00:08:03] And I think that’s literally true, right? I mean, the president sort of unilaterally can form our foreign policy.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:08:08] Yeah, and there’s no questioning like a quote that comes from a principal, especially President Trump or Secretary Rubio for the State Department is often the case. So I would take those lines and it would answer certain questions that would come up. Where are we with the ceasefire? Oh, Special Envoy Witkoff went on XYZ Sunday show, so I’ll pull that line and I’ll brief the spokesperson and then she or he can quote. Especially when we wake up at the podium again, because that’s the policy. That’s the easiest way of doing it. You don’t always have quotes. So what would happen instead is you kind of have.

Tucker [00:08:43] Did you ever get a question on that? Question on? Well, I mean, if you say, you know, you should respond in this way and then cite the president or Steve Wittkopf or Secretary Rubio, then that kind of that kind of ends the conversation, right?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:08:55] It should end the conversation. What was surprising, and this will go back to why, when I ended up departing and getting fired in August, was that on a specific question, one of the three events I think led up to my firing, was on a Monday, we received a question about forced displacement, which is essentially ethnic cleansing, and what our policy was about Israel intending to move Palestinians in Gaza to South Sudan. So to South Sudan, yeah, that was every, like every two or three months we had a new, um, Reporting would come out in the spring. It was they’re moving Um palestinians in gaza to libya There was a rumor about somaliland even though we don’t recognize somalilan but There was reporting about are we going to do an exchange where we recognize somali land? But they have to take on palestineans And then we had an ethiopia round and then the last last round that I witnessed before I left was a South Sudan. So, and so that appears in somewhere in the press appears somewhere in the press. And we received a question. What’s your response to this reporting? And then I, I came up the line, not, but it wasn’t a line that like, I just came out of the blue. It was something that’s President Trump and Special Envoy Witkoff had said in other words in the spring. I said, we do not support forced displacement.

Tucker [00:10:21] And why, what did they say about it? So that was your interpretation of what they said. Do you remember what they said, what Wyckoff and Trump said on that topic?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:10:29] So specifically special envoy Wittkopf said something, we’re not, said something along the lines of we’re not trying to evict anybody, right? So from, as a press officer, there’s an art to it, right. Cause you’re not you can sometimes do the exact quote, or you can just come up with a new line that reflects that quote.

Tucker [00:10:43] I think forced displacement and eviction are synonyms, any fair person would say that.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:10:48] And keep in mind, this had already been cleared. It was approved for about a couple of weeks before this particular question popped up because the Ethiopia rumor was like July 28th. So I put it in the PG, put it into the packet, cleared through, I briefed it multiple times. So when that question came up, I said, I actually probably had the right to just send that line because it cleared so many times. But to be extra careful, I sent it out to the spokesman. Person and that’s their staff and made sure the most important equities were re-clearing it and from my understanding now I wasn’t on the chain but from my understanding they went to the secretary’s office and they cut that line of we do not support forced displacement. The only other bullet that we have which is pretty standard is we don’t discuss private diplomatic conversations which is standard I always say you know. Ongoing. Yeah, exactly. Yeah. It’s one of those lines. So that line was there. So, that’s all we ended up providing. So there’s some sensitivity, which I found very odd because out of the three events, I can get into the other ones, but that was like number two. But the two days before I was fired, that Thursday and Friday, the only feedback that I got, Cause my bureau was confused as to why. Uh, the secretary’s office was coming down on me, right? Cause they don’t know me. They don’t interact with a random press officer at NEA, right. Maybe a little bit more because of the sensitive topic, but chances are generally low. My leadership has said, Hey, they’re asking where you got that line from. From Monday. I’m like, today’s Thursday, you four days later, they were asking me where I, where I got this line that I drafted, but they cut it. I went through the procedure, right, I cut it, they cut it and the reporter never saw that line.

Tucker [00:12:43] Did they explain why they cut it?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:12:46] All I got from, all I heard, all eyewitness, was the acting spokesperson saying.

Tucker [00:12:51] So you were paraphrasing the envoy, Steve Wicoff, and the President of the United States, Donald Trump, when you said the United State does not support a forced displacement. Yep. I don’t think we do support that, do we, by the way? I would hope so. Yeah, one would hope not. Right. And especially, we’re not going to pay for that. And they cut that out, but didn’t explain why. Right. And then your supervisors came to you and said, hey, they’re complaining about you.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:13:21] Right. And they didn’t, they only specified that line, just like the act of drafting it. And I was like, I have a track record. They asked me Thursday afternoon and Friday morning, twice in a row, which is very odd for a random bullet. I was, like, I have the evidence from July 28th of clearing this press guidance with that line. And here are the relevant quotes.

Tucker [00:13:41] Say, by the way, you may not know this, but the United States does support forced displacement. No one said that. No one’s said that, but by the way, sorry, I got it wrong. We’re all about forced displacement, okay? We want, we want, kind of want to trail a tear situation here because we’re for that.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:13:58] It’s tragic because it’s such a standard. So bonkers. Yeah. That’s something you would want to advertise. You want to put out there that we’re against this. Like, hey, we still have some moral standing somewhere. And when the Washington Post piece came out like yesterday, two days ago, saying there’s some plan involving the consultations of Tony Blair of moving gauzans out, but we may pay for something, a piece of it. I’m like, why? So is this why I got fired is because I was, I was still sticking through this line and they saw me as some kind of obstacle, which I wasn’t because I was going through the exact procedures they wanted. But I knew that when I was fired as someone who was, again, close with political appointees and with civil servants and was pretty well established in NEA. Again, like I said earlier, you don’t get this role covering Israeli-Palestinian affairs on a whim and I’m suddenly pushed out. That means things are going to go into a very radical direction. Well, yeah, I should also say.

Tucker [00:14:59] Because I know that you will be attacked and I’ll be attacked for speaking to you on the following grounds. This guy’s a partisan Democrat who liked Bernie. He was a saboteur, a wrecker. I know from our conversations off camera, at least what you said to me was basically agreed with Trump’s foreign policy instincts. You know, fewer pointless wars, Like, get along with more people.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:15:24] Yeah, that’s fair. I’ve always been an advocate for ending endless war on a personal level. And so when President Trump is saying, hey, we don’t want to get into any forever wars, I’m like, that is great. And we technically started with a ceasefire in Gaza and started the administration. That was something we could have expanded on. We were speaking to the Iranians. So there’s so many chances for true peace, but things went in the wrong direction. I would say somewhere in the summer. Uh, I remember listening to president Trump’s speech in Saudi in May, where he was talking about amazing speech. Love that speech. I remember I was, I was like,

Tucker [00:16:03] I was cheering.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:16:04] Exactly. And in my, in my cubicle at the state department, I was like, this is a great speech.

Tucker [00:16:07] I was too, that was one of the best speeches I’ve ever given.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:16:10] And I was like, this is amazing. It was ballsy to the speech. Calling out neocons, like, no one calls out neocrons in DC, right? No, of course not. We brushed that under the rug. We kept moving, right. We still see them as an analyst here and there on TV. Here and there? They dominate the biggest cable news channel. Yes, Don Bavaria. Yeah. So, so glad to see that. But then why two weeks later, were we sabotaging our own talks with Iran and then bombing them? Right? So the events. Like the idea that I’m some partisan is just wrong. I guess on a personal avenue, I don’t want any more endless wars. But President Trump was in line with that. And I was doing my job in line with the procedures that were necessary every single day. Yeah, but it sounds like you agreed with him.

Tucker [00:16:56] So, I guess that’s my point. If you like that, I mean, I don’t know, you know, a lot of these, some of the labels are real, but some of them are also created and certainly sustained in order to keep people from listening to each other so they don’t discover they actually agree on a lot. And if you love the Saudi speech and I love the Saudi speech, then we’re probably not too far from each other then. Because I thought that and that was a Donald Trump speech. And by the way, if you’re such a partisan Democrat, you’re admitting on camera that you loved a Donald Trump speech. You’re not too partisan, I guess.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:17:27] I just want to see because I’m here. I’m honest these matters Yeah, it’s like it’s the it’s they it’s their issues. We have informed policy that I matter that I care about I don’t care about the labels per se

Tucker [00:17:36] Oh, I don’t either. Well, they’re clearly meaningless. Yes. If we’re both cheering on the Riyadh speech. So yes. Okay. I just wanted to establish that. So you start hearing from your bosses, like, Hey, what is this thing that you put in there about opposing forced displacement? We’ve always.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:17:51] Yeah, we’ve always, yeah, four or five days earlier, not even like the next day. There was like a delay annoyance. It was weird.

Tucker [00:17:59] So you said that there are three examples of this where they found problems with your work?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:18:05] Right. And some of this, it kind of made sense from hindsight, because I didn’t like, in the moment, I didn’t t realize. But Sunday, Israel had struck a tent with several journalists living inside, including Anas, who millions of people had watched cover the events in Gaza. They all died. I drafted a line, a few lines. And by the way, there were not… Saw some softy lines. The only thing that was there that they didn’t like was they did share condolences, which is pretty standard, uh, uh policy.

Tucker [00:18:39] What do you mean?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:18:41] So I said, we check indulgences for the families of the killed journalists.

Tucker [00:18:45] Well, that sounds, that sounds like hate speech to me. Condolences to the families of people who got killed, non-combatants killed in war.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:18:55] And what’s so disappointing, too, was that… Wait, wait, so what…

Tucker [00:19:00] What happened when you put that in there?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:19:01] I was immediately told from a senior official that we don’t know what Anas did essentially, and I was like, that’s odd. And it’s what he did. Like, we don’t know what his conduct was. Like we don’t know, we need more information. He might, it was, she or he was alluding to the fact. He may have done something or he’s a problematic actor in some way.

Tucker [00:19:30] Okay, let me just say I would be totally comfortable sharing condolences with Osama Bin Laden’s family. I hate Osama bin Laden. On the other hand, if somebody dies, it’s okay to say, I’m sorry to his family that you’re- He had a toddler. That’s what I’m saying. Yeah. That’s immaterial. I would say that to the family of an executed murderer in a prison. It doesn’t mean I support the murder or the murderer, but this is family. Like that’s okay. That’s called like human decency and anyone who’s against that.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:20:02] Yeah, and it seemed that we’re setting up this constant, this is my issue that I noticed from the get-go, the constant deferring to Israel. It was like waiting for some statement, like, let them speak first. And then on Monday, Israel said, al Hamas, which is a throwaway line they’ve used. Al Hamas meaning what? They’re journalists. Were al Hamass? Yeah. Or at least with Anas, if I remember correctly. And so they brushed that away. Were they? Look, my point when I heard that… Was what does our intelligence say? If they were like being super strict and said, hey, we’re gonna triple check using our US intelligence of who these people are, maybe, maybe. Right? I still don’t agree with cutting the condolences line, but sure. But why is there, oh, Israel said this, done. We don’t have Intel services? Right, right. So what’s with the instinct to defer to Israel when we have the entire apparatus that could check that?

Tucker [00:21:02] And then by Tuesday got like 17 different intelligence services in this country that take, you know, a trillion dollars a year or whatever the actual budget is. And we don’t consult them at all. We wait for the Israeli spokesman to tell us what reality is. That what you’re saying.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:21:17] And how is that America first, right? This whole apparatus of like, of, of mirroring certain Israeli statements and waiting for them to comment first was something that I found tragic. It was, it was odd. Um, and that’s what ended up happening by the press briefing that Tuesday. We’re like, we refer you to Israel, which was a line that, um, popped up in my press guidance way too often.

Tucker [00:21:47] We were so we don’t have a position on it.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:21:50] Right. And that came up on any, any topic that was somewhat

Tucker [00:21:57] sensitive or waiting for Israel to make a move. Does the State Department have any position that contradicts the position of the Israeli government that you’re aware of? No.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:22:08] The closest, I think, for US interests we do, but in our current policy and posture, we do not. So- Not one. The closest we got-

Tucker [00:22:21] Do you love them? I love them. Do you have any sticking points with them? Is there, is there something you don’t fully agree on?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:22:26] As any siblings do.

Tucker [00:22:27] Exactly. Exactly. So loving someone or having an alliance with someone or even like sharing the same parents as somebody doesn’t mean that you have to agree on every little point.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:22:37] Would be weird if you did. It would be weird. Yeah. Agenical twins have disagreed. That’s a little odd. This is getting a little weird. Why is there nothing like this? It’s very strange. And the closest we came and there was no follow through was when I actually liked the statement which was a thousand other things I had personal issues which was irrelevant but Ambassador Huckabee when there was these type attacks against the Christians in West Bank he did put out a statement saying these attacks are unacceptable we call on Israel to investigate, but there’s no follow-through, right? What do you mean? He had a statement that said- Oh, I remember-

Tucker [00:23:12] Oh, I remembered very well.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:23:13] Very well. Yeah, there’s no, there is no follow through. And like, you’re like, oh, that’s a good statement. That’s, I’m like, wow.

Tucker [00:23:19] You can’t attack Christians with U.S. Tax dollars. Sorry. And not allowed. I don’t care who you are.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:23:24] And it was it was just it was one statement and there was no like and if we got questions, hey, what’s the size of the investigation?

Tucker [00:23:34] So no one at the State Department looked into it? This is a majority Christian country, but nobody felt like that would be a good use of American tax dollars to find out what this was or ask anybody any questions.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:23:47] And that’s the thing, each time there’s a call for investigation, a very rare opportunity that that’s in front of us. There’s no follow through the strong statement. We did the thing and you don’t hear about it for, for weeks and months. So there’s no one in the state department who cared. Look, I don’t want to speak for the entire, I think there, there were people that cared. I think that there are, I cared a lot, there are civil servants or political appointees, forest service officers that see, see all of this. And, but it’s the style of constantly deferring to Israel that’s at the forefront. So we can criticize up to a certain point. And it’s awful because if we want Israel to investigate, then we should be following up and ask, hey, what happened to the investigation? I thought you were going to investigate. Where are the prosecutions? Who did all the damage? Who did this and why? Yeah. But we’d never hear the follow up.

Tucker [00:24:48] So there’s no, as far as you’re aware, mechanism in the State Department to, because you’ve described a relationship that’s unique, there’s no other country in the world that has this relationship with the United States, and a lot of resources go into supporting that country, but there’s no mechanism in US State Department, to like follow up on this.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:25:13] In the public realm, because I was working, I work as a press officer, right? So I’m always working with reporters and how, like this, the presentation, those things matter. So if there was a system of following up, I didn’t see it. It’s possible. Personally, I kind of doubt it. Um, but on the public realm,

Tucker [00:25:33] You would have known about it because what if somebody asks you?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:25:35] Right. And you would think that if there was follow-up, you’d want to advertise it too. Like, Hey, we followed up, but they were, they were the preference was to defer and deflect and give

Tucker [00:25:49] We persecute Christians with American tax dollars, nobody cares. You’re making me mad. No, it’s just frustrating. It’s frustrating. I know, it is. Frustrating to see people get, cause it’s not a neutral situation. Like some people are winning and some people are losing. And if the losers are people that you, you know, didn’t do anything wrong, the Christians aren’t in Hamas, like what? What’s their crime?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:26:15] Look, the scenes are horrific, so on a human level, it shouldn’t matter, but if that’s the whole thing of having an ambassador out could be there, it’s like, at least maybe you’ll care about this. And then, yeah, you put a strong statement out, but don’t follow up.

Tucker [00:26:28] Care at all. Yeah, right. The self-described Christians don’t care at all about the Christians. And by the way, the whole justification for all this, you just said it, these journalists get blown up, they were Hamas. Okay, end of conversation. No one can plausibly claim that a Christian family are in Hamas, okay? So like what, tell me, you can’t claim that they’re in Hamas while simultaneously claiming that Hamas is, you know, a group of jihadis, they’re Islamic extremists, which they also claim. Constantly, which I don’t know if that’s true, by the way, it seems more like a political organization But whatever it is, they’re telling us constantly they’re al-qaeda So it can’t also be true that Christians are a member of al-Qaeda. Sorry. Yeah. Yeah So then we know they’re not in Hamas. So why did they get killed? Why was their church blown up? Why were they killed in that hospital? Like what is this? And there’s not one person in the State Department who cares enough to get to the bottom of that question

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:27:19] And all you saw, I mean, all I saw President Trump did call Prime Minister Netanyahu and Netanyah gave an apology for the church that was attacked in Gaza.

Tucker [00:27:28] One of many.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:27:31] There’s never follow-up. There’s never like, hey, this is the prosecution. This is where our investigation landed. It’s this quick two-hour brush on the rug, put a statement out, and then you don’t hear anything ever again.

Tucker [00:27:50] The third example of work that you produced that your superiors were unhappy with and led ultimately to your firing was what?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:28:00] It was a Tuesday, so that’s the press guidance day of all the sample questions. It was actually arguably, we said OBE, which meant overcome by events, which means that we’re like beyond its relevancy, but like, it was still could come up. So I put it, I left it in there was a reaction to Speaker Johnson visiting the settlements in the West Bank. Um, I had a line pretty standard and kind of not, not very specific, but it said, we support stability in the West bank stability. Yeah. We support stability. That’s all. So, and the last, well, the last piece was comma, um, which helps secure Israel. But I think the stable comment was, I don’t know, too much, because if we say we want a stable West Bank, are we accidentally being critical of something Speaker Johnson or Israel is doing?

Tucker [00:28:55] What is that? Flesh that out if you don’t mind. Sure. I mean, I know what you’re saying, but I’m not sure everyone knows. I’m not sure everyone else.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:29:00] Yeah, no, no. Yeah, it’s a good question. So.

Tucker [00:29:01] So why would the US government, so the US government is against extending condolences to the families of non-combatants killed. Correct. Okay. Correct. And the US Government is also now in favor of the forced movement of large populations. That was Monday. Right. Okay, and now you’re saying the US Government is against stability? Right. How are we against stability, why is stability a bad thing?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:29:26] Now, stability is a word that’s used a lot, and we are on paper saying we support stability in the region all the time. But in this specific context, when discussing settlements, it will sound like we’re critiquing Israel indirectly by saying we supports stability in reaction to a question about settlements. Right? So, that was how I interpreted the issue.

Tucker [00:29:48] So in other words, you might be suggesting that the US government opposes radical demographic change in the West Bank.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:29:56] Right. Now I have this line again, just like the force of displacement, it had cleared previously. This is where what was discussed when this first broke my firing in the, in the Washington post was that senior officials from embassy Jerusalem, David Milstein specifically would occasionally pop into my docs. Now it didn’t happen every single day. Like at a Google doc, right. It wasn’t a Google Doc. It was a, it was like, I don’t know, the brand doesn’t matter. Yeah. An internal system. I would share it with, um, in the morning, the equities I was mentioning, one of the equities. Is embassy Jerusalem.

Tucker [00:30:35] So inequity just for State Department speak people haven’t heard it tell us what inequity is. It’s like.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:30:39] So someone has some stake in those lines, and obviously Jerusalem does, obviously, because they’re the ones that are… The US embassy in Jerusalem. The US Embassy in Jerusalem, American diplomats posted to Israel. On those press briefing days, I would share it with them for them to review the document and be like, okay, these are our press lines for these sample questions, are you okay with them? Now, it was interesting because they often did not clear, they didn’t reject it, they just with a non-response because the press officer’s there would defer up the chain to David Milstein and Ambassador Huckabee because they didn’t want to put their name on it. Because if it’s something that they didn’t like, no one wants their name on a press guidance that wasn’t approved by these influential people. Who is David Milstain? He is the senior advisor to Ambassador Huckeby.

Tucker [00:31:26] And what’s his, how old is he? What’s his background? Is he a career diplomat or, uh, he’s a, from my understanding, he has a political

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:31:34] Believe you worked on the hill.

Tucker [00:31:37] Did he work for Ted Cruz? Yes. Yes, he worked for Ted Cruise.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:31:40] And he is the stepson of your best friend, Mark Levin.

Tucker [00:31:46] He’s Mark Levin’s stepson? Yeah. He’s working at the State Department? So, David Milstein is a political guy working now for Mike Huckabee in Jerusalem, and he was going through your lines. Okay.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:32:03] Uh, now on paper, uh, he could be, but the, the way that he would edit my docs as aggressively as he would, and we can get into this, but, the other, uh statements and pieces that were reported in the Washington Post, uh he would push certain agenda that was very aligned with Israel that I found very problematic. Now in this specific example, because we’re discussing the third example of why I was was that he changed the stability line. To we commend Speaker John’s for visiting Judea and Samaria. So we as a government.

Tucker [00:32:40] Jaya and Samaria.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:32:44] It’s a term that is like religious, it’s about Israel’s land grab of the West Bank.

Tucker [00:32:53] Are Judea and Samaria, like, administrative districts? No, it’s not. Is there a mayor of Samaria? Nope, doesn’t exist. Because there’s no actual place called Judea in Samaria. The civil authorities don’t recognize Judea or Samaria

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:33:08] Okay. Nope. It’s the more extreme wing of the, uh, elements of the Israeli government and David Milstein was in line with that language and it’s designed to erase any paucity legitimacy that this is, this is supposed to be, so the point is really

Tucker [00:33:27] By using those terms, they’re biblical terms, they refer to regions described in what Christians call the Old Testament. And the point is to remind everybody that this land was promised by God to the Jewish people, to the Hebrew people, and that, you know, anyone who’s lived there subsequently for the last 3,000 years has no right to it. Right. That’s the point. But from a sort of government perspective, Judean Samaria are not real places in that they’re not. They’re not nation states, they’re not provinces, they are not… And… Do they have clearly defined borders?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:34:04] Not from my understanding, I think they do not. And that would increase, that would give you, that opens the door. What the fuck? It opens the doors to more land grab.

Tucker [00:34:12] Okay, but if a place doesn’t have a clearly defined border, then how can the U.S. Government refer to it in any kind of official capacity? They can.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:34:24] And it’s scary too, because if you look at the airstrikes that Israel is doing in Syria, and they’re building settlements even outside the Golan Heights, it’s all part of this idea of a greater Israel that people are discussing that was beyond these borders. So it’s very scary, and it’s against the stability of the region that we’ve been calling for as a government for

Tucker [00:34:49] So certainly in the modern era, definitely since the fall of the Ottoman Empire in 1918, you’ve had clear borders between countries. In fact, we’re fighting a war against Russia right now on the premise that they violated those borders by moving into eastern Ukraine. So like the US government takes borders very seriously, obviously not including our own, but as a matter of like statecraft and diplomacy, that really, really matters. So, you would never! Use a phrase in an official communication that referred to a place whose territory you couldn’t define. That would be fucking crazy to do something like that. A hundred percent. Okay. So you think this Milstein guy, who is Mark Levin’s stepson, you say, it’s almost like you’re making this up. It’s like a joke. Who worked for Ted Cruz in the Senate. He added this to the statement. Correct. And then did it go out?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:35:46] So from that point, I cut it because I even accepted most of his edits in the, in the document because going to battle with him was a whole headache because he’ll call, he’ll push certain things. He was, he was known for doing that. Like he’ll, he will, David Milstein phone call was not the favorite thing.

Tucker [00:36:05] What was it like? Tell us for those of us who don’t work, which Mark Levin steps on at the State Department.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:36:11] Sure. So he would call and he would just push it. Why was that removed? Or why was XYZ done? Very often. And if you said no, there was a tendency to go up the chain in order for him to push the agenda of any given day. And this is something that I’ve dealt with since very early.

Tucker [00:36:30] Where’s his, is he the DCM or what’s… He’s just a senior advisor to Ambassador Huckabee. He’s like an assistant to the U.S. Ambassador to Israel. Correct.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:36:39] And he, sticking with the public reporting from Washington Post, like he would push in one occasion, statements that were in the voice of Secretary Rubio, not even the spokesperson. And he drafted them. He would push them through and be like, I want this statement out. And- I want the statement out? Yeah. He would go through and he’d be like I drafted this, this is the statement I want. I would go though the process of clearing it, but he would fight for it. Like he would be in the document, getting arguments with people one by one. In order to kind of overwhelm the process and get certain his agenda out there the way he wanted. It’s very difficult.

Tucker [00:37:20] What authority? I mean, that’s pretty cheeky behavior for a guy who’s an aid to Mike Huckabee.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:37:25] It was, you would call around the building and it was very consistent and persistent.

Tucker [00:37:33] But he lives in Jerusalem. He does.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:37:37] And policy comes from DC, like this is obviously they have influence and they have discussions, but the policy comes to DC. So what do you mean call around? You would go either laterally or up the chain and call various people and say, Master Huckabee, you’ll cite Huckaby usually and say wants to stun or in for X, Y, Z reason and If that person didn’t pick up it would go to the next person So he would so even if I we’re discussing equities earlier for one particular equity said we can’t do this Then he would go up Well, I don’t care because this guy above you may clear it

Tucker [00:38:18] and how to see if everyone’s number.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:38:20] That was that’s what I was wondering

Tucker [00:38:24] But David Milstein in an assistant in the U S embassy in Jerusalem, that’s, I just want to restate having grown up grown up around this. That’s not a high level post is like zero authority to do anything.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:38:37] And it’s drafting a statement on behalf, this is very audacious, to draft a statement on behalf of Secretary Rubio. The Secretary of State. Yes, in one occasion, again, referring just to public reporting, was the statement to condemn Ireland for considering a bill that would put economic sanctions on Israel.

Tucker [00:38:59] Condemn Ireland as you can imagine folks. So David Milstein was demanding in effect that the secretary of state condemn Ireland because Ireland offended the government of Israel.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:39:12] Actually, I remember correctly, strongly condemned, which doesn’t really, in table mics speak, you don’t have strongly. But yes, strongly condemn Ireland. As a nation? The government, I guess, I don’t remember the language, but.

Tucker [00:39:26] Did Rubio read it?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:39:29] That was a rare occasion where it went up the ladder and it was eventually killed, but it required the European Affairs Bureau and NEA and everyone to, it took a lot of effort because you were so laser focused on getting that through. And who is it- Would that be good for the United States condemning Ireland? It would be good Israel. Could use our political and diplomatic capital on this statement. Would punish Ireland for considering something.

Tucker [00:40:00] Did you ever see, it sounds like you had a lot of contact or could see David Milstein at work a lot. It sounds like he was a pretty big figure in your office in D.C., though he’s an assistant to them.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:40:10] It was very sudden. It was like, oh, you don’t hear from three days. All of a sudden you’re getting a phone call and a bunch of edits on something and they disappear again.

Tucker [00:40:16] Did he have your cell? It works though. Yeah, he did. How’d he get your number?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:40:21] Well, at that point, early on, I think someone asked that I share with them. So that was, that was on my end.

Tucker [00:40:29] But did you ever see David Milstein, like, thinking about what’s good for the United States or getting aggressive on behalf of what our interests might be as distinct from Israel’s interests?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:40:41] I perceived a lot of his actions as very Israel first, from my point of view, because that statement didn’t make sense. Those edits to the press lines didn’t makes sense. And in particular with Judea and Samaria, that not only would not make sense for how dangerous it is for what that means, because as you discussed, there’s no land barrier to that, but it hurts our relationships to the region. For example, we rely on Jordan for so many things. But if we start calling a journey of some area. It that undermines our military relationship, our relationship dealing with refugees in Jordan. Also, some of that land is in Jordan

Tucker [00:41:21] Right. So, I mean, you can’t, I mean, if yeah, that would cause problems.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:41:28] And that’s one example, like the whole region.

Tucker [00:41:29] So these are not, this is diplomacy. This is the State Department of the United States of America, which is still a global superpower even now. And so Jordan, Jordanian economy relies on USAID. We proffer that aid at the request of Israel because Jordan is filled with refugees in the 1948 war that created Israel and subsequent refugees, 67, and filled with the refugees including from Syria, a war that we fought on behalf of Israel. So we pay Jordan, we also pay Egypt to keep them calm. And now you’re saying he wanted to issue a statement saying to Jordan, by the way, part of your territory and what you thought was a sovereign nation actually doesn’t belong to you.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:42:12] And just so terrible. And so we can go back to that day three because I cut that line. And by the way, this isn’t a unilateral action by me, there are others who agree with me. So I’m not doing it with the backing of of my own thoughts.

Tucker [00:42:31] Well, that’s not a hard one. Judea and Samaria, I mean, isn’t there, I mean it’s been a long time sitting around the State Department, but I mean I always thought there was like a, like there’s a protocol to things, which in some cases is silly, but some cases it’s real. Like, do we refer to that region as Judea in Samaria or don’t we? Like this is something that’s been gone over before, correct?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:42:52] Yeah, no, we don’t, and we don t, we never have. Secretary Rubio did not use it, President Trump did not use it. Ambassador Huckabee has. Now that was, that’s difference.

Tucker [00:43:04] Did anyone ever ask Ambassador Huckabee, what land specifically are you referring to when you say that? Not from what I’ve seen. Because reporters are morons. That’s why. But someone asked like an obvious question like Judea and Samaria. Where’s that? Can you draw it for me on a map? Show me the boundaries of this place you’re talking about.

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:43:19] Well, even if they did ask, the lines wouldn’t even answer the question directly, right? Because in person they should have asked him, yes, I agree.

Tucker [00:43:26] What, what, what are you talking about? Where is that?

Shahed Ghoreishi [00:43:29] No one will ever ask that question. And Ambassador Huckabee always had extreme comments, either in person or on his Twitter account. But for most of my time at the State Department, the response would be, well, those are Ambassador Huckeby’s words. We do this dance. But now, now that I’ve especially after firing me, you’re getting an unleashed embassy Jerusalem, because who’s going to do anything to stop them? Because they already had so much influence to begin with. But when I’m used as an example, they fire me as someone who did the very basic thing of cutting a line that did not make sense.

Tucker [00:44:08] It’s also inconsistent with long-standing U.S. Policy.

Continues,,,

Big Fan: A Study of Sportsball Worship

An Analysis and Review of The 2009 Film Big Fan

As another NFL season will be upon us shortly, this review and analysis of Big Fan (2009) seems timely.  While many would, with very good reason, preclude anything with Patton Oswalt from consideration, casting him in this particular film works incredibly well, probably because to a large extent he plays himself. Written and directed by Robert Siegel, the movie concerns a devout, obsessive New York Giants fan, Paul Aufiero.  He lives on Staten Island with his mother, while working as a parking garage attendant late at night.  He calls into at least one late night sports talk radio show, most particularly “Sports Dogg,” voiced by real-life sports talk personality Scott Farrell.  An even stranger friend, Sal, who looks up to Paul for whatever reason, listens to his friend’s sports-talk call-ins and actually admires his poorly articulated, cliched rants.

The plot of the film is very simple.  While having pizza together with his friend, Sal spots star linebacker and linchpin of the Giants’ defense, Quantrell Bishop and a small entourage of friends at a gas station across the way. Wanting to meet their favorite player, the two fans follow Bishop’s SUV. Bishop and his group first stop at a run-down house in Stapleton, further indicating that a drug deal was underway, something that escapes the two fans. Paul and Sal then follow the SUV into Manhattan, which leads them to a somewhat upscale strip club near Times Square and the Theater District.

Sitting across and at some distance from Bishop and his friends, Paul and Sal are shown hesitating for some time on how they should approach Bishop. At one moment during this scene, the men are approached by a half-naked stripper, who sits first on Paul’s lap and then Sal’s, trying to proposition a lap dance. Neither is at all interested, and are actually annoyed at the woman because she is interfering in their surveillance of their idol: a less than subtle cue by the filmmaker that there is something so off about these two that they do not respond to sexual stimuli that is effectively hard wired into normal, healthy men, even those who rightly eschew or are otherwise averse to strip joints out of principle.  Further underscoring how socially inept these two are, Sal suggests to Paul that he follow Bishop into the men’s room and try starting a conversation while relieving themselves. “It would be casual, just two guys, pissing and chatting,” Sal reassures him. We see Paul follow Bishop and one of his friends into the bathroom and lurk briefly, but Bishop went in there to fix his hair and freshen up as they talk about one of the women “with the Brazilian bubble butt.” The hapless fan hesitates in the midst of a very bad idea, and very quickly Bishop and his friend walk past the two.

To describe this decision as wise or correct is questionable, because none of these ideas are good or sensible decisions. That he made the least dumb decision is not enough to save Paul from the disaster that soon follows. Sometime after aborting any “conversation starter” in the men’s room, and after Bishop refuses a drink the two bought him (which they cannot afford), Paul walks up to the table where Bishop and his entourage are seated, and then introduces himself as a “big fan” that wanted to say hello, with Sal following close behind.  At first, Bishop and his entourage are receptive. “Look at this mother-fucker, dawg,” one of his friends proclaims. A friendly exchange is had, but only for a few, fleeting seconds. For just as Sal (unwisely) tells “QB” and his circle that they are from Staten Island, Paul mentions the “stop in Stapleton.” Bishop quickly realizes that Paul followed them from Staten Island.  Bishop gets irate, quickly loses control, and, just before the word “stalker” is heard amongst a fusillade of profanities, pommels the fat schlub mercilessly, putting him into the hospital with a concussion, a hematoma (collection of blood in the skull). As a result of the beating, Paul was unconscious in the hospital for three days. Once informed by the attending nurse of his condition and that he will have to stay a few days for observation, and learning that “today is Monday,” the first question Paul asks is “How’d we do?”

Much of the rest of the film concerns the dilemma Paul is faced with in the aftermath. Bishop’s assault makes national news and is the focus of sports coverage of both the New York Giants and the National Football League over several weeks.  The district attorney wants to charge Bishop for felony assault, but cannot unless Paul agrees to cooperate.  Because of the pending charges that hinge on Paul’s decision, Bishop is suspended indefinitely on a week-to-week basis, and the Giants, who had started very strong through midseason at 9-2 at the beginning of the film, suffer a losing streak as a result, placing their bid for the playoffs and even a Super Bowl championship in jeopardy. Paul has a decision to make. He can press charges and sue Bishop for damages arising from an intentional tort.  This would benefit him materially and, most would agree, salvage some small vestige of his dignity. But this decision would directly harm the one and only thing he loves and cares about: The New York Giants. Not only would that ruin this season, but it would hamper the Giants’ prospects for the foreseeable future. The alternative decision is not to press charges, not pursue civil damages, sacrificing material gain and, most would argue, his dignity and self-respect, but this decision would help his team, or at least refrain from taking action that would harm the Giants that season and beyond.

This review will refrain from divulging what Paul decides to do in the end.  The spoilers above are minor and all happen within the first thirty minutes of the film[1], setting up the dilemma faced by Paul that unfolds over the next hour or so.  To describe Paul as a pathetic, loathsome character is an understatement.  The opening shot, showing Paul confined in a parking lot attendant both, trying to mouth out his prepared rant over a late-night sports talk radio call-in show, stating “I cannot tell you how sick I am” twice could not be more overt. Both the confining parking lot attendant booth as a metaphor and the line “I cannot tell you how sick I am” inform so very much about Paul in the opening seconds of the film.  As he tries to put together one of the most worn out, tired refrains in the English language, the viewer hears him saying aloud the diatribe he stodgily composes.  A screenshot of his handwriting looks like it could be written by a child, suggesting both a deficiency in intelligence and education, and possibly some sort of stunted personal development as well. None of his commentary on “Sports Dogg” reveals any real insight into the game or his team, consisting of a lot of off-the-shelf cliches that comprise most of the blather heard on sports talk radio and even a lot of presentations on network and cable television.

A recurring theme in the movie, providing much needed comic relief, is that his mother invariably hears his calls late at night, before she admonishes him through the walls to be quiet. The viewer also learns of Paul’s masturbatory habits, both by depicting such under a blanket (thank god more was not shown) and during a hilarious but disturbing altercation with his mother.  His room, filled with cheap sports memorabilia, looks like that of a child or at best very early adolescent. And because there is no suggestion of a pornographic magazine or video or any physical sign or cue that Paul takes any interest in women at all, it is uncertain if Paul even thinks about women while tending to himself, or if he is thinking about what is shown to be his undying obsession in all other contexts: the New York Giants and the largely if not exclusively black roster of athletes that play for them. Stunted development is further depicted in the various scenes showing Paul, a middle-aged man living with his mother, covering himself with an NFL-themed blanket for children and maybe young adolescents. Perhaps most disturbing of all, one scene soon after the beating shows Paul looking at his Bishop jersey, only to then put the garment on over his underwear, before curling up in a fetal position. He not only wears a jersey emblazoned with the name of man who severely beat him, he wears this jersey like some women wear a man’s shirt as a nightie.

It is also interesting that no one would ever describe either Paul or Sal as “rabid” fans.  They are beyond emotionally invested in the New York Giants, but both are the inversion of a certain archetypal fan who is masculine, intimidating, and fanatical. While many would argue their fixation on a sports team is misguided at best, many fans do take an interest in women, and do carry a certain presence.  As much as Americans like to disparage soccer, the typical ultra-fan in Germany and Europe is certainly not the sort to be trifled with.  Paul and Sal are the very negation of such misguided masculinity.

Pictures of unrest from a match between Dresden Dynamo and Eintracht Frankfurt. Pictured are some of Dresden’s Ultra Fans, very much the opposite of what Paul and Sal represent.

There are other details in the film that portray the very vulgar picture that is modern America.  An early scene in the film depicts a birthday party for Paul’s nephew. His sister-in-law, a trashy bimbo with ridiculously large, fake breasts, excessive tan and gaudy makeup, greets Paul and his mother at the door, before preparing and then presenting her seven-year-old son with a “50 Cent” themed birthday cake.  Later, Paul’s brother, a plaintiff’s attorney, auditions a low rent television advertisement, the sort one might see late at night on local network television. Another detail is Paul’s habit of pouring granulated sugar into a glass of Coca-Cola.

Paint a vulgar picture. The birthday scene offers a lot of nice details, including the appearance of Paul’s sister-in-law, and the 50-cent themed birthday cake.

For those who denounce the NFL and “sportsball” generally as bread and circuses that distract and anesthetize fans from the societal and personal problems that plague them and our civilization, Big Fan provides a searing rebuke of sports fandom generally and the average NFL fan in particular.  There are doubtlessly many who support a beloved team, but do so with increasing reservations about what the NFL stands for. For those fans in such a dilemma, the film presents hard, difficult questions that are not easy to answer.  How similar is a passionate football fan (or a fan of a particular team) to a loser like Paul?  What makes a given fan different from Paul?  What would a star player have to do to someone for that fan to no longer care if that team wins or loses?  One would hope, if nothing else, this image would help dissuade adult fans from wearing jerseys with other men’s names on them.

Many might disagree, but Paul is not entirely loathsome.  Whatever decision he ultimately comes to by the end of the film, the fact he is hesitant at all to press criminal charges or even pursue civil damages reveals a certain quality of character that some may describe as implacable.  That can be an incredible attribute, or it can be the very worst sort of fault, depending on what it is a person is so adamant about. Most would agree it is a personal failure in Paul’s particular instance, but then again, just as “how could a billion Chinese be wrong” used to be a popular adage, there are tens of millions of NFL fans with similar levels of passion.

Very much for the worse, the NFL is bigger than it has ever been.  This is true even though it continually dilutes the quality of the product in a number of different ways. The League has expanded the season from a sixteen to seventeen (soon to be eighteen) game season, while pairing the preseason from four games to three. The contraction of the pre-season has resulted in teams looking off the first few games of the season.  The League has also added a seventh seed to the playoffs, making regular season games count for far less; it used to be hard to get into the playoffs. The quality is further tainted by Thursday night games, which simply do not provide enough rest from the prior Sunday (Thursday Night Games are notoriously prone to be stinkers).  The NFL has further expanded abroad, first into London, now Germany and Mexico, and this year Brazil. Teams that go to Germany or London perform abysmally the next week, provided they do not take a bye week after. That trend is so strong, Las Vegas bookies set odds and NFL columnists pick games to it.

Then there is the pariah of Taylor Swift attending all of the Chiefs games on account of her being with Travis Kelce, replete with constant cutaways to Taylor Swift in her booth to attract viewership not from football fans, but Taylor Swift fans.  The integrity of the League is questionable in other ways, from questionable calls that have determined Conference championship games, including the notorious game in which the Cincinnati Bengals lost to the League’s new favorite, the Kansas City Chiefs, as well as the New Orleans Saints being deprived of a Super Bowl berth with a phantom pass interference call that placed the Los Angeles Rams against the Patriots, most suspicious indeed as that set up a much more favorable match up for Robert Kraft’s Patriots: just one of a long litany of bogus calls that favored the hated cheaters. Two cheating scandals, that we know of, by the Patriots were swept under the rug by commissioner Roger Goodell, who landed that most lucrative job at the behest of Patriots owner Robert Kraft.  No conflict of interest there. This among other problems, including a crisis in competent officiating that has worsened over the past couple of years.  This of course is on top of the pandering to Black Lives Matter and social justice issues that have arisen with the race riots of 2020, replete with the rebranding of the once storied Washington Redskins to the incredibly stupid name, Washington Commanders.

But despite these and many other drawbacks, fans still cling to football.  This somewhat obscure movie offers a most unflattering look at such fandom, unwavering and unflinching in the ugly, pitiful portrayal it depicts. One could of course argue Paul Aufiero, as an incredibly grotesque figure, is an extreme outlier for football fans, almost bordering on parody. Whether viewers take a hardline stance against sportsball or retain loyalty to a particular team notwithstanding increasing reservations, this film raises very difficult and unpleasant questions, as it puts a mirror up to the most revolting and pathetic manifestations of fandom. While it is certainly not a masterpiece, this is an excellent film that is just as relevant today as it was fifteen years ago. Highly recommended.


Other articles and essays by Richard Parker are available at his publication, The Raven’s Call: A Reactionary Perspective, found at theravenscall.substack.com. Please consider subscribing on a free or paid basis, and to like and share as warranted. Readers can also find him on twitter, under the handle @astheravencalls.

[1] These plot points are also revealed in the trailer but so are many other things, arguably spoiling too much.

Israel strikes Qatar

Aggressive doesn’t begin to describe it. Killing or attempting to kill the Hamas negotiators means you can forget about any end to the Gaza genocide any time soon. Note that Trump knew about it in advance and supported it.

Jewish Insider

Israel conducted a strike against senior Hamas leaders, the IDF said on Tuesday, following reports of explosions in Doha, Qatar.

The operation, whose Hebrew name translates to “Judgment Day,” reportedly targeted Khalil al-Hayya, Hamas’ chief negotiator in hostage and ceasefire talks, and longtime senior Hamas official Khaled Mashaal, as well as Hamas officials Zaher Jabarin and Nizar Awadallah, though reports conflict as to the success of the strike.

President Donald Trump was informed of the strike in advance and supported it, Israel’s Channel 12 reported. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said that “today’s action against the top terrorist chieftains of Hamas was a wholly independent Israeli operation. Israel initiated it, Israel conducted it, and Israel takes full responsibility.”

Henry Johnston in RT: When does murder get ignored? When the victim is white and the killer black

When does murder get ignored? When the victim is White and the killer Black

A black man kills a white woman in an American city, and the mainstream media gives it zero coverage. Imagine if the races were reversed.

By Henry Johnston, a Moscow-based editor who worked in finance for over a decade

The US mainstream media tends to operate by encouraging a certain prefabricated outrage. Sensationalized narratives are cultivated along predictable tracks. But no less egregious is what the media chooses to ignore. Few events of late have better exposed the ideological underpinnings of the media – and of the elite whose narratives it plugs – than the recent brutal and shocking murder of a young Ukrainian woman on a train in Charlotte, North Carolina.

On August 22, a career criminal, Decarlos Brown Jr., casually walked up behind 23-year-old Ukrainian refugee Iryna Zarutska, who was seated on a train minding her own business, and stabbed her three times in the neck in cold blood, killing her. He sauntered away, still clutching the knife dripping blood.

The mindless and savage attack was captured on surveillance footage, but Charlotte’s Democratic Mayor Vi Lyles pushed for it not to be released, ostensibly out of respect for the victim’s family. But the footage did eventually surface, and the story spread like wildfire. But this was a wildfire that couldn’t reach the impervious redoubt of the mainstream media – even after Elon Musk gave it the push into viral territory by chiming in on an End Wokeness thread pointing out the stunning media silence.

In fact, not a single major legacy outlet – the New York Times, Washington Post, NPR, Reuters, CNN, Wall Street Journal, and others – picked it up. One would think that, by sheer chance, one of these esteemed outlets would have bucked the trend. But that didn’t happen because, as Matt Taibbi once brilliantly pointed out,

“Reporting is done in herds, no one wildebeest can break formation without screwing things up for the others. So, they’ll all hold the line, until they all stop holding the line.”

As of this writing, it seems the media herd is starting to reluctantly skate to where the puck is going. And that means that some version of the story, however sanitized, will soon appear everywhere.

So what exactly has given this story its irresistible momentum? Let’s start with the blatant double standard about reporting interracial crime. A white victim and a black perpetrator, as was the case in this instance, is usually a circumstance that tips the scales in favor of silence. When an instance of black-on-white crime cannot be avoided, the respective races of the individuals involved are not mentioned, and the tone is more along the lines of “aww shucks, what a tragedy.” When the racial roles are reversed, the media coverage is extensive and sensational, and the race angle is established immediately and runs throughout the ensuing coverage like an electric wire.

Eugenics Redux: Reply to Unz and Alexis

On August 17, I published a rather lengthy essay titled “On the Need for Eugenics” in the Occidental Observer, stating my case for a relatively mild and benign form of eugenic policy.  This is necessary, I said, because of steady declines in the quality of the human genome that began around the year 1900.  Prior to this time, and for all 3 million years of human history, around 50% of all human infants and children died before they reached the age of reproduction—roughly 15 years old.  Certainly there were many causes for these deaths, but a key factor was the strength and health of the child; weaker or less-healthy children are more prone to illness, disease, violent death, and fatal injury, and this was nature’s way of removing humans with less-than-optimal genes from the gene pool, leaving the strongest and healthiest to reproduce.  While much of this differential mortality was unconnected to genetic factors, it is likely that children with larger burdens of harmful mutations were more likely to die early than those less burdened, helping to stabilize the overall human genome.

But thanks to the Industrial Revolution (which began circa 1700) and modernization in general, advances in medicine, hygiene, nutrition, science, and therapy allow nearly everyone born in the developed world to survive to reproductive age.  The “child mortality” (not infant mortality) rate of 50% fell to about 40% in 1900 among Western nations, and then dropped precipitously to 4% in 1950, and then to 0.4% today—a reduction by a factor of 100.  Today, 99.6% of all babies in the West survive to age 15, when they are biologically capable of reproducing.  Virtually everyone survives, regardless of their genetic well-being.

The problem is that, when everyone survives, we see an increase in the probability that harmful genetic variants are passed along to subsequent generations.  Due both to natural processes and to artificial sources, human genes undergo mutations at a fairly predictable rate.  Most of these mutations have no effect or only mildly negative ones, but about 2% are more substantially detrimental.  When nearly everyone survives, and a large enough fraction of people have children, these “deleterious mutations” accumulate in subsequent generations, leading to growing burdens of harmful genetic variants.  Without a purifying selection process, the number of negative mutations increases in each generation, such that after just three or four generations, concrete negative effects become apparent, potentially including declines in physical and mental health, fertility, and intelligence (the eminent geneticist Michael Lynch [2010, p. 966] estimates “serious” consequences for human fitness from mutation accumulation in modern human populations after “approximately six generations” of relaxed selection).  I presented some evidence that all of these things were happening, and that they were at least consistent with the effects of mutation accumulation.  If the process continues unabated into the future, before long, there will be serious repercussions affecting, directly or indirectly, nearly the entire human race.

Therefore, I said, we need to take action now to introduce an artificial selection that partially mimics the past natural selection: in essence, a eugenic policy in which the least healthy or most defective 50% of people are discouraged from reproducing.  Instead of dying, they can be disincentivized from having children, or, in the worst cases, sterilized; but not killed.  We can be much kinder than Mother Nature—who is a truly ruthless old dame when she wants to be.

This, in short, was my piece.  It was bolstered by some supportive claims from the ancient world and from a few modern-day geneticists whose work indicates that humanity faces a potentially very grave threat, including that we might descend into a “great planetary hospital,” a world in which “everyone would be an invalid.”  I must stress, however, that as far as I can tell, none of the scientists cited in my last piece or this current one supports eugenics; and indeed, many explicitly oppose it (e.g. Henneberg, You, Woodley, Sarraf, and Peñaherrera-Aguirre).

The Unz Critique

This original essay ran in TOO for a few days and was quickly picked up by Ron Unz for his aggregator site Unz.com.  My posting there drew hundreds of comments, including, unusually, many from Unz himself—all critical, some hyperbolically so.  Rhetorically speaking, he was emphatic: “I’m extremely skeptical about the analysis”; “filled with total rubbish”; anyone who would buy the genetic determinism argument “is simply an idiot”; and so on.  And on: his total comments are pushing 9,000 words, whereas my “very long” essay was only some 7,500 words.  Well, everyone is entitled to their opinion, I suppose, especially when you own the website.

But if Unz wants to convince readers of the foolishness of my piece, rhetoric won’t do it; he needs to make real counterarguments.  So, let’s see what those are.  I will review his substantive points in order of appearance, except for IQ issues which I defer to the end.  My replies follow each point:

  • “While dysgenics likely is a problem…it’s a relatively slow problem, probably operating over several generations.”

The question is, how many generations?  Lynch (2016: 873) says we can expect “notable changes in average preintervention phenotypes…on a timescale of a few generations, i.e., 100 years.”  This is the estimated onset of problems due to accumulated mutations; full effects, he suggests, won’t be felt for “two or three centuries.”  Notably, Unz never once mentions Lynch or his claims; apparently he is more comfortable refuting me than one of the most illustrious living geneticists.  (An important point: I am not inventing these claims.  Rather, I am drawing from experts in published academic journals, quoting them, and making plausible conclusions.)

I now have more information and more support for my views.  A team led by Maciej Henneberg published some relevant papers a few years ago.  Consider W. You and M. Henneberg, “Cancer incidence increasing globally” (2017). They studied rates of 27 kinds of cancer over 184 countries, determining that 12 cancers were likely due to environmental sources (viruses, toxins) and 15 were primarily genetic, i.e. correlated with relaxed natural selection and accumulated mutations.  At the outset, they note that “mutations are more common than previously thought,” and that “multiple mutations may accumulate in genomes over time spanning just a few generations.”  They continue:

When selection against a certain mutation does not operate, the frequency of mutated alleles doubles every generation.  The mutation load is directly proportional to the mutation rate, and inversely proportional to the rate of selection.  Thus, when selection rates approach zero, mutation load approaches infinity. … [There is] a real possibility of deterioration of biological integrity of human organisms, observable in the time of a few generations in most advanced societies. (pp. 140–141)

Again we see “in the time of a few generations,” that is, very short timeframes.  And if the frequency of mutated genes “doubles every generation” when selection is blocked, then indeed we have a nonlinear increase in mutated genes—more on this below.[1]  Nonlinear effects also may appear because “interactions between alleles of various loci may magnify mutation rates,” i.e., via positive feedback.

In any case, rates for all cancers, all ages, are shown to correlate strongly with relaxation of selection—see their Figure 1.  As mortality rates from birth to age 50 approaches zero, as they do today in most developed nations, the degree of correlation with cancer rate increases exponentially.  “The association between Is [degree of selection] and cancer incidence was strong and significant… [and] stronger in upper middle economic classification” (p. 151).  Correlation is not causation, of course, but there seems to be a real possibility that accumulated mutations have a noticeable and detrimental effect on human health—in a few generations.

Anyone who believes that genetic/dysgenic factors explain these gigantic changes in American health [obesity, diabetes] over merely the course of a couple of generations is simply an idiot.

I bring to your attention two studies: First, “Worldwide Increase of Obesity is Related to the Reduced Opportunity for Natural Selection” (Budnik and Henneberg, 2017).  The two authors correlated data for 159 countries with their index of relaxed selection.  They hypothesize that one can explain “the rise in obesity by recent changes in the operation of natural selection” (emphasis added).  “During the last century”—hence, since circa 1900—“the opportunity for natural selection through differential fertility and mortality has been decreasing very substantially, while it has been found that de novo mutations occur at greater rate than previously thought and the mutation load is substantial.”  Thus the time frame under discussion is just a few generations.

They found that “regression of obesity prevalence by country on Ibs values per country is an exponential function, with correlation coefficient 0.61.”  Therefore, the more modern, more ‘relaxed’ nations—the ones in which virtually every baby survives to childbearing age—have more obesity.  And given that obesity is strongly genetic (up to 70% heritability), this is consistent with a link between accumulated mutations and obesity—in just a few generations.  Evidently Budnik and Henneberg qualify as “idiots” for merely considering this possibility.

Second study: “Type 1 Diabetes Prevalence Increasing Globally and Regionally: The Role of Natural Selection and Life Expectancy at Birth” (You and Henneberg, 2016).  Similarly to the above, a study of 118 countries showed a strong and significant correlation between relaxed selection and Type 1 diabetes.  The piece opens thusly: “Type 1 diabetes (T1D) is an autoimmune disease with a strong genetic component.”  As to environmental causes for this disease, the authors are dismissive: “It has been postulated that environmental factors may be able to trigger an autoimmune [reaction], however, these environmental factors are [merely] circumstantial”.[2]

Their chief finding, though, is this: “Globally, TID [Type 1 diabetes] is noted to be exponentially [nonlinearly] related with Ibs” (r = 0.713, R2=0.53).  As the authors explain, “Overall, the operation of natural selection on contemporary populations is declining due to modern medicine [since circa 1850]. … Although T1D can be fatal, the majority of genetically-predisposed people do not develop T1D.  This allows for accumulation of genetic predisposition in human populations.  This accumulation will increase when fewer persons who developed a disease would die.”  Again, correlation is not causation, but this is the first sign that causal factors are at work.

And the time frame?  Reduced selection, they say, is a product of “modern medicine,” namely, insulin, which may have been “boosting T1D genes accumulation and prevalence of T1D.”  “Several generations have benefited from insulin since it was discovered and became available in the early 1920s [!].”  “Reduced natural selection boosted by insulin treatment of several generations may have enabled cumulative effect of TID genes frequency in human population to occur quickly and to be noticeable for a couple of decades.”  Therefore, their “several generations” really means, three or four generations, because insulin has only existed for 100 years.  And if it was noticeable “for a couple of decades,” i.e., since 2000, then the timeframe was only 80 years.

We have solidly-established biological mechanisms indicating that fructose consumption is directly related to the personal health problems under discussion.

There is a difference between Type-1 diabetes and Type-2; the former appears mostly in childhood and is more strongly genetic, while the latter occurs later in life and is a combination of genetic and environmental factors, including diet, which may indeed be the stronger effect.  Thus we cannot speak of “diabetes” generically, and neither Unz nor I made this distinction previously.

Regardless, I contend that mutation accumulation is doing considerable harm, alongside the confounding environmental factors, which may be helpful or harmful.  And the data supports this claim.

I’d guess that most of the changes in human characteristics discussed in this long article are 90–95% environmentally-determined.

In light of the above, call me skeptical.

Rethinking the IQ Question

The remainder of Unz’s substantive critical remarks center on the question of IQ.  In my original paper, I argued that, according to Lynch and others, negative genetic impacts on fitness due to accumulated mutations should begin to appear in “a few generations,” that is, around the 1980 to 1990 timeframe (given that the fall-off in child mortality began around 1900).  As I explained, the well-known Flynn Effect shows increasing IQ test scores from circa 1900 to about 1980, at roughly 3 IQ points per decade, when they began to level off.  We furthermore have evidence that, beginning around 1990, an “anti-Flynn” effect took hold, causing a decline in IQ scores of about 1 point per decade.  While again not constituting proof, the timing is suspiciously coincidental: just when we expect negative genetic effects to appear, IQ test scores flatten out and then decline.

But Unz will have none of this:

“I’m extremely skeptical that innate IQs could have possibly shifted by anything like 10 points in a century…”

The Flynn Effect “must be some sort of testing artifact.”

“We’re seeing better test-taking performance on IQ tests, probably due to better education, or more familiarity with tests, or greater intellectual stimulation, or something. Test scores have gone up but ‘real intelligence’ probably hasn’t.”

The Flynn Effect is “hardly consistent with [an alleged] huge decline in ‘real intelligence’ [since the 1920s].”

“The alleged evidence of declines in intelligence are only found in very obscure metrics such as color discernment.”

A few thoughts here:  First, very few serious psychometricians have ever claimed that “innate IQ” (or the g-factor; see below) actually increased in line with the Flynn Effect.  Second, there surely are some testing effects that have changed over time, including such mundane issues as an increased willingness to guess on multiple choice tests, which do seem to have increased scores.  Third, education is probably a key driver of the Flynn Effect, as are artificial score-improving developments like increasing test familiarity.  On the other hand, there are substantive correlates of the Effect indicating that facets of intelligence actually have increased. Fourth, there are in fact a number of indicators of a decline in intelligence, all unified by reference to an underlying or “innate” cognitive ability.

Unz attacks my numerical claims.  I cited sources claiming that newborns contain roughly 100 ‘de novo’ or new mutations, independent of, and in addition to, any “germline” mutations that they inherit from their parents (germline mutations occur in the sperm or eggs of the parents, and thus are passed on).  I also cited the fact that only about 2% of the de novo mutations are substantially deleterious.[3]  When I then gave a hypothetical example of 100 or 200 mutations in a newborn, Unz assumes I meant 100 or 200 deleterious mutations when in fact it would only be 2 or 4 (the 2% figure).  “Skrbina dropped a factor of fifty!” he cries.  But this is an irrelevant complaint.  If the total mutations are accumulating, so too are the 2% that are harmful (to the extent that selection is too weak to purge them).  If the total is increasing linearly or nonlinearly, so too are the 2%.  That said, my example was unclear and technically incorrect, and thus I retract that one paragraph.

Apart from this, Unz has a number of misconceptions about intelligence and IQ, and my initial essay did little to clarify the situation, so I will try again here—bearing in mind that I am neither a geneticist nor a psychometrician, but that I do have an advanced degree in mathematics and thus am generally able to analyze technical papers.

Intelligence is a complex characteristic, something that can be both integrated and differentiated.  Thus, researchers commonly speak of a ‘g-factor,’ where the ‘g’ stands for ‘general intelligence’; it is a fundamental cognitive ability that underlies many aspects of intelligence.  We can think of ‘g’ as the core of learning and problem-solving ability that most people intuitively equate with intelligence per se.

IQ, or intelligence quotient, is a test score summarizing performance on typically a large number of mental ability measures.  Indeed, it is a single score reflecting various abilities, which can include abstract reasoning, quantitative ability, verbal knowledge, memory capacity, and spatial manipulation skill.  There is a very strong correlation between IQ scores and general intelligence (‘g’) among individuals in a given population, such that people with higher IQ scores have higher general intelligence. But the story becomes more complicated when we consider variation in intelligence and IQ test scores of populations over time.

As is well known, intelligence (whether indexed as IQ score or ‘g’) is affected by both genetics and environment.  In adults, it now appears that about 80% of variation in IQ-test performance is attributable to genetic factors and the remaining 20% to variation in environment and measurement error.  But different aspects of intelligence are subject to different influences, and it is important to take them into account.

Perhaps the best available model for understanding variation in intelligence over time is the “co-occurrence model.”  This fits well with most of the data we have today and also can explain a number of paradoxes that have arisen (see Egeland 2022).  In the co-occurrence model, we can split intelligence along 2 axes:

1)  general (g) vs specialized (s).

2)  heritable/genetic (h) vs environmental (e)

Combining these two axes yields four components of intelligence:  general/heritable (g,h), general/enviro (g,e), specialized/heritable (s,h), and specialized/enviro (s,e).  It is theoretically possible for these components to vary independently of one another.

Furthermore, and apart from this, we can identify four factors affecting intelligence over the past 200 years:

1)  Environmental improvements (nutrition, medicine, therapy, educational techniques, etc.), since ca 1800.

2)  Declining child mortality and concurrent mutation accumulation, since ca 1900.

3)  Increasing environmental toxins and mutagens.[4]

The fourth factor was entirely neglected in my original piece, which is unfortunate, considering that it is perhaps the most significant.  Much genomic evidence is indicative of positive selection for intelligence in the recent human past (from at least 30,000 years ago up to the time of large-scale industrialization); that is, smarter people generally left more offspring.  Smarter people were better able to gather resources, to fend off threats, and to anticipate future events, leading to more access to mating partners and to more surviving children.

As industrialization began first in the UK, and then in parts of Europe and America, the pattern of selection for intelligence began to reverse, partly due to increasing availability of contraception which reduced the fertility advantage of smarter people, who were more likely to control their fertility than their less-intelligent counterparts.  Eventually, higher intelligence became associated with lower fertility.  This process accelerated through the twentieth century, especially after the 1960s, and is very significant today, as the most intelligent couples defer childbearing to obtain advanced degrees, to progress in their careers, or simply because they prefer one or two children to three, four, or more.  Today, the less intelligent have more surviving offspring than the more intelligent, and this has a negative effect on intelligence at the population level.[5]  Thus, we may identify a fourth factor:

4)  Selection against intelligence, since ca 1850.

Now, of the four factors, only (1), environmental improvements have been positive—but strongly so.  In particular, these improvements strongly influence the specialized/environmental component of intelligence. This likely explains the bulk of the Flynn Effect, even though there is solid evidence that other factors, such as increased guessing, test familiarity, and the like, artificially contribute to rising IQ test scores.

The other three factors—mutation accumulation, toxins and mutagens, and selection—have negative effects on intelligence, with selection apparently being the most potent of the three.  Notably, genetic factors dominate here, making the consequent loss of intelligence harder to undo.

For most of the twentieth century, factors contributing to the Flynn Effect swamped the dysgenic trends.  As a result, IQ scores showed a dramatic average rise of about three points per decade, across all countries that even partially benefitted from industrialization.  This occurred even as the negative factors began to suppress the general/heritable component of intelligence.[6]

Until the 1980s.  Around that time, it seems that factors allowing further boosts in the spcialized/environmental component became harder to sustain. The Flynn Effect has generally been slowing and even reversing in the developed world (“anti-Flynn Effect”), on a scale of about 1 point per decade or around 3 points per generation.  This decline may be due to worsening quality of education and intellectual stimulation; in any case, the causes are likely multi-faceted and in need of further research.  Furthermore, it is conceivable, but not yet demonstrated, that falling levels of general intelligence (‘g’) due to adverse genetic changes are weakening the ability of wealthy nations to sustain the beneficial environments that promoted the Flynn Effect in the first place.  This, at least, is the best account for the data that we have.

A strong piece of confirmation comes from a 2023 paper by Mingrui Wang, “Estimating the parental age effect on intelligence.”  Parental age is known to affect a child’s intelligence, and under the mutation accumulation thesis, the child’s IQ should decline as parents age and their sperm and eggs undergo periodic genetic mutation (sperm more so than eggs).[7]  The data, however, typically shows an inverted-U pattern, where the child’s IQ is low for teen parents, rises until parents are in their 30s, and then declines again.  Wang theorized that children do, in fact, undergo a steady decline in intelligence as parents age, but that the ‘environmental’ benefit of parents in their 30s—which is presumed to be stronger than for teens or old parents—masks this decline.

Wang thus controlled for the “polygenic score”—a genetic index of intelligence unfortunately accounting for only a small percentage of variance in the trait—to remove the confounding effects of parental intelligence and to isolate the effect of rising parent age.  After this adjustment, Wang showed that, indeed, child IQ steadily declines with parental age, for both father and mother.  (Message: have your children while young!)  Even at age 30, there are considerable mutations from both parents, and these accumulate over time.  Thus, if 30-year-old parents have kids who in turn become 30-year-old parents, and so on, we will see a steady, generational genetic decline in IQ.  Even at these modest ages, says Wang, “[the data] suggest a 7.5-point generational [IQ] decline in genetic variants underlying intelligence.”

Wang does offer one qualification, namely, that correcting for birth-order effects may reduce the estimated declines.  But they would remain substantial: “it would still suggest a 2.4-point generational [IQ] decline” deriving from genomic mutation.  However, it is unclear, says Wang, whether birth order should be corrected for, and if not, then it could be the case that intermediate results would obtain, i.e., something between 2.4 and 7.5 points per generation.  A bad outcome, in any case.

In sum: Between, say, 1850 and 1980, falling ‘g’ in the industrialized West occurred alongside environmental factors driving the Flynn Effect.  Since about 1990, however, while selection against intelligence and ongoing mutation accumulation are likely occurring, capacity to sustain the Flynn Effect has been weakening.  At a personal, individual level, this may not mean much; the generation of children today have an average IQ of around 97, compared to the prior generation’s mean of 100.  Individual families would not notice anything amiss, but teachers who deal with larger numbers of children will likely detect a downward shift.  But when today’s children grow to have children, that new generation will likely be in the range of 94 IQ—a noticeable decline from today’s adults.  On the scale of entire nations, or entire civilizations, this will certainly have an effect—in just a few generations.

The implications are serious.  Falling intelligence may well reduce the Western world’s ability to manage complex problems such as mutation accumulation itself, a process that could accelerate in the future.  The negative factors compound and interact, as Lynch noted:  “It is therefore plausible that the human mutation rate is destined to slowly increase toward exceptional levels,” leading to “to a sort of positive feedback loop” in which adverse effects appear rapidly and nonlinearly.

Genomic degradation affects more than intelligence, of course.  It will impact every aspect of fitness, including fertility and physical and mental health.  Adverse trends in, for example, fertility, obesity, cancer, diabetes, Parkinson’s, depression, suicide, while likely driven substantially by environmental factors, may, to a degree that is currently hard to quantify, reflect the falling genetic quality of human beings—hence all the issues I mentioned in my first essay.

A Look at the Big Picture

Finally, consider a few comments by the geneticist Alexey Kondrashov, as published in his book Crumbling Genome: The Impact of Deleterious Mutations on Humans (2017).  He notes at the start the figure of roughly 100 de novo mutations in newborns, remarking that, rather than just 2% of these being deleterious, that actually around 10% have negative effects: “Despite of the all elaborate mechanisms that a cell employs to handle its DNA with the utmost care, a newborn human carries about 100 new (de novo) mutations, originated in the germline of their parents, about 10% of which are substantially deleterious” (p. ix).

He continues:

Several percent of even young people suffer from overt diseases that are caused, exclusively or primarily, by pre‐existing and de novo mutations in their genomes. …  Milder, but still substantial, negative effects of mutations are harder to detect, but are even more pervasive.

Later in the book, he contemplates a future in which mutations accumulate over generations, leading to potentially tragic consequences.  Kondrashov is admittedly uncertain about the future (obviously), and he sketches out scenarios for the best case and the worst.  Best case: mutations are balanced by selective forces and therefore there is no accumulation moving forward.  Under this scenario, “deleterious alleles will never make their way into the top 10 problems facing humanity” (p. 231).

But this is more than offset by a negative possibility:

According to the pessimistic scenario, … [s]election against deleterious alleles is deeply relaxed under industrialized environments and cannot prevent accumulation of all but the most deleterious mutations. Thus, the mutational pressures on many traits will likely increase with time. As a result, frequencies of overt diseases, in particular those caused by impaired functioning of the brain, will increase rapidly, and the mean values of some key traits which characterize human wellness will decline by ~30–40% in the next 10 generations [thus, 3–4% per generation], making phenotypes that currently correspond to the bottom 10–20% of the population a new norm. Some characteristics of the population, such as the proportion of people with IQ above 140, will decline even more.

Soon, improvements of the environment will become unable to mask these declines. Thus, after only ~10 generations, societies will begin to crumble, and preventing this is as important as dealing with climate change and habitat loss.

And which outcome is more likely?  “The truth must be somewhere in between, and, I believe, is closer to the pessimistic scenario.”

Unz seems to believe that it is nonsensical to suggest that mutation accumulation could be contributing substantially to reductions in human health and fitness; but again, geneticists as eminent as Lynch and Kondrashov expect real harm from this phenomenon to appear on a relatively short timescale. It is unwise, given our current state of knowledge, to complacently assume that the effect of mutation accumulation on these trends is so minor as to be barely worthy of our consideration.

There are many other points I could make, of course.  Consider China:  Are they suffering the same effects as shown here, or are they not?  China followed a very different social and economic trajectory than Europe; their industrialization was comparatively much-delayed, and even as late as 1950, over 80% of Chinese were still farmers.  China’s modernization formally began only in the latter half of the twentieth century.  Thus, for instance, China did not experience a decline in child mortality circa 1900, but only much later.  Child mortality (to age 5) remained high through 1930, began a slow decline, then dropped off dramatically from 1950 onward—a full 50 years later than Europe.  Therefore, we should expect a corresponding period of time to elapse before evidence of increasing mutational load is as apparent in China as it is in the Western world.

Suffice it to say that Unz has a lot of work to do to establish that my piece was “total rubbish.”

Alexis Takes His Shot

Unz’s critique was followed a few days later by a truly impressive critical essay of some 27,000 words by a Black Catholic journalist and author, Jonas Alexis.  It appeared on 30 August on Unz.com.  Despite the massive length of this piece, my response will be briefer than the above.

It is clear that Alexis takes personal affront with my position, which is not surprising; as a Black and a Catholic, he has two intrinsic reasons to oppose eugenics.[8]  But to his credit, he generally avoids these as bases for his critique; in other words, he does not use theological arguments against me, and only tangentially does he employ  “White identity” assertions for his case.  Unfortunately for him, the arguments that he does use fail miserably.

He begins with a host of slanders and insults against me and against anyone aligned with me.  He speaks of my work as representing “mental gymnastics,” “selective citation,” “omission of evidence,” “deliberate misrepresentation,” “avoidance of scholarly responsibility,” “cherry-picking,” “intellectual solipsism”—we get the point.  Indeed, I am, he says, just another of many writers who “reveal themselves to be structurally hollow, methodologically flawed, historically irresponsible, and philosophically worthless.”  However, such rhetorical complaints won’t suffice.

Alexis then attempts a little ‘poisoning the well’ fallacy by declaring eugenics to be associated with “essentially Talmudic characteristics”; if the evil Jews are eugenic, then it must be a bad thing!  Or so he implies.  I’m with him on the Talmud, but there is nothing there that resembles the eugenic system I advocate.  The Talmud declares non-Jews to be less than human, to be virtual animals, and thus they can be maltreated, abused, exploited, and even killed if it serves Jewish interests.[9]  This, surely, explains the mindset of present-day Israelis who feel they can mass-murder Palestinians in Gaza with impunity.  As sympathetic as I am here, this has no bearing on my arguments.

This is followed by an attack on my scholarship.  Alexis cites a bare list of some 25 books on eugenics, lamenting that I have offered “no sustained engagement” with this body of work.  Indeed—nor did I cite any of the 200+ books on the subject published just since the year 2000.  That, of course, would have been entirely inappropriate for a short, popular essay on the topic, but I did offer a few thoughts along the line that virtually all such works are anti-eugenic.  Should a reader care to peruse those 200 books and let me know where I am wrong, I would welcome the effort.

More seriously, Alexis then refers to my citations of Plato, Seneca, and Plutarch in favor of a form of eugenics such as they had at that time—one which involved passive or active infanticide.  My point, of course, was that eugenics was seen as necessary in the ancient world, not that infanticide is a good idea.  But Alexis jumps on this issue, accusing me of endorsing similar policies in the present day.  To the contrary: I argued for a rather benign and sympathetic treatment for inferior or defective infants:

For infants and children to age 15, actions would be very limited. Their very immaturity would preclude much in the way of evaluation. Genetic testing is one obvious exception, and this could be performed on all children with the goal of identifying genetic predispositions for certain diseases or disabilities. Otherwise, the main priority with this group would be to give all the best possible environmental conditions for growth, learning, and healthy development. Upon reaching the age of 16, all would then undergo the standard evaluation process.

Nowhere do I suggest or imply infanticide.  It is simply unnecessary, given present-day knowledge and capabilities.

Worse, though, is when Alexis accuses me of somehow promoting “removal,” “elimination,” or “extermination” of the unfit.  This is ludicrous and utterly unsubstantiated by anything I wrote.  He seems to hold a kind of cartoon-image of eugenics, like evil Nazis slaughtering the subhumans, as depicted in any number of Hollywood propaganda films.  Once again, this is nowhere stated, suggested, or implied.  Under no conditions do I advocate killing or harming anyone.

Alexis next goes into a lengthy discussion of Kantian ethics in an attempt to prove that eugenics is incompatible with that view and therefore unethical.  As one who has taught ethics at the university-level for two decades, I know something of the subject matter.  Academically speaking, there are today three primary systems of ethics: virtue ethics (associated with Plato and Aristotle), utilitarianism (associated with Bentham and Mill), and deontological or duty-based ethics (associated with Kant).[10]  Each has their strengths and weaknesses, and none are trouble-free.

And yet somehow, Alexis latches on to Kantian ethics, thrusting it to the forefront as the definitive and only correct form of ethics.  Worse, he attempts to use Kant’s categorical imperative against me and against eugenics.  (The categorical imperative is a modern form of the Golden Rule: act only such that you can universalize your maxim or policy for action.  Or alternatively, treat others as ends and not merely as means.)  If you’re going to kill someone, says Alexis, you are not treating them as ends!  And, you can’t universalize killing!  Nice try, except (a) I never suggested or implied any killing, so this argument fails on its face; and (b) such ethics are guides for individual, personal action, and not intended as guides to social or group ethical actions.  My proposed eugenic policy is a social-level system intended to forestall the worst effects of genetic degradation and to promote the best human qualities.  Thus his argument fails on two grounds.

Furthermore, eugenics is eminently compatible with both utilitarian (“greatest good for the greatest number”) and virtue ethical approaches (witness Plato), if he wants to press that line of thinking.  There is clearly a strong ethical argument for saving humanity from genetic degradation and social collapse—unless, that is, you hold to a comical, Nazi-esque vision of mass murder.

Alexis then treats us to a sprawling discourse on a vast range of semi-related people and topics, including (but not limited to) Darwin, Malthus, Galton, British child labor in the 1800s, Karl Marx, the Bolshevik Revolution, White identity, “White trash,” Teddy Roosevelt, Madison Grant, anti-Catholicism…wow, and I thought this was a discussion about my little paper on eugenics.  It’s all interesting stuff, mostly history, but best saved for another day.

One issue of particular concern to Alexis is the problem of intelligent psychopaths, such as those running our government and our military.  If we select for intelligence, he asks, won’t we produce even more intelligent psychos?  And don’t such people pose a greater risk to society than any “unfit” ones?  Agreed, we don’t want such types running our society, but any eugenic scheme, even the most effective and far-sighted, cannot hope to stop all such people from coming to power.  I will elaborate below, but in my proposal, a panel of skilled elders assess youth upon reaching, say, age 16 and determine their overall fitness using a range of characteristics; intelligence is only one, and pathological tendencies would certainly be another.  Any budding “intelligent psychopath” would not be killed, but rather, discouraged from reproducing, and probably given help, as appropriate.  At the very least, he would not be passing along any psychopathic genes.

But this touches on a broader point:  Eugenics, even the best system, cannot solve every problem in society.  It cannot end sickness and disease, it cannot end crime, it cannot guarantee peace and happiness for all.  All it can do is to act to boost the quality of our collective gene pool by promoting our best qualities and minimizing our worst.  And this alone makes it worthwhile.

As a final matter here, I would note that, despite his extensive verbiage, Alexis offers precisely zero treatment of my central point: that industrial society has, through relaxed natural selection (low child mortality) and a variety of mutagens, set us on a course for a steady degradation of the human gene pool, leading to a calamitous future unless action is taken soon.  Alexis utterly ignores the science, the data, and the claims by the geneticists that I cited.  Apparently, he has no use for science at all.  This is his right, of course, but then we have no obligation to take him seriously.

Elaborating on an Action Plan

I closed my original essay with some brief thoughts on how a benign eugenics system might be structured.  It was just an outline, of course, and was only intended to point in one possible direction.  But this plan brought down more criticism from other readers, especially on Unz.com.  So let me respond to a few concerns.

I think we can identify three basic categories of eugenic policy:  (1) centralized policy established at the federal level, (2) personal action by individual people or couples, and (3) local, decentralized policy, but with federal support.  The first category rightly prompts concerns about a “self-appointed elite” (Alexis), or a bunch of Bill Gates or Kamala Harris or George Soros types, who determine which genetic qualities get promoted and, in the most extreme cases, who lives and who dies.  Such a notion rightly makes our skin crawl, and is certainly nothing that I would ever recommend.  No government bureaucracy, no federal politicians, can ever be trusted to make wise decisions along this line.

The second category is growing in popularity, and goes by various names, including ‘embryo selection’ and ‘designer babies.’  This can potentially take a few different forms.  Couples can extract several eggs from the woman, fertilize them with the man’s sperm, and then test the embryos for various genetic markers (intelligence, disease susceptibility, etc.), and then select the preferred one for implantation into the woman’s uterus.  Or as a variation, the woman can select donor sperm from high-quality men, preselected for one or more qualities, and fertilize and implant.  Or, in more advanced versions, couples could use a CRISPR-type technology to directly add, remove, or alter the genetic makeup of a developing embryo before implanting.  This is a high-tech solution to a technological problem, and if the past is any guide, it will almost certainly fail in the long run.  In any case, this is not what I recommend either.

My preferred approach is something like category (3): a very localized, very decentralized process by which local panels of elders who are skilled, knowledgeable, and aware of all the relevant matters of race, ethnicity, and genetics, are charged with assessing youth upon reaching age 16.  This is necessarily a local process.  Consider the numbers.  In the US today, there are about 4 million boys and girls aged 16, with the average state having 80,000 such individuals—all of whom would need to be assessed in a year, on my view.  This implies that some 6,600 would be evaluated per month, a process that would likely require around 100 panels, each assessing 60 to 70 youths per month, for the average state.  That’s a lot of evaluation; it is certainly far more than any handful of “self-appointed elite” could act on.[11]

I suppose our elite could try to legislate a certain outcome by prioritizing certain characteristics, like intelligence if they needed more scientists and engineers, or physical strength if their armed forces were found lagging.  But an essential aspect of the system would have to be a firm “hands-off” condition, keeping federal bureaucrats, politicians, and (more importantly) their donors far away from the specifics.  The government’s role would be to acknowledge the necessity of such a process, to support it in principle, perhaps to help fund it—and then stay out of the way.

Obviously, local panels, even within a given state, would have a wide variety of ranking metrics; subjective evaluations, such as beauty or physical attractiveness, would vary considerably.  So be it.  I believe that the situation will become severe enough that almost any process, almost any selection on almost any grounds, will be better than the alternative—doing nothing.  Even the sketchiest panel from the poorest, most backward rural area, could pick out those youths with higher intelligence, better looks, or superior health.  Yes, such a process could potentially get hijacked by corrupt locals for nepotistic or other self-serving purposes.  Even under the best circumstances, it is an imperfect process; but again, an imperfect process is better than nothing.

And this brings me to my final point.  For all my critics out there, my question to you is:  What is the alternative?  Doing nothing?  Given the accumulating evidence, this seems risky in the extreme.  Are we to just wait as ailments increase, abilities decline, society decays, and in the worst case, an entire civilization is put at risk?  How long?  And then what?  The longer we wait, the harder it will be to correct our path.

The only other option is an ultra-risky high-tech solution: genetic engineering of our fetuses.  Even our politically-correct scientists, who can barely stomach the consequences of their own research, are compelled to state that genetic engineering is our “only” option—because the alternative is a “morally reprehensible” system of eugenics.

Actually, there is a third alternative: accelerationism.  For the pessimists out there who feel that Western civilization is doomed anyway, then the best option is not only to let it collapse, but even to make it collapse sooner.  Bring on the mutations!  Bring on the disease!  Bring on the stupidity!  The sooner the better, they say, and then the end of civilization will be imminent.  Once that collapses, the small remnant of humanity will have to live, once again, as we have for millions of years: in small bands of hunter-gatherers.  And benevolent Nature will once again impose her strict, eugenic demands on child mortality—and then perhaps we will be on the road to a better future at last.

David Skrbina, PhD, is a retired professor of philosophy. For more on his work and writings, see www.davidskrbina.com


[1] I note here that selection rates are never going to be zero; there still is some degree of sexual selection, for example, and spontaneous abortions also act to purify some of the worst instances of genetic defect.

[2] They do, however, qualify this point: “Non-genetic (environmental) factors partially determine whether, and how, risk-associated genotypes may lead to overt T1D disease.”

[3] Kondrashov (2017, pp. ix, 141, 147) argues that the 2% figure is more like 10%—a substantial difference.  More on this below.

[4] Likely from the earliest days of the Industrial Revolution, ca 1700, when industrial processes, fossil fuel combustion, and new metals were first introduced into society on a large scale.  Mutagens increased through the 1800s and early 1900s, and accelerated after World War Two with the introduction of numerous synthetic chemicals, especially plastics.

[5] In cruder terms, we might call this the “Idiocracy Effect,” after the satirical 2006 film of the same name.

[6] The (g,e) component currently appears to be small to non-existent, and any specific trends in the (s,h) component are currently unknown.

[7] These count as both germline and de novo mutations, since they are spontaneous and heritable.

[8] As a Christian, he takes particular offence at my popular book, The Jesus Hoax.  But that is another topic altogether.

[9] The Talmud is a massive compendium on Jewish rules for living and interacting with Gentiles, drawn roughly from interpretations of the Old Testament.  It was condensed down to a practical guide called the Shulchan Aruch in 1565.  For a good critical assessment of this work, see Erich Bischoff, The Book of the Shulchan Aruch (2023).

[10] Outside of formal philosophy, we also have various systems of religious or theological ethics, but I set those aside here.

[11] Realistically, anything like this proposal is probably impossible in a large nation like the US.  In reality, it would likely require state secession and the restoration of small-scale government to implement any policy as far-reaching as this.

Zionist Terrorism, what is left for Hamas?

Some Zionist terrorists had a beautiful career; they had authority, audacity and a very convincing dignity — especially when, having become Prime Minister, they treated others as rabble.

Count Folke Bernadotte in his headquarters on the island of Rhodes, Greece, 19 July 1948. Source: United Nations audiovisual bookshop.

I – A short analytical review of the main terrorist acts of Haganah, Palmah, Irgun (Etzel), Stern and Lehi.

First, it is worth remembering that not only were Jews engaged in fierce campaigns of terrorism in Mandatory Palestine and abroad against the British, but they openly incited terrorism — in a high-profile American newspaper. On May 15, 1947, playwright and screenwriter, and American League for a Free Palestine co-chairman Ben Hecht published in the New York PostLetter to the Terrorists of Palestine”. The ad said, “We are out to raise millions for you.” This letter included the infamous phrase that every time British soldiers were shot or blown up “the Jews of America make a little holiday in their hearts.”

Hecht also wrote a Broadway play to raise money. In A Flag Is Born, the role of a Holocaust survivor was played by Marlon Brando.

1 – Indiscriminate Attacks on Civilians

Unless I am mistaken, indiscriminate violence against civilians is generally the criterion used to talk about terrorism. So, here are some examples:

  • Grenade attack on 17 March 1937, the first by an Irgun militiaman, against a café frequented by Palestinians. Many victims are reported.
  • Bomb attack on a busy Palestinian market in Haifa, on 6 July 1938, by members of the Irgun, killing 21 people and injuring 52.

2 – Attacks on Civil Collective Transport (Train – Boat)

  • A huge explosion shakes the city of Haifa on the morning of November 25, 1940. It is discovered that the target is a French ship, SS Patria, docked in the port, with on board 1800 Jewish migrants, including women, whom the British authorities wish to send to Mauritius because they do not have residence permits in Palestine. Opposed to the British project, the Haganah decides to damage the ship. Result: 252 deaths among the Jewish passengers, to which 12 victims were added among the British police officers, and 172 were injured among the other passengers. The Palestinian sailors managed to save the rest of the migrants from the shipwreck. The survivors were then authorized by the British to remain in Palestine.
  • The bombing of the Cairo-Haifa train, in March 1948: just a few months before the start of the 1948 Arab-Israeli war, the Cairo-Haifa train was bombed several times, attacks claimed or attributed to Lehi. A single attack kills 40 civilians and injures 60 others. In February, an attack kills 28 British soldiers and injures 35 others.

3 – Mass Killing in the Villages

  • Attack by a unit of the Haganah on the village of Beit Sheikh, near Haifa, in June 1939. Abduction of 5 villagers who will be assassinated.
  • On April 9, 1948, units of the Irgun and the Lehi commit a massacre in the village of Deir Yassin, which counts 700 Palestinians, among whom more than a hundred are assassinated.
  • During the night of 22 to 23 May 1948, eight days after Israel’s proclamation of independence, the Alexandroni brigade of the Palmah (“Shock Unit”) seized Tantura, a prosperous port village with some 1,600 Arab inhabitants, about thirty kilometers south of Haifa. After brief fights, the soldiers gathered the remaining Palestinian inhabitants. They kill between 200 and 250 people and expel the others towards the neighboring village of Fureidis, where workers will have to dig two mass graves and bury the corpses — next to the beach, under the current parking lot of the kibbutz built on the village leveled by bulldozers.

4 – Explosives Hidden in Civilian Objects

  • On 29 June 1946, following a wave of arrests by the British police in the offices of the Jewish Agency, the Irgun militia, led by Menahem Begin, decides to target the headquarters of the British army, installed at the King David Hotel in Jerusalem. It was dynamited on July 22, 1946, resulting in the death of 91 people including 28 British, 17 Jews, 41 Palestinians, and 5 other victims from various affiliations.

When Carter went to Israel in March 1979, in a meeting in the Presidential Suite of the King David Hotel, Begin bragged to Carter about blowing it up in 1946. “I’ve always liked the King David Hotel. You know, I blew it up once, using explosives in milk canisters.” He enjoyed the joke, smiling as he concluded, “Don’t worry, I’m not going to do it again.”

5 – Invention of the Car Bomb Attack

  • On December 5, 1946, the Lehi used for the first time the car bomb process, stationed near buildings in Sarafend.

6 – Parcel Bombs

  • Between June 4 and 6, 1947, twenty letter bombs were sent from Italy to British politicians in London. In 1948, Rex Farran, brother of the intended target, Captain Roy Farran DSO, MC — an SAS anti-terrorism specialist, opened the parcel bomb addressed to “R. Farran” at the Farran family home in Staffordshire. He was eviscerated by the explosion; the package bomb had been sent by Misrahi’s colleagues in the Paris-based Stern Gang cell.

7 – Kidnapping — Hostage Taking

  • On 18 June 1946, British citizens were kidnapped as a means of exerting pressure on the authorities in their country. This is the first resort of Zionist terrorism to the process of hostage-taking.

8 – Kidnapping – Liquidation

  • On 29 July of the same year, the same militia proceeded to kidnap British soldiers and liquidate them in the area of Netanya. This is a particularly odious case in which two young sergeants were hung with piano strings in the middle of a grove of eucalyptus trees near Netanya. The attack triggered a Crystal Night in England.

9 –  Attack on Foreign Soil

  • On October 31, 1946, the Lehi used explosives against the British embassy in Rome.
  • Late one bitter cold evening in March 1947, young French philosophy student Robert Misrahi slipped away from a servicemen’s social club just off Trafalgar Square in the heart of London. Minutes later, the British Colonies Club was wrecked by a massive explosion, causing many injuries but miraculously no deaths. Misrahi had left his overcoat at the club, its shoulders packed with gelignite.

10 – Targeted Killings (or attempted) of Senior Civilian Officials

  • The Lehi tried to assassinate the British high commissioner in Palestine, Harold McMichael on August 8, 1944.
  • Two members of the Lehi assassinate Lord Moyne in Cairo on November 6, 1944. Lord Moyne was the highest representative of the British government in the Middle East, targeted for his support for the project of an Arab federation in the region. The two assassins, Eliyahu Bet-Zuri and Eliyahu Hakim, are tried by a military tribunal and executed by hanging in Cairo on March 23, 1945.

11 – Attack against Mediators from International Bodies, the Red Cross, and the UN

  • The most important assassination, however, remains that of the Swedish count Folke Bernadotte (1895–1948), number two of the Swedish Red Cross before being appointed in May 1948 by the UN secretary general, Trygve Halvdan Lie, mediator for Palestine. He was striving to amend the partition plan of Palestine in order to settle disputes between Jews and Arabs. The leadership of Lehi decided to assassinate him. Four of its members, dressed in Israeli army uniforms, blocked his car on 17 September 1948 in the part of Jerusalem controlled by the Israelis. They shot at him as well as another passenger, the French Colonel André Sérot, head of the UN military observers in Palestine. The two men are killed on the spot. An organization called «Front National» then claims the operation to cover up the crime. The attempt at diversion was not successful, however, and the condemnation of the real perpetrators is unanimous.

Assassinated for having proposed in his report the unconditional return of all refugees, and a re-dividing of the country into 2 equal parts, it was partly due to the work of Bernadotte based on international conventions that on 4 November 1948 the UN General Assembly passed resolution 194 in favour of the right of return for refugees. Count Bernadotte had also obtained a truce in July, but the Israeli army took advantage of it to continue the ethnic cleansing.

A minute of silence is observed at the General Assembly in tribute to Count Bernadotte during the UN General Conference.

12 – Project for a massive Attack by Poisoning the Water Supply

  • Paris-based Stern Gang cell’s leader Yaacov Eliav had planned what would have been the worst terrorist atrocity of all time soon after Misrahi’s arrest. He obtained active cultures of cholera bacteria from Jewish contacts at the Pasteur Institute in Paris. A water engineer was sent to London to scout the best method of introducing cholera into the city’s water supply. It was only following Zionist success in winning UN backing later in 1947 that this cholera plan was abandoned.

A film by the Paz brothers, ‘Plan A’ – poisoning the water supply of Nuremberg, shows the activities of the Nakam who wanted to kill millions of Germans after the war to take revenge for the Holocaust but ended up crossing paths with the Jewish Brigade, which made him abandon his project. The premiere in Israel was held in September 2021 at the Haifa film festival.

II – The Prestigious Posterity of the Terrorists

1 – Ben Gurion

As we know, he became the first Prime Minister of Israel, yet he was the head of the Haganah and it is the Haganah that is directly involved in the attack on the village of Beit Sheikh.

In any case, he also oversaw the Irgun and the Lehi. After the assassination of Bernadotte, Prime Minister Ben Gourion dismantled the Lehi and the Irgun to calm the UN; this act was covered up and the investigation botched. Only one of the three leaders of the Lehi will do 15 days in prison.

2 – Yitzhak Shamir

Shamir joined the Mossad and then was a member of the Likud parliament. He was elected President of the Knesset in May 1977, then became Minister of Foreign Affairs and, twice, Prime Minister of Israel (until 1992).

He led the Lehi; the three perpetrators of the ambush against Folke Bernadotte and the French Colonel André Sérot belonged to the Lehi.

3 – Menahem Begin

Prime Minister from 1977 to 1983 Begin led the Irgun.

4 – Yeoshua Cohen

He later confessed to having shot Bernadotte; he was one of the founders of a kibbutz in the Negev where David Ben-Gurion will retire. He was decorated by Ben Gurion.

III – Some remarks on Hamas

1 – Hamas is not a regular army; on October 7, its attack killed 1,200, but this compares to 784 British police officers, military personnel, and crown servants, victims of Jewish terrorism during the Palestinian mandate crisis between 1944 and 1948.

2 – Today, the Palestinian resistance is essentially Muslim, but who is to blame?

In 1947, at the time of independence, 25% of the population of Palestine was Christian. It was not the Muslims who drove them out of Palestine.

Among the first wave of resistance were many terrorists (or thinkers) of Christian persuasion: Georges Habache, Wadie Haddad, Georges Abdallah, Kamal Nasser, Nayef Hawatmeh, Monseigneur Hilarion Capucci, Michel Aflak, Antoun Saadeh, Constantin Zureiq, Leïla Khaled, Hanan Achrawi, Edward Saïd, Elias Khoury, Souha Tawil.

3 – Radical Islamist movements are the work of the West — in Afghanistan, in Tajikistan or, lately, in Syria where Joulani seems to be an emanation of Mossad.

4 – Hamas does not take action outside of Israel, nor does Hezbollah.

Conclusion,

Free Palestine  does not mean now what it meant then.

But our Jewish-owned media seem to follow the motto: “do as I say (now), not as I did (then)”

Speaking of terrorists, it must be remembered that the IDF was created by the gathering of the Hagahna, the Irgun, and the Lehi.

Tintin would have told you so:

Tintin – Land of Black Gold (first version)

Francis Goumain

Sources:

Institut pour les Études Palestiniennes

Aux origines du terrorisme sioniste | Institut des études palestiniennes

Association France Palestine Solidarité

17 septembre 1948 : assassinat à Jérusalem par une milice sioniste de Folke Bernadotte, médiateur de l’ONU, et du français André Sérot – Association France Palestine Solidarité

CJPMO (Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East)

Le terrorisme juif sous le mandat britannique – CJPMO – French

The Occidental Observer

August 1947—Kristallnacht in the UK in response to Jewish anti-British terrorism in Palestine to the sergeants hanged in Palestine affair

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/2024/05/03/august-1947-kristallnacht-in-the-uk-in-response-to-jewish-anti-british-terrorism-in-palestine-to-the-sergeants-hanged-in-palestine-affair/

Jeune Nation Le massacre de « Tantura »

Le massacre de « Tantura » – Jeune Nation

Real History

French Jewish terrorist escapes extradition to UK – Real History

Counter Currents

Plan A

The Occidental Observer Commemorating British Casualties of Jewish Terrorism, 1944–1948

Commemorating British Casualties of Jewish Terrorism, 1944–1948 – The Occidental Observer

Renagade Tribune

Jews: The First Terrorists

Jeune Nation Des chrétiens dans la résistance en Palestine – La Résistance Palestinienne Chrétienne

https://jeune-nation.com/actualite/geopolitique/des-chretiens-dans-la-resistance-en-palestine

Politics Forum – Letter to the Terrorists of Palestine by Ben Hecht of the PALESTINE RESISTANCE FUND

Letter to the Terrorists of Palestine by Ben Hecht – Politics Forum.org | PoFo