General

Horus on Brenton Sanderson’s review of Philip Mendes “Jews and the Left”

https://substack.com/@eternalhorus/note/c-264411475?utm_source=notes-share-action&utm_medium=web

Anti-Semitism, Jewish Interpersonal Aggressiveness, and Newton’s Third Law

Such a long history.  It began with the Egyptian and Babylonian captivities of the 15th and 6th centuries B.C., respectively.  It continued through the conquest in 720 B.C. of Galilee and Samaria (the northern and central parts of today’s Israel) by Assyrian gentiles.  As a result, the southernmost Jews, who remained safe in Judea, began to develop and systematically maintain a deep-seated reluctance to assimilate with the rest of the world.

To more fully understand this phenomenon, it is important to bear in mind that the Assyrian invasion led to the permanent scattering of ten of Israel’s twelve tribes.  Because of this, the consequent resolve on the part of the remaining Jews to dwell alone became all encompassing, and not just theologically.  It also became deeply embedded in their culture.  This, in turn, led to an enduring focus on ethnocentrism, of which their persistent endogamy is just one feature

Since the Roman Catholic Church is frequently blamed for having developed early on a skewed body of theology holding Jews responsible for the crucifixion of Jesus, it is tempting to lay the blame for the West’s anti-Semitism at the feet of the Church.  Although there is clearly some truth in this charge against the Church,1 the problem with this perspective is that the anti-gentiles would have to wait a thousand years for the Church to fully develop and thus for any such theologically based anti-Semitism to extend itself throughout Europe.

For this reason, a more fundamental and timeless social-psychological explanation for this widespread cult of persecution is needed, perhaps one that at least partially does indeed “blame the victim.”  Although not referring to the Jewish/gentile dynamic at all, Jordan Peterson raises this point to a more general theoretical level with the following words:  “Over the millennia, animals who must cohabit with others in the same territory, have…learned many tricks to establish dominance while risking the least amount of possible damage.”2   [[Emphasis added].

In this regard, the people of the diaspora undoubtedly found themselves starting out at the bottom of whatever society they landed in.  Partly as a result, according to Benzion Netanyahu (the father of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu), by the time of the Spanish Inquisition there had already been about one thousand “pogroms” of the marginalized Ashkenazic Jews by the established populations of Europe.3  It will be the purpose of this paper to demonstrate that a corresponding  Jewish thirst for dominance and (in their view) the security that comes with it, continues to the present day.

An abrupt and stunning example of how this timeless behavioral norm can apply to confessionalist (inter-religious) struggles in general and to early Christian populations in particular is the 614 A.D. massacre, of as many as 60,000 Palestinian Christians by Palestinian Jews who allied themselves with the Sassanid Persians in their seizure of Jerusalem and the rest of Judea from the Byzantine Empire.4 Although estimates of the number of Christians who were massacred vary somewhat, the current massacre of the Palestinian Muslims in Gaza is probably no worse than the 614 A.D. massacre of Palestinian Christians 1,412 years ago..

This pre-European anti-gentilic brutality is a largely unknown precursor of what became a habit-forming response of Ashkenazi Jews to the almost reflexive anti-Semitism they encountered throughout European society and elsewhere. This pattern of security through dominance is documented not only by Douglas Reed in his classic  Controversy of Zion,  but also by Marshall Yeats in the first chapter of his highly auspicious developing work on Jewish history.  For example, Yeats explains why this behavioral modality was able to work so well for Ashkenazi Jews by pointing out that their unique geographical, ethnic and religious profile made them the natural providers of the wealth of Asia to their European neighbors.

The supply chain was at times direct, as with the ancient Silk Road which was actually a web of trails to Henan Province in China, where the mulberry tree grows in abundance.  Usually, however, the supply chain, which involved obtaining whatever goods (both material and cultural) the Levant and the rest of Asia had to offer, was more indirect.   It is well known, for instance, that the state of Kerala on India’s southwest coast, has had a Jewish presence since the time of Solomon.  Their original purpose was apparently to supply locally grown sandalwood for the 100th room of the Jewish temple, the inner sanctum.

Later, however, they would take advantage of the semi-annual monsoons to ship a wide variety of spices and other from Kerala’s Malabar Coast across the Arabian Sea and then up the Red Sea to Sinai.  Still other Jewish traders could obtain a steady supply of goods from their fellow Semites, the eventually Muslim populations of Baghdad and Damascus.

This strategic position of Jews was further enhanced by the fact that Christianity, like Islam, is built on Judaism.  Thus, it was only natural and even logical that Jewish merchants would morph into becoming the bankers of their known world.  This process was augmented by the fact that Christians, both Catholics and early Protestants, were until relatively recently, prohibited from charging interest on loans, (as are Muslims to the present day).   In the case of Catholicism, opinions as to the propriety of charging interest actually went back and forth within the Church, with the Vatican itself at one point agreeing to pay interest…to the Rothchilds, of course!  It was not until the 1917 Pio-Benedictine Code of Canon Law that the routine charging of interest was finally and officially allowed and Jews were no longer considered to be beyond the pale, for that reason at least.

It is the purpose of this paper to demonstrate that this seldom acknowledged but pervasive animus against the gentile world on the part of the children of Israel is roughly equal to the (largely historic) anti-Semitism of the West.  Newton’s Third Law of Motion, after all, posits that for every action there is an equal and opposite reaction.  I will now seek to merge my own experiences and observations with the insights of MacDonald, Peterson, Yeats, Kant, Beck and others to explore the Jewish question while at the same time respectfully taking exception to the Yeatsian thesis that the children of the diaspora, at least Ashkenazic Jews, will always be an alien presence in their country of residence, with Israel itself being the only possible exception..

Humans are not inanimate particles, of course, with one result being that the anger, and resentment of the victimized, if not promptly expressed in the form of countervailing behavior, can turn into clinical depression.  I will argue that in the more secular West “push back” (to put it politely) on the part of Ashkenazic Jews has not only been routine, but almost canonized.  In the traditionally more authoritarian worlds of Italy, Spain. Portugal and Latin America, on the other hand, the Sephardim were forced by their respective authoritarian regimes to lead a cryptic and much less confrontational existence.

In time however,  they emerged from the shadows and found that they could make themselves useful to the elites with their business contacts and in their financial acumen.  In addition, in the world of academics. and more recently in politics, many individuals have been able to make notable advances.  Claudia Scheinbaum, the current President of Mexico, for instance, is Jewish; and the “Mexico Siglo XX” documentary television film series was created by Enrique Krauze with such great sensitivity to historical detail that it was even critical of Jews when necessary.

If the quest for individual recognition failed, however, little recourse remained except depression, which became a common response to the historically pervasive anti-Jewish sentiment and policies of their entorno.  For example, after living in Mexico for only a couple of years I began to notice that there was something different about people who carried the last name Sánchez.  They tended to be small shopkeepers and generally seemed to be morose. It was not until Cary Herz came out with his book, New Mexico’s Crypto-Jews,6 however, that I was able to discover the reason for this personality feature.

It goes back to the Jewish population of Spain being able prosper so much under the 700 hundred year rule of the Muslim Moors.  Both jealousy and a widespread suspicion of their (putative) collaboration with the Muslims led to the 1492 royal edict to either convert to Christianity or face expulsion from Spain.  Although Poland gave free land, a guarantee of employment and no taxes until the seventh generation to those expelled, many just wandered around France until a new dynasty would eventually allow them to return.   Although the standard French word for house is mansion, in southern France the term chez is commonly used.  This term was then frequently applied to the Jews without a stable home as les sans chez.  Finally, when allowed to return to Spain, many bore the name Sánchez with defiant pride.3

On a happier note, it is interesting to examine those who through guile or resourcefulness were able to remain in the (Semitic) Middle East, either in Palestine or elsewhere in the Muslim world. They are known as the Mizrahim, and historically they never experienced the degree of anti-Jewish sentiment and behavior that would oblige them to undergo the profound personality transformations of their co-religionists elsewhere.  As a result, their ethnic personality has largely remained indistinguishable from that of their surrounding population.  They were the happy Jews, and up until the Arabic outrage and Zionist jingoism surrounding the recreation of the State of Israel took them in its grip, the inoffensive ones, too.

For me, the most interesting question here is why the Ashkenazic Jews, especially, those from most parts of New York City, display such a heightened degree of interpersonal aggressive behavior that at first blush it appears to be part of their very nature.  It seems that this phenomenon arises when Ashkenazic Jews, having been raised with the carefully curated  belief that gentiles are out to get them, are also imbued with the Leninist dictum that the best defense is a good offense.  The notion is generally credited as having originated with the Chinee philosopher, Sun Tsu, who wrote that “Attack is the secret of defense.”7 Regardless, this response to the (perceived) antipathy of the world of gentiles appears to be both efficacious and even therapeutic.

In my particular case, I still suffer considerably from post-traumatic stress because more than half a century ago I went away to college and had as a roommate for one semester, a New York Jew who was admitted on an athletic scholarship and who felt so uncomfortable having a non-Jewish roommate (even one whose parents were decidedly pro-Jewish), that he used terror to maintain complete control over me.  For instance, he once lifted me off the floor by my neck when I turned the overhead light on when I entered the room while he was already in bed screaming that he would kill me if I ever did it again.  Another time he destroyed almost my entire record collection and bragged about it to me.  I felt that if I complained in a formal manner, I would simply not survive the semester.

Yet, most of the leadership in the dorm (which was almost entirely gentile) was well aware of what I was going through, with the result that on one occasion I was forced to dress as Jane and my roommate as Tarzan, and we had to walk around campus holding hands!  To this day I still suffer from post-traumatic stress, which was caused by the danger and humiliation I endured.  I think that this story of one person can give the reader a more complete understanding of the need for control on the part of Jews who have been inculcated with the long history of anti-Semitism.  More to the point, it may help to make clear the devastating impact that this insatiable thirst for dominance can have on the affected gentile population right up to the present day.

In reflecting on what I went through, the one thing that consistently amazes me is the reflexive, almost innate, nature of Askenazic inter-personal aggressiveness.  Even though it can have its benefits for the aggressor, as I have mentioned, the total energy expenditure seems to be so enormous as to render it impracticable on a daily basis.  Perhaps a partial explanation can be found in the Jewish expression, “Rush toward the problem; don’t rush from it.”  Interestingly, this cultural response to perceived aggression has now been transcended at a very high intellectual level by the renowned (and very Jewish) University of Pennsylvania professor of psychiatry, Aaron Beck.  He died a few years ago at age 100, but during his lifetime, he completely changed the field of psychotherapy.

Freudianism has now been largely discredited and Beck’s cognitive-behavioral model has become the therapeutic standard.  Basically, it involves identifying a problem, and once it is shorn of its understandable (e.g., monster-under-the-bed) enhancements, the victim of trauma is encouraged to “rush toward the problem” by addressing it as it actually exists and not as it once was.  Current reality then provides the positive reinforcement that helps to extinguish the inflammation of the amygdalae that keeps the sufferer in PTSD’s grip.

Currently, I am a retired professor of sociology and am therefore acutely aware that my sample size, a grand total of one (1), is of course statistically meaningless.  Given the degree of the Jewish control of the media in the U.S. and elsewhere,8 however, I am sure that there are many stories like mine.  Further, the fact that this heightened interpersonal aggressiveness, so emblematic of New York Jews. can affect assimilated co-religionists as well as gentiles is attested to even by Jews who are from other places.

Once, for example, in a university cafeteria all of the tables were taken, so I asked a well dressed fellow student who was wearing a Star of David, if I could sit his table.  He graciously assented and not being able to ignore the fact that he identified so strongly with being Jewish, I recounted to him much of what I have written here.  “Look,” he exclaimed, “I’m from Los Angeles.  There are lots of New York Jews in my synagogue…and we can’t stand them!”  Then he sighed and said, “But what can we do, they’re Jewish.”

He and I then proceeded to have one of the most interesting conversations of my entire life.  Since we both, Jew and gentile, agreed fully on the obnoxious and intimidating aggressiveness so characteristic of so very many New York Jews, we could focus on analyzing why this is so.  What we concluded is that they came from the same place (northern Europe), to the same place (the recently constructed massive housing projects of the Bronx) and largely for the same reason (fleeing persecution, not just in Germany, but throughout war -torn Europe).

The 63 public housing projects of the Bronx constitute a community onto themselves.  Now occupied almost exclusively by blacks and some Puerto Ricans, in the 1930 and 1940s they were occupied almost entirely by displaced European Jews.  Thus, the critical mass (in the sense of what is required for an atomic explosion) was similarly present for an explosion of outrage and hatred for the world of gentiles.  Not even America was spared because the Jews who could escape to the U.S. had to come in under the regular quota of their country of origin. The liberals in Congress wanted to establish a special refugee category just for the victims of Nazi persecution, but the Southern Democrats prevented the measure from passing.

Now, of course, it is socially acceptable for non-New Yorkers to look suspiciously on all people from New York.  After all, consider Donald Trump: regardless of his politics, he is certainly as ego-centric and almost as overbearing as the one time denizens of the Bronx I have described.  This process is called  cultural diffusion and is well known to anthropologists   Basically, New York gentiles, once cast into the wrong circles, out of self-preservation had little choice but to develop the same armor and tentacles as their adversaries.

The Los Angeles student’s sensitivity to this issue, however, is understandable especially in light of the fact that in reaction to D.W. Griffith’s 1915 “Birth of Nation,” New York Jews immediately began to take over Hollywood.  As the Jewish writer, Michael Medved (1992) has pointed out, their presence in Hollywood is still very extensive.9  Related to this question, is The Library Book,  a study of the Los Angeles library system by the rather liberal writer, Susan Orlean.

She tells the incredible story of why the central Los Angeles library has anti-burglary bars on its second story windows   It turns out that when a studio sends its people to find whatever books are written about a screen play under consideration, rather than simply check them out, one person will go upstairs, find the relevant books and then force open a window in order to throw them out to his accomplice who is waiting outside.10  The books could so easily be checked out and presumably returned, of course, but there is no chutzpah in that.

This says it all, yet, it is important not to stereotype while otherwise making perfectly reasonable and empirically sound generalizations.  For instance, not only is the arrogant, obnoxious New York City archtype not representative of all, or possibly even most, New Yorkers, many acute observers of New York life will attest that there is one New York City borough that is most un-New Yorkish.  It is Brooklyn.   And the key to this transformation is integration.

Because of its relatively cheap rent, beginning in the early 1800s Brooklyn became known as “Manhatten’s Bedroom” and over the next two centuries it became a mozaic of races, religions and ethnicities.  This pattern has continued to the present day, especially with the ongoing arrival of so many penniless but idealistic college graduates.  Over time, shoulders rub shoulders, rough edges tend to gradually get rubbed off and something ressembling a common culture emerges.

It is for this reason that I would like to conclude by elaborating on my difference with the Yates perspective that Jews will never consider themselves to be true citizens of their “host” countries and will always consider themselves to be first and foremost Children of Israel.  Not only are there striking differences between Ashkenazic, Sephardic and Mizraic Jews, but even within these subgroups there are significant differences such as the differences between New York and non-New York Jews..  With this on mind, I would like to bring up an old saying, “Young man, do not remain too long on the Eastern Seaboard, for it will make you too hard; young man, do not linger too long on the West Coast; for it will make you too soft.”

I am bringing this up in part because of my experience back in the 1990s when I flew out (yes, to the West Coast) to confront my nemesis with what he had done to me.  Although I did find him to be largely in denial and still unapologetic, he was really in many ways a changed and even gracious individual and not at all the arrogant monster I had so painfully remembered.   A very prominent example of the West Coast’s potential softening effect is Andrew Breitbart.  Although his biological father was an Irish-American folk singer, he was adopted by a Jewish family when he was just a few weeks old and remained quite openly Jewish throughout his life.

Tragically, he died suddenly in 2012 of heart failure, but his news service is well known and is still widely respected by many conservatives.  Of particular note is his memorable evisceration of the Frankfort School for its shameless and specious attacks on the United States, the country that had saved them from a vastly different fate in Nazi Germany.  A similar figure is Ron Unz, also a California Jew, he is a force of nature and renowned conservative activist who has authored many California referenda.  Among his many other “firsts,” he has accused Jewish admissions officers at Harvard with “unconsciously” favoring Jewish applicants, and recently he had a major article published in the Fall 2025 issue of the Occidental Quarterly.

The main theoretical point here is that although Jewish ethnocentrism may indeed be theological and therefore political, it is mainly cultural.  So, what does this mean in practical terms?  Basically, what it means is that there is one weapon which potentially all gentiles possess against which Jews are utterly defenseless.  It is acceptance.  Yes, their ethnocentrism, aggressiveness, overweaning control of the media, fixation on sex and occasional bouts of dishonesty must be rigorously exposed, as for the most part I have tried to do here.  But this tactic is defensive; it merely involves repairing damage.  They remain the actors and with agency.

Acceptance, on the other hand, renders them (like anyone else) inert.  That is it in a nut shell.  Yes, they do indeed have many rough edges, which will unavoidably get rubbed smooth by abrading our sensibilities.  That however, is the price that we have to pay for our own confessionalism.  (Remember, just as with Jews, history will not hold us gentiles blameless either)!   Newton’s third law works in both directions, after all.  These reflections may induce many to see this article as sadly ending with a whimper rather than a bang and wide from the mark to boot, but I think further examination of my cultural hypothesis will bear me out.  Cultures are like glaciers; they most commonly change very slowly, but they do change.

To conclude, I would like to put my point on solid philosophical ground by mentioning Roger Devlin’s practical summation of Kant’s categorical imperative: “We should be willing to practice reciprocity with all who are willing to practice it with us [i.e., by treating everyone equally]….but when we encounter outsiders committed to the supposedly unique claims [of favoritism] to their in-group, we must counter with an unapologetic commitment to our own.”14  In other words, we should treat others (blacks, Jews, Muslims, Mexicans, Canadians and everyone else) the same way that we treat ourselves unless they claim special treatment for their own group.  In that case, with absolutely no guilt and with no apologies whatsoever, we should show the same preference to our own group.  We may need to do this for defensive reasons if for no other.  The pain of recovery and reconciliation will continue for quite some time, but when as a unified people we can finally reach the stars, we will do so as one planet at peace with itself.


Footnotes

1After more than a millennium of thunderous silence, the Vatican in its 1965 Nostra Aetate declaration absolved the Jewish people of any guilt for the crucifixion of Jesus.  Then, in 1998 it apologized for not having anything to help the Jewish population of Europe during World War II.  Finally, in 2000 Pope John Paul II asked God to forgive those Christians who have persecuted Jews.

2Jordan Peterson. Twelve Rules for Life: An Antidote to Chaos.  Random House; p. 4.

3 Benzion Netanyahu.  Los Orígenes de la Inquisición en España del Siglo XV.  Nagrela Editores, 2015.

4 MacDonald, Kevin.  Cultural Insurrections: Essays on Western Civilization, Jewish Influence and Anti-Semitism.  Atlanta: Occidental Press, 2007).

5Douglas Reed. The Controversy of Zion T.  GSG , 2013

6Marshall Yeats.  “The Jewish Question.”  Pre-Print in the Occidental Quarterly, Vol 24, No. 1 (Spring 2024); pp. 3-29.

7Carey Hertz.  New Mexico’s Crypto-Jews.  UNM, 2009

8Kevin MacDonald. ”On the Possibility of a New Elite.” Electronic Posting. February 9, 2025),

9V.I. Lenin, who was one-quarter Jewish, was very studious and being from Kazan, a heavily Oriental part of Russia, he was undoubtedly well aware of Sun’s military writings and was most likely predisposed to them as well.  See Sun Tsu.  The Art of War.  512 B.C.

10 Medved, Michael.   Hollywood vs. America: Popular Culture and the War on Traditional Values.   New York: Harper Collins. 1992.

11Susan Orlean. The Library Book.  Simon and Schuster, 2018;  pp.  86-87. .

12 Breitbart, Andrew.  2011.  Righteous Indignation: Excuse me While I Save the World.  Grand Central Publishing

 

13 Ron Unz.  “The True History of World War II.”  Occidental Quarterly, Vol. 25, No. 3. (Fall 2025), pp. 41-79.

14Roger Devlin.  . “Two Styles of Moral Reasoning: Reciprocity vs. the Unique Rightness of the In-Group.  Occidental Quarterly, Vol. 25, No..4. (Winter, 2025-2026); pp. 73-81.

Bibliography

Breitbart, Andrew.  2011.  Righteous Indignation: Excuse me While I Save the World.  Grand Central Publishing.

Devlin, F. Roger. “Two Styles of Moral Reasoning: Reciprocity vs. the Unique Rightness of the In-Group.  Occidental Quarterly, 25. (Winter, 2025-2026); pp. 73-81.

Herz, Carey.  2009.  New Mexico’s Crypto-Jews: Image and Memory.  Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.

MacDonald, Kevin.  A People That Shall Dwell Alone  New York: Praeger, 2002.

MacDonald, Kevin.  Cultural Insurrections: Essays on Western Civilization, Jewish Influence and Anti-Semitism.  Atlanta: Occidental Press, 2007).

Medved, Michael.  1992.  Hollywood vs. America: Popular Culture and the War on Traditional Values.   New York: Harper Collins.

Netanyahu, Benzion.  2015.  Los Orígenes de la Inquisición en Espana del Siglo XV.  Madrid: Nagrela Editores

Orlean, Susan.  2018.  The Library Book.  New York: Simon and Schuster; pp. 86-87.

Peterson, Jordan B.  2018.  Twelve Rules for Life: An Antidote to Chaos.  Toronto:  Random House; p. 4.

Reed, Douglas: The Controversy of Zion.  San Pedro, California:  GSG, 2013.

Unz, Ron.  “The True History of World War II.”  Occidental Quarterly, (Fall, 2025); pp. 41-79.

Yeats, Marshall.  “The Jewish Question.”  Pre-Print in The Occidental Quarterly, Vol 24, No. 1.

US bill to grant Americans serving in Israeli army same rights as US troops

More than 20000 Americans serving in the Israeli army. This couldn’t possibly raise loyalty issues—said to be a prime example of anti-Semitism, right? On the other hand, given how the US is joined at the hip with Israel it seems somehow appropriate.

Middle East Monitor: US lawmakers push to grant American soldiers serving in the Israeli army the same legal protections as US troops, in a move without precedent for any other foreign army. The bill would place some 20,000 dual citizens fighting for Israel on a legal par with Americans serving the US.

Details of the Israel first carve out was reported in Military.com. The legislation passing through Congress would, for the first time in American history, treat service in a foreign army as legally equivalent to service in the US armed forces — but only where that foreign army is Israeli occupation army.

House Resolution 8445, tabled by Republican Congressmen Guy Reschenthaler of Pennsylvania and Max Miller of Ohio, would amend Title 38 of the US Code so that Americans who fight for Israel are treated “in the same manner as service in the uniformed services” of the US. Over 20,000 American citizens serving in the Israeli military are expected to benefit if the changes come into effect.

Read: What drives Americans to fight on the frontlines of Gaza’s war crimes

US veterans’ benefits and military protections are, under existing law, tied to service in the American armed forces. The Bill departs from that principle by extending two of the most consequential US protections to Americans fighting for a foreign state. The Servicemembers Civil Relief Act caps interest rates on debt during active service and halts evictions and foreclosures. The Uniformed Services Employment and Reemployment Rights Act compels American employers to hold open the jobs of those called to service.

Under H.R. 8445, an American returning from a tour with the IDF could demand their old job back from a US employer, halt a foreclosure on a US home, and benefit from interest-rate caps on US debt  on the basis of foreign military service.

Americans have served in foreign militaries for as long as the US has existed — in the French Foreign Legion, in the Australian and New Zealand armed forces, and, since 2022, in the International Legion for the Defence of Ukraine. No comparable legislation has ever been seriously advanced for any of those forces. The State Department’s standing position is that Americans who fight abroad do so at their own risk and should not expect support from the US government.

H.R. 8445 is therefore not part of a broader policy trend. It is exclusive to the IDF.

IDF personnel, meanwhile, are already compensated by Israel through stipends, housing assistance, post-service educational grants and access to the national healthcare system, all funded by the Knesset. The Bill nevertheless asks American employers, banks, and courts to treat Israeli military service as if it had been performed for the US.

The legislation is being pursued at a moment when American sentiment toward Israel has shifted decisively in the opposite direction. A Pew Research Center poll published last month found that 60 per cent of Americans now hold an unfavourable view of Israel, up nearly 20 percentage points since 2022. The proportion holding a “very unfavourable” view has tripled in that period.

Among Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents, the figure has reached 80 per cent. Even within the Republican coalition championing the Bill, 57 per cent of Republicans aged 18 to 49 hold an unfavourable view of Israel.

Critics have pointed out that American veterans’ protections were built on a simple covenant: those who serve the United States have a claim on the US. Extending those protections to Americans serving a foreign government, and only one foreign government, establishes that the relevant criterion is no longer service to the country, but the identity of the country being served.

H.R. 8445 has been referred to the House Committee on Veterans’ Affairs.

Haaretz: Netanyahu’s Promises of Victory in Iran End in a Glorious U.S. Capitulation

Israel, in total contrast to public declarations by its leaders, is helpless against Hezbollah. The daily threat of explosives-laden drones is causing injuries to soldiers, with fatalities every few days. Israel’s strategy, if there was one in Lebanon, has collapsed. The group continues to attack and is not even considering surrendering, in contrast to the previous campaign in 2024.

Netanyahu’s Promises of Victory in Iran End in a Glorious U.S. Capitulation

In the best-case scenario, Iran’s nuclear program might be curbed, but the deal taking shape seems to be a far cry from fulfilling Netanyahu’s promises of victory. In Lebanon, Israel finds itself helpless against Hezbollah. And one horrible failure looms above all

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Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and U.S. President Donald Trump at the White House, September. Credit: AFP/JIM WATSON
The deal shaping up between the United States and Iran will express, if signed, a glorious American capitulation regarding the war that took place in the Gulf. It will also reflect Israel’s waning influence on the moves of U.S. President Donald Trump.

As of now, the agreement has not yet been signed, and the details are only partly known. But as of Sunday night, it seemed that there would be a significant curbing of Iran’s nuclear program in the best-case scenario. No attention to other problems most likely on the agenda, like ballistic missiles, aid to terror organizations in the Middle East and, more ambitiously, regime change in Tehran. This outcome would be a far cry from the promises of victory touted by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu when he embarked on this war.

The state of Israel

Over the last month and a half, we’ve seen Iranian obstinacy, empty U.S. threats, and finally, what now looks like a compromise agreement. There was always a possibility that Tehran would insist too much, and that Trump would be pushed into a corner and ultimately conclude he had no choice but to renew his military assault. But given the criticism and the loss of popularity at home, the pointlessness of military moves and the reservations of most U.S. allies in the Gulf, it appears the president has finally made a decision.

Tehran, Iran, Sunday.
Tehran, Iran, Sunday. Credit: Vahid Salemi/AP

Certainly, many Israelis welcomed Sunday’s (tentative) news with joy. Israel’s public is exhausted after more than two and a half years of intermittent war, with over 2,000 fatalities. The idea of Iran renewing its fire at the country’s center and south – in the north it is almost incessant – made no one happy. But the question of what happens to the uranium stash and what is decided regarding Iran’s right to enrich uranium is critical to Israel’s future security. If Trump manages to impose a reasonable deal, this issue will be of great importance

It appears that other objectives have not been attained. The U.S. president treats ballistic missiles as an Israeli problem. The proxies, such as Hezbollah, interest him less in any case. Regarding the regime’s stability, Iran will see a gradual unfreezing of tens of billions of dollars and a lifting of sanctions against its oil industry. This relief will fill Iran’s coffers with huge amounts of money and probably help Hamas and Hezbollah.

If in January, at the height of the nationwide demonstrations, it appeared the regime was wobbling, it now seems, in the wake of the brutal oppressive measures that were taken, that there are no signs of a renewed awakening of the protests.

The site of an Israeli strike in southern Lebanon, Saturday.
The site of an Israeli strike in southern Lebanon, Saturday. Credit: Aziz Taher/Reuters

What is decided in the Gulf will also impact what transpires in Lebanon. Israel, in total contrast to public declarations by its leaders, is helpless against Hezbollah. The daily threat of explosives-laden drones is causing injuries to soldiers, with fatalities every few days. Israel’s strategy, if there was one in Lebanon, has collapsed. The group continues to attack and is not even considering surrendering, in contrast to the previous campaign in 2024.

The bottom line is that Netanyahu is very far from achieving all he promised the public regarding the war. As for Iran, he cannot publicly oppose Trump, having to make do with milquetoast briefings given under the guise of diplomatic sources. He dares not cast blame on the U.S. administration.

In Lebanon and Gaza, the military’s tactical achievements, some of them impressive, have not been translated into a permanent and improved strategic reality, due to Netanyahu’s fear of being portrayed as a conciliatory figure or as someone who capitulates. The distress of his media mouthpieces is evident. It seems that Netanyahu’s office has not yet come up with new talking points. Broadcasters are forced into contortions to try and resolve the dissonance that is obvious to every viewer or listener.

The horrible failure of October 7 looms above all. The massacre took place as a result of Hamas exploiting IDF and Shin Bet security service shortcomings. However, Netanyahu cannot shake off his responsibility and is incapable of explaining to the public why nearly all the top echelons of the defense establishment have resigned or been fired while he is resolved to cling to his seat forever.

The upcoming election will be, first and foremost, a battle over memory. The Likud and other coalition parties will try to convince voters not to grapple with the reasons for the massacre and the persons responsible for it. They will apparently need a security-related diversion to deflect the conversation away from those topics. Netanyahu’s difficulty lies in his needing Trump’s assent, as Trump is trying to put out fires in Iran and Lebanon. It is unclear whether Trump will agree to a new conflagration initiated by Israel in the Gaza Strip.

‘Israelis Are More Genocidal Than People Think’: Andrey X Is the ‘Counter Hasbara’ TikToker

How a family visit to Israel turned Andrey Khrzhanovskiy into a full-time activist documenting violence in the West Bank

Andrey Khrzhanovskiy, 28, is better known to his hundreds of thousands of followers as Andrey X.

Andrey Khrzhanovskiy, 28, is better known to his hundreds of thousands of followers as Andrey X. Credit: Moti Milrod
After two weeks of nonviolent protests by the schoolchildren of Umm al-Khair, the kiddie YouTube star Ms. Rachel shared a series of photos from the West Bank village.

“I just had a two-hour call with the children of Umm al-Khair,” she wrote, adding that she was “horrified at the way they have been treated.”

She detailed the recent events for her five million followers, explaining that Israeli settlers “put up a barbed-wire fence blocking the village’s main road, keeping children from safely reaching their school,” and that the children’s peaceful protest faced “tear gas and rifles from soldiers protecting the illegal fence.”

The state of Israel

“The world watching may be the only thing helping protect this village and these precious children,” Ms. Rachel plead.

The first image in the post is of one of the children she video-chatted with: a Palestinian boy, clutching an Arabic grammar book as he looks back at the barbed wire that blocks his way to school. His gaze is met by three masked IDF soldiers guarding the fence.

Andrey Khrzhanovskiy immigrated to Israel from Russia under the Law of Return in 2022, following Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

Andrey Khrzhanovskiy immigrated to Israel from Russia under the Law of Return in 2022, following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Credit: Moti Milrod

Khrzhanovskiy – a native of Saint Petersburg, Russia – didn’t arrive in Israel in 2022 with the intention of staying and becoming an activist. On the day he was supposed to fly back to Russia after visiting his grandparents in Tel Aviv, Russian forces invaded Ukraine. So he stayed in Israel, because it “was the easiest passport for me to get,” and he has not returned since.

“I’m afraid to go back and sit in prison for about 20 years,” Khrzhanovskiy says. “In Russia, after the invasion, the pace of repression against any kind of opposition sped up. If you go to Russia, you need to shut up. And I find myself unable to shut up.”

Khrzhanovskiy says that the sphere of Russian intelligentsia he grew up in came with “inevitable liberalism” – his father is the well-known Russian film director Ilya Khrzhanovskiy, and his grandfather, whose name he shares, is the only Soviet animator to ever be censored by Moscow. In 1968, his movie “Glass Harmonica,” which featured chaotic and often terrifying surrealist imagery, was barred from screening in the USSR and ordered to be destroyed (luckily, Khrzhanovskiy saved a copy, and it’s still available).

However, he says, his political journey “resulted in a big disappointment in the Russian liberal opposition,” seeing their reaction to “the genocide in Gaza.”

“All these people who were talking about human rights and repression in Russia suddenly started saying, and I quote, ‘Israel has the right to dissolve all the Palestinians in acid.'”

During his first year in Israel as a new immigrant, Khrzhanovskiy began to understand how entrenched militarism and casual anti-Palestinian racism are in everyday life. “A million new things that you learn throw you for a loop when you’re not from here, because here, a lot of stuff is normalized,” he says.

“When I was looking for an apartment for my grandparents in Netanya,” a coastal city not far from Tel Aviv, “I was taken around by this realtor. And I’m driving with her, and she turns to me and says, ‘You know, Netanya is a very good place to live in, because the mayor doesn’t let Arabs rent apartments here.’ That threw me for a loop, not even the fact that you can do that, but also the fact that you can say this to a person that you don’t know and expect that to be okay,” he says.

His grandparents have since moved away from Israel, following the October 7 attacks, but Khrzhanovskiy has stuck around. He says that while his family doesn’t always agree with him politically, they respect his decision to become an activist, although his grandmother isn’t too elated with his current line of work.

“My grandmother reads my tweets, so every once in a while I will get a call or a very long message about how I need to leave, that I will get killed if I stay here.”

From Jaffa to the West Bank

In January 2023, Khrzhanovskiy started working at Café Yafa, a Palestinian-owned coffee shop and bookstore in Jaffa. When one of the owners told him that he was going to Jordan to visit family members who were expelled in 1948 and cannot visit Israel, Khrzhanovskiy felt uncomfortable immediately.

“His family, who have been living here for hundreds of years, maybe thousands, they’re not allowed to even visit,” Khrzhanovskiy says. “And I – who got a passport within three months, whose very distant family maybe lived here 3,000 years ago – am standing next to him. The injustice in that is very, very clear.”

Customers at Café Yafa in Jaffa.

Customers at Café Yafa in Jaffa. Credit: Avshalom Halutz

Around the same time, he first joined Israeli activists for protective presence shifts in the West Bank. He soon started shooting, editing and posting videos documenting state-backed settler violence and the forced displacement of dozens of Palestinian communities. Before long, the videos “started blowing up.” Khrzhanovskiy started getting requests all over the West Bank to cover settler attacks; he says he rarely sleeps in the same bed for more than two days.

Do his videos really make an impact? One Israeli activist in the West Bank, who requested anonymity, said that while the videos can definitely serve as evidence in future criminal trials, the situation on the ground remains largely unchanged. Moreover, the activist explains, “there’s a limit to the media’s attention span.” Even if there are 50 more activists like Andrey, he says, the material reality of the Palestinians in the West Bank will not change.

“Thanks to social media, there is more and more understanding of the Palestinian cause,” says Shareef Safadi, 26, a Palestinian citizen of Israel based in Haifa and content creator who has worked on videos with Khrzhanovskiy. Safadi calls Andrey’s content “counter hasbara.”

“For educating and raising awareness, it is 100-percent effective,” Safadi says. “Is it effective in ending settler violence in Israel? That is a bigger question.”

In his videos – all of which are in English – Khrzhanovskiy rarely addresses an Israeli audience. “Why would they listen to me?” he asks. “I didn’t grow up here, I wasn’t born here. I think it’s more useful to talk to the outside world, because trying to change Israeli society is, at least in this stage, not possible.”

While he initially felt that he was integrating into Israeli society, Khrzhanovskiy says that that is no longer the case. “I left that society. I live in the West Bank, and I hang out with Palestinians. So I don’t think I would consider myself Israeli.”

“Israeli society is more genocidal than people on the outside think,” Khrzhanovskiy continues. “If you sit at a hipster café in Tel Aviv and start talking to a random person, 20 minutes later, this person, drinking a matcha latte and speaking perfect English, will start explaining to you that ‘those [Palestinian] children will grow up to be terrorists, so it’s okay to kill them.'”

To get to Israelis, “You have to talk with empathy and understanding – ‘Yes, I understand that you want to kill all the brown children. I understand where you’re coming from. You have legitimate security concerns, I get it.'”

Speaking like this “feels horrible,” he says, “but you have to do this because otherwise nobody’s going to listen to you.”

Safadi, too, thinks that there’s little hope in pandering to the Israeli audience. “If you want to speak in Hebrew and speak to Israelis, you start compromising,” he says. “You will never stop compromising, and they will never accept you.”

Still, Khrzhanovskiy says there’s still value in him and other anti-Zionist leftists reaching mainstream media outlets in Israel.

“The thing that I can do is try to shift the Overton window to the left a little bit, just by violently invading the discourse,” he says, adding it’s important for Israelis to understand his position is a “valid one to have.” “You shift the window, and then the people who used to be radical become centrist. And then maybe they will convince someone.”

Some of the most avid consumers of Khrzhanovskiy’s content are right-wing hasbara advocacy groups. The advocacy group My Israel, co-founded by right-wing politicians Ayelet Shaked and Naftali Bennett, dedicated a Facebook post to Khrzhanovskiy, calling him “one of the leading voices in the delegitimization campaign against Israel.”

“Israel has given [Khrzhanovskiy] shelter, but Andrey is taking advantage of that shelter and stabbing us all in the back,” the post reads.

Khrzhanovskiy’s activism has also earned him a profile on the “Radical Activists” database run by far-right group Im Tirtzu, where he is accused of spreading “theories bordering on antisemitism that Israel is conducting a genocide in Gaza.”

Crossing into Gaza

The two times when Khrzhanovskiy’s activity made major headlines in Israel were on both sides of the Gaza border.

In December 2024, two plain-clothes police officers came and arrested Khrzhanovskiy at a cafe in Tel Aviv for placing a “Free Palestine” sticker on an observation point in Sderot near the Gaza border. Israelis, says Khrzhanovskiy, come to the lookout to “sight-see” the bombing of Gaza.

Israelis bring school field trips to Sderot to watch the genocide live. In front of the binoculars there is a trashcan, so that small children can stand on it and take a closer look.

He says that the two cops did not present any type of identification, and that the first thing one of the officers did was punch him in the face.

“Before he even said a word, he just came up and threw a punch. Then, they shoved me into a police car, which was not marked; it looked like a civilian vehicle. At the beginning, I thought I was getting kidnapped.”

They drove Khrzhanovskiy to Sderot, and while one officer was filling in the paperwork another one “was beating me for about half an hour.”

He was released after four days. Khrzhanovskiy – who says he has a one-month suspended prison sentence and other standing court cases against him in Israel – added that the whole ordeal “felt very Russian.”

“You know, in Russia, people spend years in jail for stickers. And here, that wasn’t really a thing if you’re a Jewish Israeli – although there are Palestinians who spend years in jail for Facebook posts.”

A Palestinian man standing in the remains of his burnt-out family home after an Israeli settler attack in Fandaqumiya, southwest of Jenin, West Bank in March.
A Palestinian man standing in the remains of his burnt-out family home after an Israeli settler attack in Fandaqumiya, southwest of Jenin, West Bank in March. Credit: Zain Jaafar/AFP

The second incident happened in October 2025. As the Sumud Flotilla carrying humanitarian aid sailed to break the blockade of Gaza, Khrzhanovskiy and a group of Israeli activists planned to break the military siege on the enclave by land.

They succeeded – sort of. An eight-minute video posted by Khrzhanovskiy shows how he and several activists successfully infiltrate hundreds of meters into the Gaza Strip, while the few befuddled IDF soldiers stationed there scurry to figure out how to stop them.

“It was absolutely fascinating. After that, I have no questions as to how October 7 happened, just because of the level of incompetence. I was sure that they knew [about the demonstration] and that we would immediately get arrested,” Khrzhanovskiy says. “It’s the first time anyone broke the siege successfully in that way since the start of the genocide. Well, besides settlers breaking in.”

Getting media attention was a double-edged sword, though. Khrzhanovskiy says that right after the sticker incident, he was recognized on the streets of Tel Aviv “six times in one day.”

Once, he was assaulted by someone who recognized him during a protest in December against the dispossession of Palestinians by Jewish settlers in the Jerusalem neighborhood of Silwan, just east of the Old City.

“A guy like body slams me, called me a ‘faggot,’ told me to go fuck myself and then kicked me,” he says. “The more known you are, the more of a threat you are.”

‘Obvious apartheid’

Khrzhanovskiy’s source of income, he says, comes from his viewers, through crowd-sourcing platforms like Patreon, where users can choose to send him monthly donations. “I don’t have any secret wires from Iran or Qatar,” Khrzhanovskiy says with a smile. Israel’s public broadcaster, as a matter of fact, went so far as to suggest that he’s part of a Russian influence campaign meant to destabilize the country.

“Far-left extremist or Russian agent of chaos? The new immigrant who vandalized a memorial for a fallen soldier,” reads a post by Israel’s public broadcaster.

Sometimes, however, Khrzhanovskiy says it is necessary to “contextualize things a little bit.” Khrzhanovskiy mentions a recent incident, where settlers were documented killing a Palestinian’s sheep by slamming them to the ground.

“That footage went around, and there were like a lot of tweets from Zionists, saying ‘everyone is just focusing on this one incident because this barely ever happens, while Israel faces so much terrorism.’ But there are like five to six physical violent attacks per day across the West Bank.”

Khrzhanovskiy recalls an incident in October when he was recently held up by the IDF with Palestinian journalists, and it became very apparent how his “Israeli passport and Jewish blood” helped him avoid arrest and harassment.

He says the IDF soldiers took everyone’s IDs but did not say they were formally detained, holding them for more than two hours. Eventually, two Palestinian journalists were arrested without explanation – including Ayman Ghraieb, who has been held in administrative detention since November 2025 and whose release is being advocated for by Amnesty International.

While filming the incident, he’s asked by the journalists to film horizontally, because Khrzhanovskiy is the only one allowed to film, and the video could be used by the Palestinian journalists later.

“They couldn’t have filmed their own oppression if an Israeli wasn’t with them,” he says, calling the situation “obvious apartheid.” If Israel is, one day, tried for its military occupation of the West Bank, videos like this will be a part of “thousands of terabytes of footage.”

When asked to comment on the incident, the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit said that forces came to the area after receiving reports of “Palestinians gathering” at a spring near the Israeli settlement of Maskiot. The military added that they tried to disperse the Palestinians, including journalists, “to prevent tensions and maintain the public order.” After the group refused to leave, the IDF detained them for several hours.

Israeli soldiers raiding Qalandiyah, in the West Bank near Jerusalem, in April.

Israeli soldiers raiding Qalandiyah, in the West Bank near Jerusalem, in April. Credit: Mohamad Torokman/ REUTERS

While many Israelis see Khrzhanovskiy as a stranger who came to Israel to air out its dirty laundry, Khrzhanovskiy says he feels a sense of responsibility for the Palestinian population, as only after immigrating to Israel did he realize he “became a part of an apartheid system.”

“I think justice is universal, and wherever you are, you need to try to strive towards it,” he says. “I did not come here as an activist; I did not come here to do this.”

“I came here with a neutral perspective,” Khrzhanovskiy adds. “The Israelis who think that it’s an outside perspective, and that they know their own country better, a lot of them have never been to the West Bank. Come to the West Bank, come see what’s going on. Maybe you’ll learn something about your country.”

Intifada Globalists interview Kevin MacDonald

On my neocon chapter in the revised edition of The Culture of Critique but we get into Iran war, Trump, etc. The link goes to the video and a transcript.

ACTIVATION WORD: KEVIN MACDONALD by The Intifada Globalists

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