• MISSION STATEMENT
  • TERMS
  • PRIVACY
The Occidental Observer
  • HOME
  • BLOG
  • SUBSCRIBE TOQ
  • CONTACT USPlease send all letters to the editor, manuscripts, promotional materials, and subscription questions to Editors@TheOccidentalObserver.net.
  • DONATE
  • Search
  • Menu Menu

General

Mondoweiss: ‘No Kings’ protest refusal to address the war on Iran reflects the failure of the U.S. antiwar movement

March 26, 2026/6 Comments/in General/by Kevin MacDonald

Liberals love war, and if Kamala or Gavin was president they would be all in. No Kings is all about TDS.

‘No Kings’ protest refusal to address the war on Iran reflects the failure of the U.S. antiwar movement

The upcoming No Kings protest could be the biggest anti-Trump event ever, but opposing the war on Iran doesn’t seem to be on the agenda.
By Michael Arria  March 26, 2026  3
FacebookXBlueskyWhatsAppRedditLinkedInMastodonEmailPrint
No Kings protest New Orleans (Indivisible social media)
No Kings protest New Orleans (Indivisible social media)

This Saturday marks the No Kings Day of Nonviolent Action, where organizers will protest the Trump administration across hundreds of U.S. cities and towns.

Some predict it will be the biggest anti-Trump event ever, surpassing last year’s No Kings rallies.

Minnesota, which became the epicenter of Trump resistance after the killings of Renee Nicole Good and Alex Pretti, will feature the flagship protest with performances and speeches from Bruce Springsteen, Senator Bernie Sanders, and Joan Baez.

The Indivisible coalition, which organized the event, cites a multitude of reasons for the protest, with ICE raids chief among them.

“[The Trump] administration is sending masked agents into our streets, terrorizing our communities,” the No Kings website declares. “They are targeting immigrant families, profiling, arresting, and detaining people without warrants. Threatening to overtake elections. Gutting healthcare, environmental protections, and education when families need them most. Rigging maps to silence voters. Ignoring mass shootings at our schools and in our communities. Driving up the cost of living while handing out massive giveaways to billionaire allies, as families struggle. Spending billions of our tax dollars on missile strikes abroad all while driving up the cost of living and handing out massive giveaways to billionaire allies.”

You’ll note that the current war on Iran — which has killed over 1,500 people, has already caused worldwide economic disruption, and threatens to spill into an even wider conflict — barely gets passing mention in this description. And when it does, the main focus is on the money being wasted.

 Continues…

 

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-03-26 10:40:272026-03-26 10:59:40Mondoweiss: ‘No Kings’ protest refusal to address the war on Iran reflects the failure of the U.S. antiwar movement

From Drop-Site Daily summary of the war

March 26, 2026/1 Comment/in General/by Kevin MacDonald

Trump is so full of shit:

  • Trump insists Iran interested in talks: U.S. President Donald Trump again insisted Iran is interested in a deal after Tehran dismissed the claims. Writing on Truth Social, Trump said, “The Iranian negotiators are very different and ‘strange.’ They are ‘begging’ us to make a deal, which they should be doing since they have been militarily obliterated, with zero chance of a comeback, and yet they publicly state that they are only ‘looking at our proposal.’ WRONG!!! They better get serious soon, before it is too late, because once that happens, there is NO TURNING BACK, and it won’t be pretty!”
  • Thousands of American troops forced off U.S. bases by Iran attacks: Iran’s bombing of U.S. bases in the Middle East in retaliation for the U.S.-Israeli war has forced many American troops to relocate to hotels and office spaces throughout the region, according to The New York Times. “Many of the 13 military bases in the region used by American troops are all but uninhabitable, with the ones in Kuwait, which is next door to Iran, suffering perhaps the most damage,” the Times wrote. “There were close to 40,000 U.S. troops in the region when the war started, and Central Command has dispersed thousands of them, some to as far away as Europe, American military officials said. But many have remained in the Middle East, although not on their original bases…The result, according to current and former military officials, is a war that is much harder to prosecute.” Iranian officials have accused the U.S. military of using civilians as human shields by putting American military personnel in hotels. “We are forced to identify and target the Americans,” the IRGC said according to the Tasnim news agency. “Therefore, it is better not to shelter them in hotels and to stay away from their locations.”
  • Iran’s IRGC claims it shot down U.S. F/A-18 over Chabahar: Iran’s Revolutionary Guard claimed Tuesday evening it downed a U.S. Navy F/A-18 fighter jet over Chabahar, a port city on Iran’s southeastern coast near the Pakistani border, using a new air defense system, with the aircraft—valued between $66 million and $75 million—reportedly crashing into the Indian Ocean. The IRGC described Tuesday’s incident as “the fourth successful hunt” for U.S. or Israeli fighter jets since the war began. U.S. Central Command denied the claim on X.
  • CENTCOM: U.S. has struck more than 10,000 targets in Iran: CENTCOM Commander Admiral Brad Cooper said Wednesday that American forces have struck more than 10,000 targets across Iran since the war began on February 28, including naval assets and missile sites. Cooper claimed 92 percent of Iran’s largest naval vessels have been destroyed and are “not sailing” and said the U.S. has “significantly” degraded Iran’s naval drone and missile capabilities while removing the regime’s ability to rebuild them.
  • Two killed in UAE: Two people were killed by falling shrapnel from a missile interception over Abu Dhabi, according to authorities in the UAE.
  • Jordan suspends residency of Iranian diplomat: Jordan suspended the residency of an Iranian diplomat and denied accreditation to another, the foreign minister told state-owned TV on Thursday, in what he said was a message to Iran. Both Saudi Arabia and Lebanon have declared Iranian diplomats personae non gratae in recent days.
  • Gulf states activate air defenses amid incoming Iranian fire:
    • Kuwait, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates moved to intercept incoming Iranian projectiles early Thursday, the Associated Press reported. Bahraini authorities said they were working to extinguish a fire at a site in Muharraq—home to the country’s international airport.
    • On Wednesday, Iran launched a missile strike on Israel’s largest power plant in Hadera, a coastal city in northern Israel roughly halfway between Tel Aviv and Haifa, with the missile striking a short distance from its target.
  • Iran strikes chemical complex in Negev linked to white phosphorus production: An Iranian ballistic missile struck the state-owned ICL Rotem chemical complex in Israel’s Negev on Wednesday, causing a large blast and fire at the facility, according to reports and geolocated footage. The site, located near Dimona, is part of Israel’s largest chemicals company and is linked to phosphate extraction used in white phosphorus production, which Israel has used illegally in both Gaza and southern Lebanon.
  • Pakistan confirms role in relaying messages from U.S. to Iran: Pakistani foreign minister Ishaq Dar confirmed on Thursday that Pakistan has been relaying messages between the U.S. and Iran. “There has been unnecessary speculation in the media regarding peace talks to end ongoing conflict in the Middle East. In reality, US-Iran indirect talks are taking place through messages being relayed by Pakistan. In this context, the United States has shared 15 points, being deliberated upon by Iran,” Dar wrote in a post on X. “Brotherly countries of Turkiye and Egypt, among others, are also extending their support to this initiative.”
  • Iran’s foreign minister says no negotiations taking place: Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi flatly contradicted Trump’s claims of active diplomacy between the countries in a state television interview Wednesday. “No negotiations have happened with the enemy until now, and we do not plan on any negotiations,” Araghchi said. He added the U.S. tried to send messages to Iran through other nations, “but that is not a conversation nor a negotiation.” Araghchi said Iran has selectively allowed passage through the Strait of Hormuz only to countries it considers friends—naming China, Russia, India, Iraq, and Pakistan—and that there is “no reason” to extend that access to enemies.
  • Iran fortifies Kharg Island as U.S. weighs ground operation: Iran is reinforcing defenses on Kharg Island—which handles roughly 90 percent of the country’s crude exports—including laying mines and deploying additional air defenses and forces, CNN reported Wednesday, citing sources familiar with U.S. intelligence. The Trump administration is weighing a ground operation to seize the island as leverage over the Strait of Hormuz, while U.S. officials, military planners, and regional sources warn of significant casualty risks. A senior Gulf official told CNN that Gulf allies are actively urging Washington against deploying ground forces, cautioning that such a move could trigger Iranian retaliation against regional infrastructure.
  • Iran’s parliament moves toward formalizing tolls in Strait of Hormuz: Iran’s parliament is pursuing legislation to assert formal sovereignty and control over the Strait of Hormuz and charge tolls to vessels transiting it, according to Fars News Agency. “This is entirely natural, just as goods pay transit fees when passing through other corridors, the Strait of Hormuz is also a corridor,” lawmaker Mohammadreza Rezaei Kouchi was quoted as saying. “We provide its security, and it is natural that ships and oil tankers should pay such fees.” The shipping analysis firm Lloyd’s List Intelligence published a report claiming Iran is already charging fees and is running “de facto ‘toll booth’ regime” for passage through the strait.
  • UAE envoy calls for “conclusive outcome” beyond ceasefire with Iran: UAE Ambassador to the U.S. Yousef Al Otaiba wrote in the Wall Street Journal Wednesday that a simple ceasefire with Iran is insufficient and that any resolution must address Tehran’s “full range of threats.” Al Otaiba announced the UAE would join international efforts to reopen the Strait of Hormuz and keep it open, reaffirmed the country’s $1.4 trillion investment commitment in the U.S., and claimed Iran has launched more than 2,180 missiles and drones at the UAE since the war began, with over 95 percent intercepted. The op-ed marks a significant public signal of UAE alignment with Washington’s war aims at a moment when both the UAE and Saudi Arabia are reportedly weighing whether to formally join U.S. military operations against Iran.
  • UN Security Council split over resolution to authorize force in Strait of Hormuz: Bahrain has put forward a draft UN Security Council resolution calling on countries to use “all necessary means” to keep the Strait of Hormuz open—including military action to “repress, neutralize and deter” attempts to obstruct international navigation—but the proposal is facing significant resistance, according to three council diplomats who spoke to the Associated Press on condition of anonymity. The draft, placed under Chapter Seven of the UN Charter which authorizes measures up to the use of force, is being reworked after multiple countries raised concerns; China and Russia, both veto-wielding members, are among those opposed to the current text. France separately introduced a competing resolution Monday that makes no mention of Iran, carries no Chapter Seven authorization, and instead urges all parties to de-escalate and return to diplomacy. Neither draft is expected to come to a vote this week.
  • Trump is receiving curated, daily “highlight reel” of Iran war strikes: Each day since the war on Iran began, U.S. military officials compile a roughly two-minute video of the biggest U.S. strikes on Iranian targets over the previous 48 hours for President Donald Trump—a montage one official described as “stuff blowing up”—but the briefing format is fueling concerns among some of Trump’s own allies that he is not absorbing the full picture of the conflict, three current and one former U.S. official told NBC News. The concerns echo a pattern from previous wars: former National Counterterrorism Center director Joe Kent said recently that “key decision-makers were not allowed to come express their opinion to the president” and that “there wasn’t a robust debate.”
https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-03-26 09:13:492026-03-26 09:13:49From Drop-Site Daily summary of the war

Vote Fraud: Another ‘Science Is Settled’ Issue. A ‘Consensus’ You Can’t Refuse

March 25, 2026/3 Comments/in General/by Ann Coulter

Perhaps the left’s greatest contribution to public discourse is to threaten anyone who disagrees with them with financial ruin, slander, embarrassment, condemnation, homelessness and prison — and then announce the existence of a “consensus.”

Their signature consensus-by-threat technique has been used to prove the truth of global warming, Russian interference with the 2016 election, COVID-19 lockdowns, Hunter Biden’s laptop as Russian disinformation, and — especially important today — the nonexistence of voter fraud.

Dissenters from the liberal position on all these issues are slyly compared to Holocaust conspiracy theorists by calling them “deniers” — “climate deniers,” “COVID deniers,” “mask deniers,” “global warming deniers,” “science deniers,” and “election deniers.” Until very, very recently, “denier” was a word that referred exclusively to Holocaust deniers.

Although I’m sure it’s fun, browbeating people into a terrified, cowering silence isn’t proof of anything. In fact, it kind of suggests beliefs of such dainty substance that raising the slightest objection could make the whole thing fall apart.

Ask Soviet scientists who were sent to the gulag for refusing to affirm Lysenkoism about it. Oh, you can’t. They’re dead.

Today, we’ll examine the left’s “consensus” on the question of voter fraud. With the SAVE Act (Safeguard American Voter Eligibility Act) under debate — which would merely require proof of citizenship to vote — we’re getting a lot of categorical, sweeping statements for which there can be no proof, such as, “the 2020 election was the most secure in U.S. history!”

Seventeen intelligence agencies agree! Wait — no, that was about Putin hacking the 2016 election to elect Trump.

To the extent liberals bother trying to marshal any proof that voter fraud doesn’t exist, their evidence is:

1) Promiscuous use of words like “without evidence,” “misinformation,” “conspiracy theory,” “lies,” and “you’re more likely to be struck by lightning.” (All those are from a single New York Times article on voter fraud.)

It’s like lefty Tourette’s. Shohei Ohtani hit a towering home-run to center field, without evidence.

2) Name-calling — extremely effective among kindergarteners and New York Times readers; and

3) Citing the rarity of voter fraud convictions.

The Entire Media Blabosphere: THERE’S NO SUCH THING AS VOTER FRAUD!

Can we look?

The Entire Media Blabosphere: ARE YOU A DENIER? THERE’S NO SUCH THING AS VOTER FRAUD!

Thus, a Times opinion piece proved that voter fraud is a “myth” by citing the book The Myth of Voter Fraud. Not sold yet? Just wait. The book noted that, in 2005, there were more prosecutions for migratory bird law violations than voter fraud. (Perhaps liberals wouldn’t be so glib about migratory bird prosecutions if they knew that 90% of the cases are brought against oil companies.)

I was previously unaware of the “No Convictions, No Crimes” mathematical proof. Now that I know about it, I’ve got a banger. This should at least win me a Booker Prize, if not a Nobel.

I can prove that there were no lynchings in the Old South from 1877 to 1950. Convictions for lynchings were vanishingly rare and punishment rarer.

But even the Klan didn’t block prosecutions like liberals do. The estimated 1% conviction rate for lynchings is still higher than the 0.04% of convictions for voter fraud that liberals tout to prove the nonexistence of voter fraud.

There, I’ve just eliminated about 30% of universities’ core curriculum.

Remember back in 2006 and 2007 when President Bush fired eight of his own U.S. attorneys for not investigating voter fraud, and all hell broke loose?

About a decade earlier, in an unprecedented act, Bill Clinton had fired all 93 U.S. attorneys a few months into his presidency — including one who was about to bring criminal charges against Clinton’s crucial ally, Representative Dan Rostenkowski (D-IL). It was a legit prosecution: The following year, Rostenkowski pleaded guilty and went to prison.

Not a peep of protest. But when Bush fired eight of his own U.S. attorneys for nonperformance on — what was it again? — voter fraud cases, there were congressional investigations, an inspector general’s report and hysterical denunciations from the media.

The Times alone ran 25 — 25! — editorials, calling the firings a “scandal,” a “political purge” a “cover-up,” and demanded the resignation of Bush Attorney General Alberto Gonzales. If that isn’t proof that there’s no such thing as voter fraud, I don’t know what is.

The science is settled! Voter fraud does not exist.

When President Trump put (now) Kansas Attorney General Kris Kobach in charge of his Commission on Election Integrity in 2017, left-wing groups promptly filed a dozen lawsuits against the commission’s work — more than had ever been brought against any presidential commission in history.

The lawsuits were nonsense, but responding to them consumed all of the commission’s time, preventing it from, you know, looking into voter fraud. Kobach had no choice but to shut down the whole thing and head back to Kansas.

And that’s how we know for a fact that there’s no such thing as election fraud. It’s as fake as Hunter Biden’s laptop. As bogus as the natural immunity. As phony as lynchings in the Jim Crow South.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Ann Coulter https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Ann Coulter2026-03-25 14:03:232026-03-25 20:58:23Vote Fraud: Another ‘Science Is Settled’ Issue. A ‘Consensus’ You Can’t Refuse

Unherd: How the IDF escapes justice

March 25, 2026/4 Comments/in General/by Kevin MacDonald
How the IDF escapes justice
Netanyahu is dismantling Israeli law
[..] as I think back to my basic training, shortly before the hell of the Yom Kippur War, I must admit that we were taught to respect and fear the weapons we were given. The “purity of arms” of the IDF was always partly mythical — yet it was constantly drilled into us. To be victorious, we were told, we had to be just, and as soldiers we were issued clear instructions on when we were allowed to open fire: rules which were strictly enforced. The IDF could not be like those marauding, lawless, criminal armies that subjected Jews to wanton murder, rape, and humiliation during the long centuries of exile. As early as the Thirties, the prominent Zionist leader Berl Katznelson exhorted Jewish paramilitary troops in Palestine: “May our arms remain pure. We train to use weapons, we carry weapons and confront those who attack us. But we do not want our arms to be soiled by the blood of innocents.”
In reality, of course, since its formation in 1948, the IDF engaged in multiple war crimes, not least during the War of Independence itself. Most of these crimes were covered up or denied, from the now well-documented cases of executions in Palestinian villages in the Galilee, which were long denied, to the widely reported massacre of over 100 people, including women and children, in the village of Deir Yassin in April 1948, for which no one was eventually charged.
Even so, on occasion, a few have been prosecuted and held up as a warning about the potential of young armed men descending into savagery. This was the case of the massacre of over 40 civilians in Kafr Qasim in 1956, which resulted in an Israeli court ruling that a “black flag” flies over unlawful orders to kill innocents. But the occupation, which began following the Six Day War, brought with it growing dehumanisation of the Palestinians and the ever-progressive loosening of rules on exercising violence against civilians, as can be seen now in the escalating attacks by Jewish settlers, often abetted by IDF troops, against Palestinians in the West Bank. The scandal that is currently roiling Israeli society — and the nature of the debate surrounding it — is the culmination of this process, with profound ramifications for the rule of law in Israel as a whole.
In July 2024, the IDF military police opened an investigation into reports of abuse of Palestinian prisoners in the notorious detention centre of Sde Teiman. An initial attempt to arrest some of the suspected soldiers was met with demonstrations, and some protestors and far-Right politicians broke into the camp to protect the culprits. Eventually, five soldiers were indicted for causing severe abuse and injury to a prisoner who had to undergo emergency surgery. As protests reached a frenzy, a clip allegedly showing soldiers brutalising a prisoner was leaked to the media, exposing to the public the severity of the abuse. Initially, the office of the Military Advocate General, tasked with running the investigation, insisted that it could not determine the identity of the leaker. But, in October this year, Military Advocate General Yifat Tomer-Yerushalmi resigned, conceding that she had authorised the leak to protect her office from false accusations that it was needlessly persecuting innocent soldiers merely carrying out their duty against Hamas operatives. She then disappeared, raising fears about her possible suicide. Fortunately, Tomer-Yerushalmi later resurfaced, only to be taken into custody herself. She is currently under investigation both for leaking the video and for lying to the Supreme Court about its provenance.
https://unherd.com/2025/11/how-the-idf-escapes-justice/
https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-03-25 07:46:172026-03-25 07:46:17Unherd: How the IDF escapes justice

Jewish Insider: Israel concerned about the possibility of a “not good deal”

March 24, 2026/6 Comments/in General/by Kevin MacDonald

Again reflecting the basic difference between what Trump wants (a short war and an off ramp where he could declare victory) and what Israel wants (regime change, etc.)

From Jewish Insider‘s daily email:

“We will safeguard our vital interests under all circumstances,” Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said on Monday, hours after President Donald Trump announced that the U.S. would suspend strikes on Iranian energy facilities to start negotiations.

In a Hebrew video statement, Netanyahu tried to reassure the Israeli public that the war would end in a way that made the previous three weeks — in which they, not Americans, ran with their children to bomb shelters multiple times a day — worth it. He vowed that Israel would be “continuing to strike in both Iran and Lebanon.”

“Earlier today, I spoke with our friend, President Trump,” Netanyahu said. “President Trump believes there is an opportunity to leverage the tremendous achievements we have reached alongside the U.S. military to realize the goals of the war through an agreement, an agreement that will safeguard our vital interests.”

Behind the scenes, however, the phone call was not enough to reassure Jerusalem that Washington had its interests in mind, and Netanyahu dispatched his closest advisor, Ron Dermer, to deter the Trump administration from reaching a “not good” deal, Israel’s Channel 12 reported.

Note the word choice: “not good.” If negotiations are genuine and this is not another mind game by the Trump administration, Israeli officials were not so optimistic in their briefings to Jewish Insider and Israeli media as to say there could be a good outcome from a deal that, de facto, would continue to recognize the mullahs’ regime — but perhaps a disaster could be averted.

Netanyahu used the term “vital interests” twice in his statement. The top interest on Dermer’s list is ensuring that the 440 kg of highly enriched uranium, the material that Iran boasted to White House Special Envoy Steve Witkoff was enough for 11 bombs, would be removed from Iran. According to Ynet, Witkoff made this demand clear, raising his voice on the phone to Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi before the latter’s first overture last week to return to the negotiating table.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-03-24 06:57:562026-03-24 06:57:56Jewish Insider: Israel concerned about the possibility of a “not good deal”

Joe Kent Reveals All in First Interview Since Resigning as Trump’s Counterterrorism Director

March 23, 2026/1 Comment/in General/by Kevin MacDonald
From a friend. This transcript was generated by Chat GPT by copying and pasting Youtube’s accompanying transcript text and asking it to summarize each section (~8 minutes at a time) into several paragraphs with the important points highlighted. It is long, but most of the important points can be found by searching “Israel” and “Netanyahu”
Key point:
This section expands on Joe Kent’s critique of the information ecosystem that shaped U.S. policy toward Iran, focusing on the concept of an “imminent threat” and the narrative about Iran’s nuclear program. Kent emphasizes that Iran was not on the verge of building a nuclear weapon—they were months or years away, and there was no intelligence indicating an immediate threat. This underscores the central point that justifying a preemptive war on the basis of an imminent threat was not supported by credible intelligence.
   Kent explains that much of the perceived threat was manufactured or amplified by a network of pro-Israel think tanks, media figures, and Israeli officials, who effectively “shifted the red line.” While President Trump consistently stated that Iran could not have a nuclear weapon, external actors framed the issue as Iran’s enrichment activities being a pathway to a bomb, creating pressure for a zero-enrichment policy. This, Kent argues, short-circuited U.S. negotiations because Iran was willing to negotiate if the red line acknowledged their existing, non-threatening enrichment—but the narrative imposed by outside actors made that impossible.
   Kent stresses that this process bypassed traditional intelligence channels. Israeli officials, sometimes presenting themselves as intelligence sources, would convey claims directly to U.S. policymakers. These claims often lacked verification but shaped policy decisions, creating an ecosystem where media, think tanks, and foreign officials collectively reinforced a narrative of imminent Iranian nuclear threat. The result, Kent contends, was a policy driven by external lobbying and narrative manipulation rather than by verified intelligence.
   Ultimately, Kent portrays this as a critical failure in U.S. policy-making: true negotiations were undermined, and the perception of urgency was manufactured, not factual. This reinforces his broader argument that honest, evidence-based assessment—rather than politically or ideologically driven narratives—is essential for making sound foreign policy decisions.
   Kent continues discussing U.S. policy on Iran, focusing on gatekeeping and selective briefing. He explains that he and other intelligence officials were often unable to directly present the full scope of intelligence to the president because of gatekeepers in the White House. This meant that only a small circle of advisers shaped what reached the president, limiting robust debate and creating a narrow perspective on Iran.
   He emphasizes that there was a disconnect between intelligence and what the president was told. Classified intelligence indicated Iran was months or years away from a nuclear weapon, yet narratives presented—amplified by media and external actors—suggested an imminent threat. This created policy decisions based on perception rather than verified facts.
Joe Kent Reveals All in First Interview Since Resigning as Trump’s Counterterrorism Director
https://www.youtube.com/@TuckerCarlson
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1cbw1utqzHg
   The speaker begins by revisiting a January 2024 interview with Joe Kent, highlighting his warning about a potential U.S. war with Iran. Kent argued that while the United States might achieve quick military success, the long-term consequences would be severe and destabilizing. He emphasized that Iran is an ancient and resilient power, unlikely to collapse easily, and warned that a conflict could become a prolonged entanglement similar to the Iraq War. Most critically, he cautioned that such a war would strategically benefit China, by diverting U.S. military and economic resources away from the Pacific and weakening America globally.
   The speaker asserts that Kent’s predictions now appear “prescient” and increasingly relevant, suggesting the U.S. may be heading toward exactly the kind of drawn-out conflict he described. The argument goes further, framing this moment as potentially transformational for global power dynamics, even hinting at a decline in U.S. global influence if such a war unfolds. According to this perspective, the danger is not just military but geopolitical—risking a broader realignment of world power in China’s favor.
   A central theme of the speech is how institutions respond to dissent. The speaker claims that when individuals correctly predict negative outcomes, they are often punished rather than heeded. Kent is presented as a current example, allegedly facing personal attacks and smears instead of serious engagement with his arguments. This is described as part of a broader, recurring pattern in U.S. foreign policy: critics of wars are blamed when those wars go badly, rather than the decision-makers who initiated them.
   To illustrate this pattern, the speaker references past events such as the Vietnam War and the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan under Joe Biden. In these cases, critics—like journalists or military officers—were allegedly scapegoated, while those responsible for strategic decisions avoided accountability. The example of a Marine officer punished for publicly criticizing the Afghanistan withdrawal is used to reinforce the claim that speaking out against policy failures can carry personal consequences.
   Finally, the speaker connects Kent’s views to the long-standing foreign policy stance of Donald Trump, particularly his criticism of the Iraq War. Trump is portrayed as having gained political traction by voicing what many Americans already believed—that the Iraq War was a costly and misguided intervention. The broader takeaway is that truthful but unpopular warnings about war are often ignored until it is too late, and those who voice them may face backlash rather than validation.
   This section expands on how Donald Trump built his political appeal by challenging conventional foreign policy thinking, particularly around wars in the Middle East. The speaker argues that Trump consistently framed global politics as a strategic competition between the United States and China, warning that prolonged conflicts—especially with Iran—would ultimately benefit China. The key idea is that getting bogged down in another Middle Eastern war distracts from the real geopolitical priority, allowing China to expand its influence while the U.S. expends resources elsewhere.
   A major point emphasized is that in global politics, true power lies not with those who start or even win wars, but with those who end them. The speaker suggests that whichever country eventually stabilizes the Persian Gulf—an area critical to global energy supply—will emerge as the dominant power. This raises the concern that if China steps in to restore order and secure energy flows, it could gain control over one of the world’s most strategically important regions, further shifting global influence away from the United States.
   The speaker then turns to what they see as a contradiction: despite years of opposing such interventions, Trump is portrayed as having taken actions that contradict his own long-standing position. This is framed as a crucial and unresolved question—why the U.S. would enter a conflict that appears to go against its own interests and public opinion. The argument stresses that the consequences are already tangible and perceptible in everyday life, particularly through rising costs of food, fuel, and goods, which are tied to energy disruptions in key chokepoints like the Strait of Hormuz.
   Another central and more controversial claim presented is that Joe Kent alleges Israel played a decisive role in pushing the U.S. into conflict, through both political pressure and strategic positioning. The speaker argues that instead of directly addressing or refuting this claim, critics have responded with personal attacks and attempts to silence discussion, which is framed as evidence of avoidance rather than engagement.
   From there, the speech broadens into a critique of political culture, asserting that lying and lack of transparency lead to poor decision-making and national decline. The speaker highlights a chain reaction: lies lead to more lies, then to fear, hostility, and ultimately bad policy choices disconnected from reality. The key takeaway is that a system built on misinformation cannot function effectively, whether at the level of a government or society.
   The section concludes with a call for “truth-telling” as the only path forward, arguing that confronting reality—however uncomfortable—is necessary to avoid worsening consequences. The speaker frames this as both a moral and practical necessity, suggesting that delaying honesty only deepens the damage.
   Finally, the speaker reinforces Joe Kent’s credibility by emphasizing his extensive military background, including multiple deployments during the post-September 11 attacks wars. This is used to underline a key point: Kent is not inexperienced or naive about conflict with Iran—he has directly fought Iranian-backed forces, and therefore his warnings should be taken seriously rather than dismissed.
   This section emphasizes Joe Kent’s integrity, experience, and motivation. As the former director of the National Counterterrorism Center, Kent has deep expertise in terrorism and Middle East conflicts, giving him a grounded perspective on the consequences of U.S. military actions. Importantly, the speaker stresses that Kent’s resignation and public statements are not motivated by personal gain or political ambition. He is presented as acting solely out of duty to warn the nation and prevent disaster, advocating for truthfulness and transparency in government decision-making. His focus is on prioritizing the welfare of U.S. citizens above politics or ego.
   Kent’s core message is that decisions about war should be made solely on whether they serve the interests of the country’s people, akin to how a parent leads a family or a commander leads troops. This framing positions his critique as nonpartisan and fundamentally ethical, emphasizing accountability, responsibility, and common sense in leadership. The speaker challenges the audience to consider Kent’s character, asking whether he embodies the values and virtues historically associated with exemplary Americans, such as honesty, courage, and selflessness.
   A key point Kent makes is that Iran posed no imminent threat to the United States, directly challenging official narratives used to justify military action. He references statements from leaders, including Marco Rubio, to show that the claimed “imminent threat” was actually a response to anticipated Israeli actions, not Iranian aggression. This distinction is critical because it reframes the U.S. military response as reactive to an ally’s offensive, rather than preemptive self-defense. Kent emphasizes that the U.S. had alternative options, such as negotiating with Israel or back-channeling with Iran, which could have avoided escalation while still protecting American interests.
   Additionally, Kent highlights that Iran’s behavior is highly calculated and responsive to U.S. leadership. Under President Trump, Iran’s proxies acted cautiously because they respected his strength and willingness to negotiate. This contrasts with the Biden administration, where Iranian proxies escalated actions, perceiving weakness. Kent’s point reinforces that U.S. strategic credibility and the character of its leadership directly influence regional stability, suggesting that careful, informed diplomacy could have mitigated risks without resorting to war.
   Finally, the section underscores that the stakes extend far beyond immediate military engagement, including potential disruptions to global energy supply via the Strait of Hormuz and the Red Sea. Kent’s insights frame war as a preventable catastrophe with cascading economic and geopolitical consequences, and his resignation is presented as a call for honest assessment and responsible leadership before the consequences worsen.
   This section highlights Joe Kent’s nuanced understanding of Iranian threats and U.S. military policy, clarifying misconceptions about his stance on military action. While some critics claim Kent opposes all engagement with Iran, he makes it clear that he supports decisive action against threats when warranted. His distinction lies in evaluating both the capability and intent of the enemy—he stresses that Iran’s past threats primarily came through proxies, and that Iran itself acts deliberately to avoid unnecessary escalation unless provoked.
   Kent praises the Trump administration’s approach as an example of strategic restraint combined with pressure. By targeting key Iranian figures like Qassem Soleimani and Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, Trump removed high-level threats but avoided full-scale escalation, pairing military action with maximum pressure economic sanctions. According to Kent, this strategy not only protected U.S. interests but also encouraged bottom-up movements in Iran, demonstrating the importance of coupling force with diplomacy and economic leverage rather than pursuing impulsive regime change. He emphasizes that striking Iran directly would likely have strengthened the regime, rather than weakening it—a point reinforced by many intelligence assessments and regional experts.
   Kent also challenges the claim of an “imminent threat” from Iran. He explains that official justifications often reframe Israeli actions as Iranian threats, noting that the U.S. response was driven by anticipated Israeli strikes rather than an immediate Iranian attack. Furthermore, he stresses that Iran’s nuclear program was not on the verge of producing a weapon, supported by public knowledge of a 2004 religious fatwa prohibiting nuclear arms development. Iran’s strategy, Kent argues, has been pragmatic: maintaining nuclear capabilities for leverage and deterrence, while avoiding actions that could provoke catastrophic retaliation, as seen in the aftermath of Libya’s Gaddafi.
   Overall, this section positions Kent as strategically informed and disciplined, capable of distinguishing between legitimate threats, opportunistic provocations, and the dangers of overreach. His perspective underscores the principle that measured action, guided by intelligence and regional awareness, is more effective than broad military intervention, and that misreading Iran’s intentions could lead to unnecessary conflict and regional destabilization.
   This section expands on Joe Kent’s critique of the information ecosystem that shaped U.S. policy toward Iran, focusing on the concept of an “imminent threat” and the narrative about Iran’s nuclear program. Kent emphasizes that Iran was not on the verge of building a nuclear weapon—they were months or years away, and there was no intelligence indicating an immediate threat. This underscores the central point that justifying a preemptive war on the basis of an imminent threat was not supported by credible intelligence.
   Kent explains that much of the perceived threat was manufactured or amplified by a network of pro-Israel think tanks, media figures, and Israeli officials, who effectively “shifted the red line.” While President Trump consistently stated that Iran could not have a nuclear weapon, external actors framed the issue as Iran’s enrichment activities being a pathway to a bomb, creating pressure for a zero-enrichment policy. This, Kent argues, short-circuited U.S. negotiations because Iran was willing to negotiate if the red line acknowledged their existing, non-threatening enrichment—but the narrative imposed by outside actors made that impossible.
   Kent stresses that this process bypassed traditional intelligence channels. Israeli officials, sometimes presenting themselves as intelligence sources, would convey claims directly to U.S. policymakers. These claims often lacked verification but shaped policy decisions, creating an ecosystem where media, think tanks, and foreign officials collectively reinforced a narrative of imminent Iranian nuclear threat. The result, Kent contends, was a policy driven by external lobbying and narrative manipulation rather than by verified intelligence.
   Ultimately, Kent portrays this as a critical failure in U.S. policy-making: true negotiations were undermined, and the perception of urgency was manufactured, not factual. This reinforces his broader argument that honest, evidence-based assessment—rather than politically or ideologically driven narratives—is essential for making sound foreign policy decisions.
   Kent continues discussing U.S. policy on Iran, focusing on gatekeeping and selective briefing. He explains that he and other intelligence officials were often unable to directly present the full scope of intelligence to the president because of gatekeepers in the White House. This meant that only a small circle of advisers shaped what reached the president, limiting robust debate and creating a narrow perspective on Iran.
   He emphasizes that there was a disconnect between intelligence and what the president was told. Classified intelligence indicated Iran was months or years away from a nuclear weapon, yet narratives presented—amplified by media and external actors—suggested an imminent threat. This created policy decisions based on perception rather than verified facts.
  Israeli officials had direct access to U.S. senior officials and the president, sometimes bypassing traditional intelligence channels. Kent notes that while Israeli intelligence is highly competent, it can influence U.S. policy to align with Israeli strategic goals, which do not always match U.S. objectives.
   He highlights a strategic divergence: the U.S., constrained by policy and public opinion, avoids full regime change, whereas Israel seeks the complete removal of the Iranian government. This discrepancy creates risk of misalignment and unintended consequences, particularly because Israel often does not have a plan for post-regime-change governance.
   Kent also points out cultural and operational differences. Americans generally expect clear objectives and justification for war, informed by lessons from Vietnam and Iraq. Israelis, on the other hand, have a higher tolerance for risk and instability, willing to accept chaos in Iran as long as it aligns with their strategic goals.
  Overall, Kent argues that U.S. decision-making on Iran was compromised by limited debate, external influence, and differing strategic perspectives, which collectively short-circuited rational, intelligence-driven policy.
   Kent continues analyzing the consequences of aggressive U.S.-Israeli actions toward Iran. He explains that chaos in Iran benefits Israeli strategic goals but is disastrous for global stability, energy security, and migration patterns. While the U.S. shares tactical goals with Israel, the broader strategic consequences—regional instability, mass migration, threats to global energy via the Straits of Hormuz—are severe.
   He emphasizes that there is no post-regime-change plan in Iran. Aggressively targeting the Ayatollah or other moderate leaders, Kent argues, only strengthens hardliners like the IRGC and radicalizes successors. Eliminating moderates removes negotiators and empowers fighters trained in conflicts like Iraq and Syria, Hezbollah, and proxy wars. The result is more internal control for hardline forces and greater resistance to U.S. influence.
   Kent contrasts Israel’s and the U.S.’s goals. Israel seeks regime change and permanent chaos, while the U.S.’s stated goal under the president is to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, which, as he notes, Iran did not have and was not imminently pursuing. This misalignment, he argues, creates perverse incentives, encouraging actions that entrench the U.S. in conflict rather than allow strategic exit.
   He cites specific examples of Israeli actions, like targeting negotiators and regional allies such as Qatar, which escalate conflict and compromise U.S. objectives. Kent stresses that while Israel is a close ally, their interests do not always align, and many of their actions rely on U.S. support. By acting unilaterally with U.S. backing, Israel deepens American involvement in conflicts that serve Israeli priorities more than U.S. ones.
   Finally, Kent critiques the common narrative that Israel fights only its own wars. He argues that Israel’s military operations are intertwined with U.S. capabilities, meaning disengaging or allowing Israel to act without U.S. involvement would test whether they could achieve their objectives independently—a question he implies would likely demonstrate continued reliance on American support.
   Kent continues by analyzing Israel’s capabilities versus limitations. While Israel has strong intelligence and a capable military, it is a small country. It can defend its borders, carry out targeted strikes, and assassinate adversaries, but it cannot topple entire governments or conduct large-scale regime-change operations like the U.S. has in Iraq or Syria. This limitation is why the Israeli lobby in the U.S. becomes so influential—they rely on American power to achieve broader objectives.
  Kent emphasizes that there was little debate before recent strikes, unlike the 12-day war. Planning for these operations, like targeting the Ayatollah, appeared compartmentalized and predetermined, leaving no room for robust internal discussion or dissent. He recalls that after the previous campaign (Operation Minute Hammer), the U.S. had declared Iran’s nuclear threat neutralized, yet months later, similar alarms about nuclear capabilities were raised without public pushback. This indicates a foregone conclusion driven by influence rather than intelligence debate.
   He notes that while intelligence agencies continually gather data on Iranian nuclear and ballistic missile programs, as well as potential regime-change outcomes, recent actions bypassed those processes, and dissenting voices were largely excluded. Kent stresses that this lack of rigorous debate and reliance on external influence creates predictable cycles of conflict, where Israeli objectives—regime change and destabilization—persist, forcing repeated interventions despite previous declarations of success.
  Finally, Kent briefly segues into a sponsored message, highlighting the slow accumulation of fatigue and metabolic issues that people often misattribute to aging, promoting Joy and Bloss for personalized hormone and health optimization plans.
   Kent transitions from a brief sponsorship plug into a discussion about blowback and domestic terrorism. He explains that while Iran’s capacity to conduct sleeper-cell attacks in the U.S. is limited, the real threat comes from lone actors inspired by propaganda. He cites recent attacks influenced by Gaza-related messaging as examples, noting that these were homegrown, not infiltrated operatives, and emphasizes that ongoing U.S. border policies exacerbate the risk by leaving potentially dangerous individuals inside the country.
   Kent stresses that the longer conflicts continue, the more propaganda will radicalize people domestically, creating a feedback loop where foreign military actions directly increase threats at home. He criticizes current policies, arguing that focus should be on securing the homeland rather than engaging in new foreign conflicts, especially when U.S. citizens’ lives are at risk.
   He also discusses the political dynamics of blowback, highlighting how neoconservatives and pro-war advocates use terrorist attacks to suppress dissent, framing critics as unpatriotic, while the policies they promote helped create the conditions for those attacks. Kent expresses concern that this pattern will likely continue, pointing out the erosion of civil rights during times of conflict as a predictable consequence.
   Finally, the conversation turns to Kent reflecting on his personal experience. After multiple combat deployments, primarily in Iraq, he voices frustration at being labeled unpatriotic for questioning ongoing wars despite extensive firsthand experience. He frames it as a common pattern: soldiers are celebrated when fighting, but criticized when advocating for caution or restraint based on real-world insights.
   In this segment, Kent reflects deeply on his personal journey and moral convictions. He explains that his experiences in multiple deployments—especially in Iraq—gave him a clear perspective on the consequences of war and the cost of following orders blindly. He talks about a pivotal moment when he realized that staying silent or just “soldiering on” would perpetuate mistakes that could harm future generations. His guiding principle became: if his generation has the chance, they must speak out to prevent repeating past errors, particularly unnecessary wars that waste lives.
   Kent emphasizes that this decision wasn’t easy, but it became crystal clear to him: he could no longer participate in what he viewed as a misguided trajectory. Remaining inside the administration would have limited his ability to get the truth heard, so stepping out and speaking publicly was necessary to try to redirect policy.
   He also explains how he avoids bitterness in the face of criticism: through faith, family, and perspective. He notes that much of the online outrage is amplified by bots or paid talking points, so he doesn’t internalize it. His focus remains on the larger mission: preventing the U.S. from being dragged deeper into conflict and influencing key decision-makers to think carefully before escalating.
   Finally, he stresses emotional discipline—not letting hatred or anger consume him, even when attacked. He frames this as a conscious effort to stay grounded, maintain clarity, and act strategically, rather than letting personal feelings drive reactions.
  In this segment, Kent continues tracing the chain of U.S. foreign conflicts back to strategic lobbying and influence, particularly by Israel. He emphasizes that the war in Iraq set the stage for the Syrian conflict. Removing Saddam destabilized the region, strengthened Iran-aligned Shia power in Iraq, and indirectly fueled the rise of ISIS and al-Qaeda. Syria then became the next target due to its alignment with Iran and Hezbollah.
   Kent argues that Israeli leaders, like Benjamin Netanyahu, actively lobbied for regime change in Iraq and later supported pressure to remove Assad in Syria. He frames this as pushing U.S. foreign policy to match Israeli priorities, not American organic interests. While clarifying that he’s not anti-Israel, Kent criticizes U.S. leaders for letting foreign interests dictate American military action. He describes this as a dangerous disservice, contributing to death, financial collapse, and instability.
   He explains that the “media echo chamber” and lobbying networks can strongly influence presidents. He also hints at darker, less clear forces—including threats and assassination attempts—affecting decision-making, mentioning incidents like the Butler and Crooks cases, where investigations appear blocked or incomplete.
   Kent stresses that these uninvestigated or opaque security threats—sniper attempts, breaches, and adviser attacks—show a climate where key questions remain unanswered, potentially impacting presidential choices. Overall, he paints a picture of a complex interplay between foreign influence, internal lobbying, media narratives, and personal security threats, all of which shape U.S. foreign policy in ways that may not reflect the national interest.
  Kent highlights Charlie Kirk’s advocacy against a war with Iran, noting that Kirk was vocal with President Trump about rethinking U.S.-Israeli relations. He recalls Kirk’s personal support during his congressional run, establishing their familiarity.    The last interaction with Kirk was in the West Wing in June, where Kirk urged, “Stop us from getting into a war with Iran,” emphasizing his single-minded commitment to that goal. Kent underscores that Kirk was assassinated publicly and that investigation into his death was blocked, framing it as an important data point.
   Kent explains that official channels blocked further investigation, citing procedural reasons like turning the case over to Utah authorities, despite the National Counterterrorism Center (NCTC) having reason to explore potential foreign ties. He stresses that there were unanswered questions, including pressures Kirk faced from pro-Israel donors while advocating against war with Iran. Kent points to multiple related events—the Butler incident, assassination attempts on Trump, breaches of security, and Kirk’s murder—highlighting the consistent theme of potential foreign interference.
   He clarifies that the FBI and DOJ deferred to Utah authorities, even though NCTC’s mandate is to investigate any foreign connections. Kent asserts there was reason to investigate foreign ties in Kirk’s murder, but NCTC was told by FBI and DOJ not to pursue it. He emphasizes the bureaucratic obstruction, noting that many investigative leads went unexplored, despite there being significant data points.
   Kent describes how the bureaucracy “kills things in process”, initially cutting off NCTC access to files and restricting investigation efforts. Although some work was done, requests for inter-agency data sharing—a core function of NCTC—were ignored or blocked, preventing due diligence. He underlines the lack of official explanation for why investigation requests were left unfulfilled, calling it inconceivable.
   He critiques the system, pointing out that basic investigative questions—like mapping who had prior knowledge of the events—were ignored, despite evidence of premeditation. Once the suspect was caught and fingerprints verified, the case was treated as closed, leaving critical leads unexamined. Kent stresses that this obstruction not only blocked the pursuit of justice for Charlie Kirk but also prevented a full understanding of potential foreign involvement and broader threats to national security.
   This segment emphasizes blocked investigations, bureaucratic failures, and potential foreign connections in the context of Charlie Kirk’s assassination and other security incidents affecting President Trump and his advisers. It highlights the tension between bureaucratic process and the need for thorough, independent investigation in high-stakes national security matters.
   Kent expresses frustration that despite having multiple investigative leads, he was blocked from pursuing them. He notes that while most people with prior knowledge of Charlie Kirk’s murder were likely American citizens, creating a clear mandate for the FBI, there were still unanswered questions about a potential foreign nexus. He emphasizes that he is not claiming a foreign connection exists, only that there was more work to do that was prevented.
   Kent reflects on the ethical and professional duty to investigate, stressing that any rational observer could see no bad motive for wanting to pursue the case. He points out that it is the government’s job to collect information and investigate crimes, and the onus is on those blocking the investigation to explain their reasoning.
   Regarding individuals who demonstrated prior knowledge of Kirk’s murder online, Kent acknowledges uncertainty about whether all were interviewed by the FBI. He emphasizes that there were enough people posting with foreknowledge to suggest meaningful leads, yet no arrests or further investigation seemed to occur. He criticizes the lack of effort from agencies to pursue these leads, whether domestic or international.
   Kent expresses being personally bothered by the obstruction, emphasizing that Charlie Kirk was a generational figure who led a movement and influenced millions of young Americans who supported President Trump. He underscores the injustice of being blocked from uncovering the truth, calling it “absolute insanity” that questions about the murder cannot be asked publicly or pursued further.
   Kent also mentions bureaucratic excuses, such as the Robinson trial, arguing that if the trial was strong, there should be no reason to halt investigations into other leads, especially given the public evidence of prior knowledge. He criticizes leaks and interference that disrupted proper investigative procedure and stresses that despite Kirk’s pivotal role, there has been no concerted effort to find justice.
   Kent addresses breaches of presidential security, referencing reported incidents involving Prime Minister Netanyahu’s security detail and other lapses, like an off-duty armed officer approaching the president. He highlights how these events, combined with Butler, Charlie Kirk’s assassination, and other threats, could lead President Trump to question his and his family’s safety, potentially affecting his decision-making under pressure.
   Kent notes that while the president may have been influenced by the echo chamber, there is also the potential for coercion or intimidation, shaping critical choices. He stresses that even in other countries, a careful mapping of these data points would make the scenario worthy of investigation, and it should not be dismissed as baseless.
   He concludes that despite the clear need for investigation, it is not being pursued. In Butler, investigative journalists uncovered more about Crooks than the government did, and Kent recounts the hostile response from the FBI, which confused and frustrated him. He emphasizes that this was not partisan, as it occurred under a prior administration with a different FBI director, and that critical online activity data was available but ignored by authorities.
   The segment underscores themes of blocked investigation, bureaucratic obstruction, unaddressed security threats, and potential foreign influence, all in the context of Charlie Kirk’s murder, other security incidents, and their possible impact on President Trump’s safety and decision-making.
   Kent begins by emphasizing that his discussion is not an attack on the president, whom he has supported for years. He recounts that the response he received from the FBI was hysterical and highly confusing, demonstrating extreme hostility beyond normal bureaucratic rivalry.
   He describes the rivalry and turf wars as familiar from his military experience but distinguishes that the level of obstruction and escalation—including attempts to remove him from the case—was surprising. Kent compares this to his experience investigating Butler, noting that despite the change in administration, there was no curiosity or tolerance for following basic investigative questions, such as whether an informant in one case was in communication with others in Butler. These were simple, standard inquiries, yet investigators were told they could not pursue them, often citing ongoing cases like the Merchant case. Kent interprets this as a made-up rule that prevents gathering information even when it could intersect with ongoing investigations.
   He illustrates how this obstruction affects practical investigations, giving the example of surveillance footage from the shooting range where Thomas Crooks trained. Despite the footage potentially answering key questions, it was withheld, forcing the public to rely on speculation and conspiracy theories, which are then easily dismissed, diverting attention from legitimate investigative leads. Kent explains this as a tactic used by federal law enforcement and intelligence agencies to control public perception and hide their own behavior, which has been practiced since at least the Kennedy assassination.
   Kent references the executive order issued shortly after January 2023 calling for the total declassification of documents related to the assassinations of John F. Kennedy, Martin Luther King, and Robert F. Kennedy. He notes, however, that many documents have not been released, which he finds infuriating and undemocratic, given that they were produced generations ago and should legally be accessible. He asserts that the justification for withholding these documents likely lies in bureaucratic inertia or the “deep state”, rather than actual classified content, as the files themselves are unlikely to contain earth-shattering revelations.
   Kent argues that the system is designed to prevent rapid declassification and to condition the public to accept delays, even when a president lawfully orders the release. He emphasizes that the inter-agency process ensures multiple layers of review, which limits the ability of the president to swiftly release information—even decades-old material. Kent concludes that while some equities may justify withholding certain information, the broader pattern demonstrates systemic obstruction, reinforcing the difficulty of accessing truthful information and accountability.
   This segment underscores themes of bureaucratic hostility, investigative obstruction, suppression of information, and control of public perception, illustrating the frustrations faced by investigators and the public in accessing critical data, even when legally mandated.
   Kent begins by framing the bureaucracy’s resistance to declassification as a matter of power and control. Even when a president issues a declassification order, career bureaucrats insist on maintaining influence over the information, effectively stalling or killing the process. He describes this as a pattern where political appointees are told they will eventually get what they want, but the system obfuscates and blocks transparency.
   He links this obstruction to a broader societal problem, arguing that when governments operate in secrecy, the concept of consent to governance is undermined. Kent stresses that lying at the center of society acts like a moral poison, spreading corruption and eroding trust. He emphasizes that radical truth-telling is necessary to restore moral integrity, even if it brings personal pain or humiliation, because the consequences of pervasive deception are far worse.
   Kent highlights the political consequences of public disillusionment, noting that if citizens feel their votes cannot change outcomes, faith in the system collapses, potentially leading society into a dark and unstable place. He stresses that elections are meaningless if elected officials cannot control the bureaucracy, and the interests of the public cannot be implemented.
   Turning to international concerns, Kent frames the war with Iran as a high-stakes crisis that could imperil U.S. interests, honor, and administration stability. He credits President Trump with a unique ability to manage complex crises through sheer willpower, strategic leverage, and data-driven decision-making. Kent emphasizes that the conflict could worsen exponentially if approached with total surrender or escalation, but Trump’s leadership offers a potential path to resolution.
   Kent outlines a strategic plan, beginning with addressing the Israeli offensive. He stresses that the U.S. must be blunt and forceful with Israel, asserting that while the U.S. will defend them, offensive operations must cease because the war is America’s responsibility. Failure to do so, Kent warns, will result in repeated crises and instability.
   He then proposes leveraging regional allies in the Gulf—Emiratis, Qataris, Saudis, Baharinis, Omanis—to negotiate with Iran and achieve a ceasefire, preventing further loss of life and economic disruption. Kent emphasizes the importance of restoring the Straits of Hormuz and the petrodollar system, noting that China is currently benefiting by settling oil in yuan.
   Kent suggests that the resolution will require mutual cooperation, potentially lifting sanctions on Iran to facilitate energy reconstruction and economic stability. He critiques decades-long sanctions as ineffective, arguing that lifting them in a controlled, negotiated framework could advance U.S. strategic and economic interests while stabilizing the region.
  This segment emphasizes themes of bureaucratic obstruction, moral responsibility, political trust, and strategic international leadership, framing Trump as uniquely positioned to execute a complex, high-stakes resolution that aligns military, economic, and diplomatic priorities.
   Kent continues the discussion on lifting sanctions, emphasizing that it could be done in America’s strategic and economic interest. He highlights that any sanctions relief should be conditional on Iran settling new oil transactions in U.S. dollars, which is crucial to maintaining the dollar’s global role and protecting U.S. economic stability. He stresses that President Trump must act decisively, addressing Israel first to ensure that any negotiations with Iran—or other regional actors—are taken seriously.
   Kent critiques targeted strikes in Iran, noting that some may have been designed to make a negotiated settlement impossible, including the controversial bombing of a girl’s school near an Iranian naval base. While the U.S. officially acknowledged involvement, Kent raises the possibility that coordinates may have been supplied by Israel, reflecting the complexity and opacity of joint operations. He underscores that Israel and the U.S. have different operational standards, particularly regarding civilian casualties. Americans often go to great lengths to avoid harming innocents, whereas Israeli military conduct can prioritize strategic objectives over civilian safety, a point he considers critical for U.S. policymakers to understand.
  Kent emphasizes the importance of approaching partnerships in the Middle East with clear eyes, acknowledging that allies may operate under different agendas, standards, and operational norms. He argues that understanding the perspective and motivations of unsavory partners—even if one disagrees—is essential for achieving U.S. objectives safely and effectively. Kent cites President Trump’s ability to see multiple perspectives simultaneously, leverage opportunities, and prioritize American interests as uniquely suited for navigating these challenges.
   He briefly touches on his personal rapport with the president, describing past conversations as respectful and productive. Kent notes that while elements of the administration may attempt to discredit him, he believes President Trump listens widely and is aware of the urgency in resolving ongoing crises.
   The segment closes by emphasizing strategic clarity, responsibility, and adult decision-making as essential for U.S. success in both foreign policy and diplomacy, with the ultimate goal of achieving regional stability, protecting economic interests, and minimizing unnecessary conflict.
   This part of the discussion reinforces themes of conditional diplomacy, the complexity of alliances, operational ethics, and pragmatic leadership, positioning clear-eyed, strategic action as the path forward.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1cbw1utqzHg
https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-03-23 16:53:042026-03-23 16:53:40Joe Kent Reveals All in First Interview Since Resigning as Trump’s Counterterrorism Director

ZeroHedge: Nigerian Researchers Accidentally Confirm Africa’s Low IQ Problem

March 23, 2026/5 Comments/in General/by Kevin MacDonald

Nigerian Researchers Accidentally Confirm Africa’s Low IQ Problem

For many years the political left has dismissed all discussion about links between third world populations and low intelligence as “racism” and “xenophobia”.  The well documented fact that low IQ populations are more inclined towards lack of impulse control and a higher crime rate does not matter to progressives.  They assert that such claims are based on “rigged” and “biased” data.

For example, the data on Somalia’s low median IQ (which is 67 and far below the western average of 100) is often criticized as “incomplete” because the data is usually taken from refugees and migrants leaving the country rather than a population sample from within the country.  However, populations in neighboring countries like Djibouti or Ethiopia have nearly identical test results.

It is simply a fact that IQ is largely genetic (around 80% of testing outcome).  The rest is a matter of varied experiences and environment. This does not mean that a “disadvantaged” childhood results in a lower IQ score.  In fact, high IQ individuals often come from significant struggles and studies on top “high achievers” show that around 75% of them come from difficult backgrounds including extreme poverty.

The leftist arguments against IQ as a qualifier for immigration are built around feelings rather than facts.  And when it comes to progressives and globalists with an agenda, it is obvious that they prefer third world immigration for the exact reason that these people are habitually impulsive and ready to wreak havoc on western society.  That’s the outcome the “Multiculturalists” want.

A recent randomized study by researchers in Nigeria was designed to prove the western conception of sub-Saharan Africa wrong:  They believed that Africa’s average IQ was much higher than older data claimed.  But, the ultimate outcome of their testing simply reinforced what everyone else already knows.

Only 3% of participants scored above the western average of 100.  The median IQ of all participants was 69.  Over 50% of the people tested scored below 70.  To understand just how low Nigeria’s averages are, the US Department of Defense in previous research has determined that an 80 IQ is the lowest score that a recruit can have and still be viable for a job in the military.

On the other end of the spectrum, a “gifted” IQ is 130 or above; only 2% of the entire human population is in this category.  This is nearly 30 points above the highest scores in the Nigerian study.

IQ measures cognitive capacity and not necessarily all forms of intelligence.  That said, it is perhaps the best measure we have to accurately predict speed of thought, pattern recognition and general success in higher education (STEM fields most of all).  IQ shifts very little over time and age, and academic improvement will rarely lead to an increase (perhaps 5-10 points in the best case scenarios).

As noted, lower IQ tends to correlate to a higher chance of criminal activity and impulsive violence.  It is not a factor that can simply be ignored for the sake of liberal virtue.  It is too dangerous to sneer at.

This is not to say that all low IQ people are dangerous criminals or that they can’t function in society.  Many certainly can.  The problem is a matter of averages and risk.  Is it worth the risk to invite mass immigration from known low IQ countries in the third world given the increased chances of criminality?  The logical answer is no, of course it’s not.  There’s absolutely nothing to be gained.

Ideally, western nations should be looking for the best of the best of any potential immigration source.  This can be measured in a lot of ways, with loyalty and a willingness to integrate being at the top of the list.  That said, IQ should also be considered.  There’s no practical excuse to dismiss it, only ideological excuses.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-03-23 08:25:272026-03-23 08:25:27ZeroHedge: Nigerian Researchers Accidentally Confirm Africa’s Low IQ Problem
Page 8 of 223«‹678910›»
Subscribeto RSS Feed

Kevin MacDonald on Mark Collett’s show reviewing Culture of Critique

James Edwards at the Counter-Currents Conference, Atlanta, 2022

Watch TOO Video Picks

video archives

DONATE

DONATE TO TOO

Follow us on Facebook

Keep Up To Date By Email

Subscribe to get our latest posts in your inbox twice a week.

Name

Email


Topics

Authors

Monthly Archives

RECENT TRANSLATIONS

All | Czech | Finnish | French | German | Greek | Italian | Polish | Portuguese | Russian | Spanish | Swedish

Blogroll

  • A2Z Publications
  • American Freedom Party
  • American Mercury
  • American Renaissance
  • Arktos Publishing
  • Candour Magazine
  • Center for Immigration Studies
  • Chronicles
  • Council of European Canadians
  • Counter-Currents
  • Curiales—Dutch nationalist-conservative website
  • Denmark's Freedom Council
  • Diversity Chronicle
  • Folktrove: Digital Library of the Third Way
  • Human Biodiversity Bibliography
  • Instauration Online
  • Institute for Historical Review
  • Mondoweiss
  • National Justice Party
  • Occidental Dissent
  • Pat Buchanan
  • Paul Craig Roberts
  • PRIVACY POLICY
  • Project Nova Europea
  • Radix Journal
  • RAMZPAUL
  • Red Ice
  • Richard Lynn
  • Rivers of Blood
  • Sobran's
  • The European Union Times
  • The Occidental Quarterly Online
  • The Political Cesspool
  • The Raven's Call: A Reactionary Perspective
  • The Right Stuff
  • The Unz Review
  • Third Position Directory
  • VDare
  • Washington Summit Publishers
  • William McKinley Institute
  • XYZ: Australian Nationalist Site
NEW: Individualism and the Western Liberal Tradition

Also available at Barnes & Noble

Culture of Critique

Also available at Barnes & Noble

Separation and Its Discontents
A People That Shall Dwell Alone
© 2025 The Occidental Observer - powered by Enfold WordPress Theme
  • X
  • Dribbble
Scroll to top

By continuing to browse the site, you are legally agreeing to our use of cookies and general site statistics plugins.

CloseLearn more

Cookie and Privacy Settings



How we use cookies

We may request cookies to be set on your device. We use cookies to let us know when you visit our websites, how you interact with us, to enrich your user experience, and to customize your relationship with our website.

Click on the different category headings to find out more. You can also change some of your preferences. Note that blocking some types of cookies may impact your experience on our websites and the services we are able to offer.

Essential Website Cookies

These cookies are strictly necessary to provide you with services available through our website and to use some of its features.

Because these cookies are strictly necessary to deliver the website, refusing them will have impact how our site functions. You always can block or delete cookies by changing your browser settings and force blocking all cookies on this website. But this will always prompt you to accept/refuse cookies when revisiting our site.

We fully respect if you want to refuse cookies but to avoid asking you again and again kindly allow us to store a cookie for that. You are free to opt out any time or opt in for other cookies to get a better experience. If you refuse cookies we will remove all set cookies in our domain.

We provide you with a list of stored cookies on your computer in our domain so you can check what we stored. Due to security reasons we are not able to show or modify cookies from other domains. You can check these in your browser security settings.

Other external services

We also use different external services like Google Webfonts, Google Maps, and external Video providers. Since these providers may collect personal data like your IP address we allow you to block them here. Please be aware that this might heavily reduce the functionality and appearance of our site. Changes will take effect once you reload the page.

Google Webfont Settings:

Google Map Settings:

Google reCaptcha Settings:

Vimeo and Youtube video embeds:

Privacy Policy

You can read about our cookies and privacy settings in detail on our Privacy Policy Page.

Privacy Policy
Accept settingsHide notification only