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The Sweet Smell of Head-Chopping… And the Stench of Silence from Libertarians

Enlightenment enthusiast Kenan Malik is at it again. So are Kenan’s Komrades, the fanatical Furedite freedom-fighters at the libertarian journal Spiked Online. Or rather, Kenan & Komrades aren’t at it again. The problem is not what they’ve done, but what they’ve yet again failed to do. A fascinatingly horrible story about censorship has been in the news. It cries out for condemnation by defenders of free speech, for expert analysis and interpretation by enthusiasts for the Enlightenment. So how have Kenan and his comrades responded to the story? By ignoring it.

The sweet smell of cephalotomy

It’s very easy to understand their silence. Like the murder of Asad Shah, the story explodes all their bullshit and obfuscation about why free speech is dying in the West. Even though the story itself takes place in the East. In Pakistan, to be precise. It’s a good example of how Lewis Carroll (1832–98), the author of Alice in Wonderland, and the Marquis de Sade (1740–1814), the author of 120 Days of Sodom, seem to be collaborating from the afterlife on the script for Pakistani culture. Carroll supplies the absurdity and the Marquis de Sade supplies the atrocity. In this case, fortunately enough, Carroll had the upper hand and the Marquis held himself in check.

An innocent woman in terror of a mainstream Muslim mob: the Arabic script says halwa, meaning “sweet”

So how does the story go? It goes like this: on 25th February, 2024, a young Muslim woman went shopping in Lahore in a pretty new dress. The dress came from a Kuwaiti fashion-house and had Arabic calligraphy on it. Even if you don’t read Arabic, it isn’t hard to see that a single word is repeated there in various colors. The word is حلوۃ, halwa, meaning “sweet” and having no religious significance. Pakistan uses an adapted (and less attractive) form of Arabic script for its own national language of Urdu, so this dress shouldn’t have got the woman in any trouble.

But remember, Lewis Carroll and the Marquis de Sade are writing the script for Pakistan. So here come the actual absurdity and the attempted atrocity. As the woman did her shopping, some men falsely accused her of blasphemy for wearing verses from the Qur’an on her body. The woman fled into a food-shop and huddled there in terror as a mob of hundreds gathered outside. Some of the mob chanted for her death using well-known advice for lovers of the Prophet Muhammad in Pakistan:

!⁧گستاخ رسول کی ایک ہی سزا سر تن سے جدا

Gustakh-e-Rasūl kī ek hī sazā, sar tan se judā!

“For insult to the Prophet, there is only one punishment: cut the head from the body!” (See “sar tan se juda” at Wiktionary)

Fortunately for the woman, her alleged blasphemy didn’t result in actual cephalotomy (Greek kephalos, “head,” + tomos, “cutting”). The police arrived and a brave policewoman called Syeda Shehrbano Naqvi faced down the mob. Naqvi then escorted the woman to safety with her head covered and the dress concealed. Three bearded mullahs later interviewed her at a police-station, examined the dress, and certified that she was entirely innocent of blasphemy. The woman herself issued a terrified apology: “I didn’t have any such intention [of provoking trouble], it happened by mistake. Still I apologise for all that happened, and I’ll make sure it never happens again.”

Patriarchs pronounce: the terrified female fashion-fan is cleared of blasphemy by bearded mullahs

The woman was entirely innocent, remember. But she still felt obliged to apologize to the misogynistic fanatics who threatened to chop her head off. Misogyny was definitely part of what happened. So was patriarchy. Misogynists don’t like seeing women happily shopping in pretty new dresses. Patriarchs do like dictating female behavior. It’s not just libertarians in the West who should have been writing about this story, even though it took place in the East. Western feminists should have been all over it too. This is because the West is importing the East, so misogynistic and intolerant Pakistani culture is now firmly established on Western soil. Misogynistic and intolerant Afghan culture is firmly established too, as we saw when the Afghan “asylum seeker” Abdul Ezedi threw a flesh-eating alkali over a woman and her two young daughters in London in February.

The stench of silence

That was a horrific act of misogyny by a convinced patriarch, but feminists ignored it and wrote no outraged commentaries about its significance for Western women. After all, no White man was involved, so there was no advantage to be gained for leftism in condemning the attack. Similarly, there’s no advantage for leftism or libertarianism in the story about the fashion-phobic mob in Pakistan. Given the enthusiasm of the mob for decapitation and what was written on the woman’s dress, you could say that it was a story about the sweet smell of head-chopping. By ignoring it, Kenan & Komrades have also made it into a story about the stench of silence. After all, the fashion-phobic mob revealed the lunacy of importing Pakistanis and other Muslims into the West. The mob also exploded the lies in articles like this, posted at Spiked by one of Frank Furedi’s fanatical freedom-fighters:

British schools are being turned into political battlegrounds. A militant Muslim identity politics is mounting an ever-stronger challenge to their educational authority. Over the past few weeks alone, the Michaela Community School in north-west London has appeared at the High Court, having been sued for discrimination by a Muslim pupil over its decision to ban prayer rituals. And a few miles away in east London, Barclay Primary School has been under attack from Islamists and a few parents after it told children not to wear clothing or badges displaying some form of ‘political allegiance’ in school — a move interpreted as a clampdown on pro-Palestine symbols.

In both cases, activists’ response to the school’s decisions has been marked by menace. Following Michaela’s decision to ban prayer rituals last spring, bomb threats were made to teachers, the school was vandalised and a brick was thrown through a classroom window. And in response to Barclay Primary’s change to its uniform code, arson and bomb threats were sent both to the school and individual staff. Masked men climbed the school’s fence at night to hang Palestinian flags around its perimeter.

There is a tendency to frame cases like this as part of an age-old conflict between religion and modernity. Between the demands of faith and the demands of public life in secular societies. But it’s a misleading characterisation. The aggressive imposition of Muslim cultural practices on to education has very little to do with Islam and everything to do with decades of multicultural policymaking. That is what we’re seeing right now in the cases of Michaela and Barclay. Not quiet displays of faith, but loud, all-too-visible assertions of Muslim identitarianism. (“How Muslim identity politics colonised education,” Spiked, 28th January 2024)

If you’re like me, your jaw may still be aching from the speed at which it dropped when you read this line: “The aggressive imposition of Muslim cultural practices on to education has very little to do with Islam and everything to do with decades of multicultural policymaking.” What planet is the author on? Planet Trotsky, that’s what. That article was a “Long Read” but it might as well have been called a “Long List of Lies.” It was written by someone called Tim Black, but plugs the same line as Kenan Malik’s many articles on the ever-increasing pathologies created by Muslims in kaffir countries

Black and Malik were once members of a Trotskyist cult called the Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP). They’re still devoted disciples of the RCP’s leader, a Jewish sociologist called Frank Furedi (born 1947) who isn’t remarkable for insight or intellect but is remarkable for his ability to create cognitive clones of himself. Just as Furedi taught them, Kenan and his comrades carry on claiming that Islam and Muslim migration have never been a genuine problem. No, it’s the mistaken policies of the non-Muslim elite towards Muslims that causes all the trouble. If it weren’t for the foul and foolish policy of “multiculturalism,” Muslims would long ago have begun erecting statues of Voltaire and forming reading-clubs to probe the collected works of John Stuart Mill. Their Islamic faith would have remained “a private affair, a matter of conscience and ritual.”

Murderers for Muhammad

That’s the theory, anyway. Alas for libertarians, it falls apart when it’s set against reality. “Multiculturalism” didn’t embolden that Muslim mob chanting for the decapitation of a terrified woman in Lahore in 2024. Nor did it embolden the Muslims who burnt a copy of H.G. Wells’ A Short History of the World in London in 1938. Wells had disrespected the Prophet Muhammad, you see, so Muslims burnt his book for lack of ability to chop his head off. And “multiculturalism” definitely didn’t embolden the Muslim hero-martyr Ilm ud-Deen, who stabbed a Hindu blasphemer to death in 1929, then calmly accepted arrest, imprisonment, and execution. The Hindu had satirized the Prophet in a book called Rangila Rasul or Colorful Prophet, so Ilm Ud-Deen did the decent thing and dispatched him to Hell (“colorful” also implies “promiscuous” or “wanton” in Urdu and Hindi).

Islamic Hero #1: Ilm ud-Deen, who murdered for Muhammad in India (image from the movie Hero Ilmuddin the Martyr)

Islamic Hero #2: Mumtaz Qadri, who murdered for Muhammad in Pakistan (the poster is for a celebration of Qadri in a mainstream Muslim mosque in Maryland, USA)

Islamic Hero #3: Tanveer Ahmed, who murdered for Muhammad in Britain (Ahmed is described as ghazi, “hero,” and his victim Asad Shah as kazzab, “liar”)

Ilm Ud-Deen’s heroic defence of the Prophet’s honor explains why there are shrines devoted to his memory in modern Pakistan. A movie was released there in 2002 celebrating his love of the Prophet and noble self-sacrifice (you can watch it for free at Youtube). It’s called Ghazi Ilmuddin Shahid, which means Hero Ilmuddin the Martyr. To millions of Pakistanis that’s exactly what he is. He’s a hero for killing the Hindu blasphemer and a martyr for welcoming the execution that followed.

Given the continuing veneration of Ilm ud-Deen in Pakistan, it’s no surprise that in 2011 another devout Muslim followed his golden example and became a ghazi-shahid too. Mumtaz Qadri was a bodyguard for the Pakistani minister Salmaan Taseer. But Taseer tried to help the Christian woman Asia Bibi, who was rotting on death-row after a righteous conviction for blasphemy. Taseer “advocated reform of Pakistan’s controversial blasphemy laws,” so Qadri did the decent thing and machine-gunned him to death, then calmly accepted arrest, imprisonment, and execution. His golden example inspired another yet devout Muslim, this time one living in Britain. After his arrival here from Pakistan, Tanveer Ahmed was horrified to learn that an Ahmadi heretic called Asad Shah was disseminating blasphemous videos from his shop in Glasgow. So Tanveer got in his taxi and drove up from Bradford in 2016 to do the decent thing. He stabbed and stamped Asad Shah to death, then calmly accepted arrest and imprisonment for murder.

Murderous Mumtaz was a “true Muslim”

If Britain still had the death-penalty, he would have accepted execution just as calmly. He didn’t get to be a shahid, a “martyr,” but he’s still a ghazi, a “hero,” to many mainstream Muslims in Britain. For example, Glasgow Central Mosque and the Muslim Council of Scotland refused to take part in an “anti-extremism event” held in memory of Asad Shah. They too thought that Asad Shah was a heretic and deserved all he got. Indeed, only a month before Shah was dispatched to Hell-fire, an imam at Glasgow Central Mosque had expressed his “pain” at the execution of Mumtaz Qadri, the Martyr with a Machine-Gun, called him a “true Muslim,” and pronounced a blessing on him. Kenan Malik’s own newspaper, the Guardian, reported that “One of the largest mosques in Birmingham said special prayers for Qadri, describing him as ‘a martyr’, as did influential preachers in Bradford and Dewsbury’.” Qadri-fans from Pakistan have toured mosques in Britain and praised his heroic defence of the Prophet.

How have Kenan and his comrades responded to this perfectly mainstream Muslim love of violent censorship and hatred of peaceful free speech? Well, to the best of my knowledge, Kenan Malik has never written a word about the murder of Asad Shah or the deep-rooted Pakistani tradition of murder-for-Muhammad that inspired it. The same silence has long been maintained at Spiked, where no senior writer mentioned Asad Shah until 2023, when Spiked’s editor Tom Slater (who isn’t one of Kenan’s original comrades) wrote a detailed article about the murder. But detail didn’t preclude dishonesty. As I described in “Blasphemy and Bullshit,” Slater blamed “liberal cowardice” and “state multiculturalism” for “fuel[ing] Islamic intolerance” and encouraging Muslims “to see themselves as separate and distinct.” Contra Slater’s dishonesty, Tanveer Ahmed came to Britain as an adult with his “Islamic intolerance” fully formed by his upbringing in Pakistan.

“Love Muslim migration, hate free speech”

And Slater doesn’t understand — or pretends not to understand — that “multiculturalism” harmonizes perfectly with mass immigration. Opposing “multiculturalism” and supporting open borders, as Slater and his comrades have always done, is like opposing maggot infestation and supporting open wounds. When the elite of a civilized nation is on the side of the ordinary people in that nation, it does not allow mass immigration from the Third World. That’s why Frank Furedi’s homeland of Hungary is not troubled by rape-gangs, suicide-bombing, murder-for-Muhammad, and other aspects of Islamic enrichment. However, when the elite of a nation is hostile to the ordinary people of that nation, it imposes Third-World immigration on the ordinary people no matter how much they protest. At the same time, the hostile elite privileges the Third-World invaders over the White natives and allows them to pursue their own advantage at all turns.

You can see this elite betrayal in Britain, which has had an official policy of multiculturalism, just as much as in France, which has had an official policy of monoculturalism. In other words, the imposition of Third-World immigration by a hostile elite harmonizes perfectly with the incubation of Third-World pathologies. Kenan Malik and Spiked never point out that the greatest enemies of free speech, like Labour in Britain and the Democrats in America, are simultaneously the greatest supporters of Third-World immigration. Nor do they point out the rarity and fragility of free speech. Across almost all the world throughout almost all of history, tyrants and religious believers have maintained their power by silencing their critics with violence and imprisonment. Given their own political history, Malik and Spiked should need no reminding that it was the freedom-hating Josef Stalin who triumphed over the freedom-loving Leon Trotsky.

Peril-Sensitive Sunglasses

Not that Trotsky was a genuine lover of freedom. He might well have become a worse tyrant than Stalin if he’d won the battle for supremacy. Malik and Spiked aren’t genuine lovers of freedom either. If they were, they wouldn’t have ignored the horrific murder of Asad Shah for so long. When Tom Slater finally broke that shameful silence at Spiked, he complained that Shah’s “name doesn’t mean much to people in Britain today. But it really should.” I fully agree. That’s why I’ve been writing about the murder of Asad Shah ever since it happened: see here, here, here, here, here, here and here. But alas, I’m a crazed far-right extremist and I don’t have the mainstream audience enjoyed by Spiked and by Kenan Malik at the Observer, the Sunday version of the Guardian. If Kenan & Komrades had written regularly and often about Asad Shah, he would now be much better known. But if they’d done that, they would have contradicted their own bullshit about “multiculturalism” rather than migration being to blame for “Muslim identity politics” in the West.

As I’ve said, that theory falls apart when it’s set against reality. That’s why Kenan Malik, for example, has protested loudly about Uyghur Muslims being persecuted by kaffir communists in China even as he’s ignored the murder of Asad Shah in Glasgow and the fashion-phobic mob in Lahore. If Lewis Carroll and the Marquis de Sade are writing the script for Pakistan, then it’s Douglas Adams (1952–2001), author of the Hitchhiker’s Guide to the Galaxy, who’s writing the script for Kenan & Komrades:

Joo Janta 200 Super-Chromatic Peril-Sensitive Sunglasses have been specially designed to help people develop a relaxed attitude to danger. At the first hint of trouble, they turn totally black and thus prevent you from seeing anything that might alarm you. (From Douglas Adams’ The Restaurant at the End of the Universe (1980), chapter 5)

Metaphorically speaking, Kenan & Komrades have been wearing Joo Janta Peril-Sensitive Sunglasses for decades. But the real problem isn’t that they’re blind to the truth about Islam and Third-World migration, it’s that they see the truth and then refuse to be honest about it. That’s why they’ve ignored so many inconvenient stories about Muslim love of Muhammad and hatred of free speech. As I said above, Lewis Carroll had the upper hand on the dress-script, rather than the Marquis de Sade. But the Marquis had the upper hand on this script for lovers of Muhammad:

A mob in Pakistan tortured, killed and then set on fire a Sri Lankan man who was accused of blasphemy over some posters he had allegedly taken down. Priyantha Diyawadana, a Sri Lankan national who worked as general manager of a factory of the industrial engineering company Rajco Industries in Sialkot, Punjab, was set upon by a violent crowd on Friday.

In horrific videos shared across social media, Diyawadana can be seen being thrown on to the floor, where hundreds began tearing his clothes, violently beating him. He was tortured to death and then his body was burned. Dozens in the crowd can also be seen taking selfies with his dead body. The incident began when rumours emerged that Diyawadana, who had been manager of the factory for seven years, had taken down a poster bearing words from the Qur’an. By the morning, a crowd began to gather at the factory gates and by early afternoon they had charged into the factory and seized Diyawadana. (Man tortured and killed in Pakistan over alleged blasphemy, The Guardian, 3rd December 2021)

If Kenan Malik and Spiked were genuinely concerned with defending free speech, they would write about stories like that. There’s no shortage of them from Pakistan and other Muslim countries. But alas, if Kenan & Komrades wrote about horrific stories like that, they would find it much harder to plug bullshit like this:

Discussions about ideas or social practices or public policy should be as unfettered as possible. But when disdain for ideas or policies or practices become transposed into prejudices about people, a red line is crossed. It’s crossed when castigation of Islamism leads to calls for an end to Muslim immigration. (“Blurring the line between criticism and bigotry fuels hatred of Muslims and Jews,” The Observer, 3rd March 2023)

That’s Kenan Malik in the Sunday version of the Guardian. He wants both discussion about ideas and Muslim immigration to “be as unfettered as possible.” But the murder of Asad Shah proves that “Muslim immigration” is very bad for “discussion of ideas.” That’s why Kenan has ignored the murder of Asad Shah. He’s also ignored the fact that ideas do not have to be accompanied by immigration. Here is an image of a Muslim expressing an idea in India:

A Muslim offers some wholesome head-chopping advice in Hindi script (image from OpIndia)

The Hindi script on the placard reads Gustākh-e-nabi ki ek hi sazā, sar tan se judā, sar tan se judā, which means “For insulting the Prophet, there is only one punishment: cut the head from the body, cut the head from the body!” It’s the same wholesome head-chopping advice that I discussed at the beginning of this article (or nearly the same: it uses nabi for “prophet” rather than rasūl).

That’s the magic of writing, you see: it allows ideas to fly across vast stretches of space and time without any accompanying body or brain. The Muslim is in India, I’m in Britain. I’ve seen his “idea” and I reject it. But alas: Muslims who accept the same idea have colonized Britain in ever-growing numbers. Tanveer Ahmed accepts that idea. That’s why he triumphed in his “discussion” with the heretical Asad Shah in Glasgow. Asad wanted to shake hands with his opponent; Tanveer wanted to murder his opponent. It was Tanveer who won the discussion and who strengthened his violent form of Islam at the expense of Asad’s peaceful form of Islam.

Phony friend of free speech

As Kenan Malik never told you, Asad Shah had been granted asylum in Britain precisely because he was at threat of violence in Pakistan. But Pakistan followed him to Britain thanks to Britain’s insane and evil immigration policies. When you import Third-World people, you inevitably import Third-World pathologies with them. But it isn’t just the murderous intolerance of mainstream Pakistani culture that Britain has imported. It’s also the rape-culture of Pakistan. And the horrible genetic diseases caused by the Pakistani tradition of marrying close relatives. How does Kenan Malik respond to all these pathologies? To the best of his ability, he ignores them completely. But he claims that “a red line is crossed” when those who oppose “Islamism” call for “an end to Muslim immigration.” So there you have Malik’s “red line.” Not the murder of Asad Shah, which he ignored, but any call for an end to Muslim immigration.

In other words, Malik isn’t a genuine friend of free speech and isn’t a genuine opponent of identity politics. That’s why he ignores horrific stories about Muslim intolerance and why he uses weasel-words like “Islamism.” I don’t think murderers like Mumtaz Qadri and Tanveer Ahmed are “Islamists.” I think they’re perfectly mainstream Muslims. I think the same of the Muslims at Glasgow Central Mosque who refused to attend the “anti-extremism event” for Asad Shah and who pronounced a blessing on Mumtaz Qadri, the Martyr with a Machine-Gun.

“Love Muhammad, hate free speech”

But I’m a crazed right-wing extremist, so I’m sure that Kenan Malik won’t take my word for it. That’s fine. He can take the word of his own newspaper instead. In 2011 Saeed Shah, the Guardian’s correspondent in Islamabad, reported that “mainstream religious organisations applauded the murder of Salmaan Taseer, the governor of Punjab, earlier this week and his killer was showered with rose petals as he appeared in court.” In 2014, the Guardian was back with an update: “A mosque named in honour of the killer of a politician who called for the reform of Pakistan’s controversial blasphemy laws is proving so popular it is raising funds to double its capacity.”

Is Kenan Malik wearing his Joo Janta Peril-Sensitive Sunglasses when stories like that make their regular appearance in his own newspaper? Do the sunglasses “turn totally black and thus prevent him from seeing anything that might alarm him”? No, that’s not what happens. The problem with Kenan & Komrades isn’t their eye-wear but their dishonesty and refusal to admit the truth. Murder for Muhammad is mainstream in Islamic countries. Thanks to Muslim immigration, murder for Muhammad is becoming mainstream in Britain too. And in France, where cartoonists have been massacred and a schoolteacher beheaded by yet more imported lovers of Muhammad and haters of free speech. Lying leftists are responsible for those murders. But so are lip-sealed libertarians.

Why Are the Left Pro-Crime?  

I didn’t really understand what the Left’s lax attitude towards crime meant until I was in Berkeley in California last summer. In a branch of Target, anything which cost more than about 20 dollars could not simply be taken off the rack. It was locked onto it in order to prevent theft. You had to ask the shop assistant to remove it for you. This is because petty theft is effectively legal in California. The police are unlikely to investigate any theft of less than about 950 dollars.

I’d never been to California before, and once I realised this, it became clear why prices, such as in restaurants, were sky high compared to other parts of the US: the prices were an insurance policy against theft. Berkeley is a wealthy town, yet the moment I stepped outside my hotel, the stench of human urine and excrement was obvious. Vagrants lined the streets and played loud music in the public library, with nobody attempting to stop them. A fair few lived in tents on the campus of the University of California. Obviously high or drunk and almost certainly schizophrenic, they shouted at or otherwise intimidated passing students. In the Finnish town where I live, theft is practically unheard of and will be prosecuted, vagrancy in non-existent and people who are high in public will be arrested.

Why do the Woke permit criminality to flourish? Do they, somehow, enjoy intimidation on campus, the stench of human excreta and ludicrous prices in restaurants?

As I have discussed before, as pack animals, we have five Moral Foundations.  Conservatives are more group-oriented than liberals. They are more concerned with the moral foundations of in-group loyalty, obedience to authority and sanctity, in contrast to disgust. The latter causes people to react with disgust to that which impacts the group or themselves in a negative manner, including an invasion of outsiders, but also to disease.

People who are left-wing are concerned with the individually-oriented moral foundations of harm avoidance and equality. These allow you, as an individual, to ascend the hierarchy of the group, which was once necessary in order to pass on your genes. By being concerned about harm, you can avoid harm to yourself. By being concerned about equality, you ensure that you get proportionately more of the resources in a species that is highly cooperative.

It is useful to be particularly concerned about these issues if you are at the bottom of the hierarchy and, also, if you are physically weak. They are a means of covertly playing for status. Signalling your concern with them allows you to seem kind and morally good and is, thus, a means, in a pro-social species, of covertly ascending the hierarchy. Overall, conservatives are also concerned with these individually-oriented foundations but liberals are not concerned with the group-oriented foundations. Unsurprisingly, virtue-signalling and signalling your victimhood are associated with being a selfish individualist, with being high in Narcissism and Machiavellianism, for example.

Once you are in a context where individualist foundations are the key Moral Foundations, then power-hungry types—leftists—will competitively signal their interest in these foundations. Runaway concern with harm avoidance means that we have to be concerned about the feelings of the criminal. His criminality is not his fault; it is surely the fault of harm done to him by an unfair and uncaring society (or the fault of his genes), so why should he be punished? In the case of property crime, this is, surely, at least partly the fault of “systemic inequality” against which the looter’s “crime” is a noble form of protest.

According to transwoman American author Vicky, formerly Willie, Osterweil “rioting and looting are our most powerful tools for dismantling white supremacy.” He argues in his book In Defense of Looting: A Riotous History of Uncivil Action that the actions of looters are morally right, presumably until they threaten Osterweil’s property or safety, as it is mostly those of low socioeconomic status who are the victims of such crimes. Thus, for the power hungry leftist, the problems I discussed earlier are a small price to pay for the high social status which such competitive Woke signalling may achieve.

And, for most of them, it is only a small price. Being pro-crime is what Rob Henderson has called a “luxury belief.” It is a belief via which you can signal your Woke credentials while not having to deal with the consequences of your belief. It is also a means of signalling your confidence and wealth: you will experience no difficulties as there is no crime in your area. As Henderson wrote in the New York Post: “In other words, upper-class whites gain status by talking about their high status. When laws are enacted to combat white privilege, it won’t be the privileged whites who are harmed. Poor whites will bear the brunt.”

Even littering and vandalising public property, such as with graffiti—made respectable in among elites by Leftist writer Norman Mailer in the 1970s—are means via which a criminal has been able to express his legitimate grievances. Accordingly, society should not be protected from “traditional criminals” and they should receive only the lightest of sentences, if they must be prosecuted at all. By contrast, people stating that “you cannot become a woman” are challenging “equality” and harming people’s feelings. These people are attacking the dogmas that hold society together and, thus, they must be severely punished.

It is possible that there is a vicarious dimension to why leftists support such criminality. The pleasure of breaking the law is, for some people, a matter of feeling “empowered,” of experiencing a “power rush.” However, the bourgeoisie leftists aren’t really interested in a new television or in daubing graffiti. They are, however, interested in power rushes and fantasies of revolution, specifically “anti-hierarchical aggression,” as research on them has demonstrated. They will identify with criminals and enjoy their criminality vicariously, despite not being criminal in nature themselves, because they want power, they want to overthrow the current power. However, being high in anxiety, as Leftists tend to be, few of them can bring themselves to actually personally break the law.

As I have explored in depth in my book Breeding the Human Herd: Eugenics, Dysgenics and the Future of the Species, anxiety is part of a broader personality trait known as Neuroticism. Being high on this trait means you have strong negative feelings. This means they are resentful, jealous and power-hungry, because they wish to control a world which induces anxiety in them. They hate that which has power; the current “unequal” hierarchy. They deal with their negative feelings via Narcissism; by telling themselves that they are morally superior due to their leftism. But being high in anxiety, they fear a fair fight, so they play for status covertly — in the way that females do — by virtue-signalling about equality and harm avoidance.

The eventual result takes you beyond anything you might experience in Berkeley. It takes you down the road, to Hyde Street in San Francisco, where drugged-up zombies rock back and forth and dance, where people openly take and deal drugs in broad daylight, where people live in the street in tents, and where the street must be hosed down every morning. This runaway individualism will continue until it actually seriously impacts wealthy Woke people and so ceases to be a “luxury belief.”

 

Samefacting Franz Boas – A Review of Charles King’s “Gods of the Upper Air”

Gods of the Upper Air: How a Circle of Renegade Anthropologists Reinvented Race, Sex, and Gender in the Twentieth Century
Charles King
Doubleday, 2019

The description of Charles King at Amazon:

CHARLES KING is the author of seven books, including Midnight at the Pera Palace and Odessa, winner of a National Jewish Book Award. His essays and articles have appeared in the The New York Times, The Washington Post, Foreign Affairs, and The New Republic. He is a professor of international affairs and government at Georgetown University.

We all know the scenario. We see a great cultural shift occurring before our eyes and seek to ascribe a reason. It’s only natural; man is a pattern seeking creature after all. Suppose we see this shift as a net negative and can’t help but notice how a disproportionate number of Jews are behind it. Well, then the Jews and their defenders will most likely respond in two ways: they will downplay the negative (or the Jewish role in it), and they will label their accuser an anti-Semite. On the other hand, if you describe the exact same cultural shift, but as a positive thing—and can’t help but notice all the Jews behind it—well, then you’re all right. The takeaway here is that telling the truth (or not) is less important than whether or not one offends Jews.

I call this phenomenon “samefacting,” and it occurred to me while reading Charles King’s 2019 book Gods of the Upper Air. While the dust jacket summary describes it as a “history of the birth of cultural anthropology,” and while it does emphasize the lives of many of its early gentile adherents (for example, Margaret Mead, Ruth Benedict, Ella Deloria, and Zora Neale Hurston), the book focuses most closely on Franz Boas, the German Jew who founded cultural anthropology as an academic discipline at Columbia University in the 1890s—and who planted the insidious seed of cultural relativism in the Western mind.

Because Kevin MacDonald dedicated a chapter in The Culture of Critique to Franz Boas and Boasian anthropology, readers of The Occidental Observer will want to know how much samefacting is going on between MacDonald and King. Answer: quite a bit.

For example, in chapter two of The Culture of Critique, MacDonald writes:

An important technique of the Boasian school was to cast doubt on general theories of human evolution, such as those implying developmental sequences, by emphasizing the vast diversity and chaotic minutiae of human behavior, as well as the relativism of standards of cultural evaluation. The Boasians argued that general theories of cultural evolution must await a detailed cataloguing of cultural diversity . . .

Just so, claims King:

Without homogenous, easily identifiable “races,” the entire edifice of racial hierarchy crumbled. “The difference between different types of man are, on the whole, small as compared to the range of variation in each type,” Boas concluded. Not only was there no bright line dividing one race from another, but the immense variation within racial categories called into question the utility of the concept itself.

These are same facts, after all. MacDonald and King agree on quite a bit about Franz Boas and his immense contributions to the field of Anthropology. They both recount Boas’ dissent from the prevailing belief that cultures evolve from savagery to barbarism to civilization—with, of course, Nordic Caucasians representing the apotheosis of this process. They both touch on Boas’ abrasive character, his authoritarian control over his students, his irrepressible vigor, and his overtly political and ideological objectives. King states that Boas “wore his political views on his sleeve,” while MacDonald states that Boas and his students were “intensely concerned with pushing an ideological agenda within the American anthropological profession.” They also agree on the cultish nature of the Boasian circle, with MacDonald noting its “high level of ingroup identification, exclusionary policies, and cohesiveness in pursuit of common interests.” For his part, King describes how Boas recruited new anthropologists “with a zeal approaching that of a nascent religion,” and how he excluded certain individuals from his circles, for example Ralph Linton, if they displeased him.

When Ralph Linton, a recently demobilized war veteran, showed up for his doctoral studies dressed in his military uniform, Boas berated him so strongly that Linton soon transferred to a rival program at Harvard. He would later complain that the “Jewish Ring” at Columbia had conspired to keep him down.

In Culture of Critique MacDonald essentially adopts Linton’s perspective in that it is no coincidence that so many of the Boasians were Jews. MacDonald also explicitly states what Linton in the quote above kept implicit—that Boasian behavior accorded with well-known stereotypes of Jews being clannish, stubborn, pushy, and subversive. Oddly, King never disagrees with this. He makes no secret that many of Boas’ students were Jews—in particular, Edward Sapir, Alexander Goldenweiser, Paul Radin, and Melville Herskovits. He portrays Boas at least as being pushy and stubborn. Of Boas’ time at the American Museum of Natural History in the 1890s, King writes

[Boas] had a habit of making himself more respected than liked. His time at the museum had produced new research and exhibitions but also disappointments, professional disagreements, and hurt feelings among his colleagues, who found him confident to a fault, officious, and given to pique.

Further, King describes on many pages how existentially subversive Boas was to the humanities throughout his career. He offers extensive and impeccable evidence of how Boas and his ideological progeny ultimately usurped the race-realists, the Darwinians and the eugenicists who dominated the social sciences at the time. This should come as no surprise, given the subtitle of the book: “How a Circle of Renegade Anthropologists Reinvented Race, Sex, and Gender in the Twentieth Century.”

As with other examples of samefacting, the primary difference is a qualitative one. King praises Boas and trumpets Boasian cultural relativism as a “user’s manual for life” meant to “enliven our moral sensibility.” Meanwhile, MacDonald criticizes Boas and condemns Boasian cultural relativism as scientifically unsound, ethically hypocritical, and ultimately destructive to white majorities since it is the lynchpin for arguments supporting mass immigration.

The question should be whether MacDonald or King is objectively correct—not whether either man likes or dislikes Jews. And a closer analysis of Gods of the Upper Air reveals that Charles King has a lot of work to do to catch up to Kevin MacDonald when it comes to the truth.

As would be expected, King’s book offers much biographical data on Boas. King is a first-rate writer, so if the reader can get past his left-wing biases (which, to be fair, he doesn’t beat anyone over the head with) then Gods of the Upper Air is an engrossing read. King dutifully covers Boas’ upbringing in Germany, his time as a young researcher in the Arctic among the Eskimos, his time as a family man and itinerant scholar in the United States, as well as his triumph at the Chicago World’s Columbian Exposition in 1893. King presents the intellectual zeitgeist of the day with a tolerably low level of slant, accurately recapitulating the arguments of race-realists like Madison Grant and Lothrop Stoddard and of eugenicists such as Henry Goddard and Charles Davenport. It’s as if he’s confident that such reactionary takes on the human condition will refute themselves. He’s evenhanded enough to humanize his villains. For example, he reminds the reader that Grant was a passionate conservationist who singlehandedly prevented the American bison from going extinct. King also does a splendid job in depicting America at the turn of the last century, a time now gone from living memory.

When setting the stage for the 1893 Chicago Exposition, King offers up this delightful little passage:

The Midway Plaisance featured exhibits on the peculiar ways of the world’s peoples, from a Bedouin encampment to a Viennese café, most of them thin disguises for hawkers of merchandize and cheap entertainment. An entire building was devoted solely to the lives and progress of women, while others highlighted advances in agriculture, electrification, and the plastic arts. A new fastener called a zipper made its debut over the six months of the fair’s operation, as did a chewable gum labeled Juicy Fruit, a tall circular ride presented by a Mr. Ferris, a prize-winning beer offered by the Pabst family, and a breakfast dish with the rather confusing name Cream of Wheat.

The flaws of Gods of the Upper Air become manifest as much for what King doesn’t write as for what he does. Boasian cheerleading aside, King basically commits the same sin Stephen Jay Gould committed in his infamous 1981 work The Mismeasure of Man: he’s content to refute race realism as it was a century ago but not how it is today, or even as it was fifty years ago. Further, he cherry picks some of the more egregious mistakes made by race-realist pioneers with their calipers and head measurements and outlandish classification schemes (for example, “Dolichocephalic Nordics” and “Brachycephalic Alpines”). With the confidence of momentum, King then feels he can safely claim that “[h]ow we define intelligence is the result of a social process, not a biological one.” Never once does he mention the research of Arthur Jensen or J. Phillipe Rushton or the mountain of data proving race-realism to be correct—just as he keeps mum about Kevin MacDonald. To mention any of this would require more refutation than Charles King is prepared (or could ever be prepared) to do. So, he chooses to ignore counter-argument and pretend that he and Franz Boas are comfortably on the right side of history—which they are not, because they are wrong.

King is also blind to the central Boasian contradiction (some would say double standard) which requires unreasonably vigorous standards when proving human differences and almost no standards at all when attesting to human sameness. Numerous times, King describes how Boas demanded that his students never jump to conclusions before assessing evidence. At the same time, however, King happily repeats such glib and unproven egalitarian mantras from Boas such as “Cultures are many; man is one.”

It’s about as cowardly as it is dishonest.

Another dishonorable aspect of Gods of the Upper Air is King’s kid-glove treatment of Boas’ star pupil Margaret Mead. King is not so ham-fisted as to portray her as some genius-level forward-thinking visionary, but his sympathetic take on her does come close at times. On page one of the book he describes this interesting and mysterious young woman as having “left behind a husband in New York, a boyfriend in Chicago, and had spent the transcontinental train ride in the arms of a woman.” These are good things, apparently. Mead, who never seemed to take to sexual discipline, learned the term “polygamy” in anthropology class one day, and then dedicated her life to making the Western world less sexually repressive, possibly so she could engage in the practice herself. And she did this by holding up sexually permissive Third World societies as examples. This amounted to solving the “sex problem,” as she called it—even if the societies she fetishized were in reality not as sexually permissive as she claimed. If this sounds sordid, that’s because it was. King doesn’t help matters by delving into the petty social sniping that Mead and her circle constantly engaged in. Sapir, for example, had been Mead’s lover for a time, and never seemed to overcome being spurned by her. He would constantly dismiss her work to their colleagues, and at one point suggested she be fully institutionalized. In 1933, Mead even formed a triangle between her husband Reo Fortune and her lover Gregory Bateson (both anthropologists) while all three were on site in Melanesia. She and Fortune would argue bitterly, even violently. Alcohol, for Fortune at least, was a major component.

Say what you want about Franz Boas, but according to King he was the paragon of class compared to this.

Mead was disciplined enough to work in the field and write about it. She was smart, serious, and prolific. She deserves credit for that. But, given the historical record, King simply cannot get around the woman’s perverse fixation on sex:

Mead, too, wanted to know about people’s lives: how they thought about childhood and aging, what it meant to be an adult, what they thought of as sexual pleasure, whom they loved, when they felt the sting of public humiliation or the gnawing sickness of private shame.

What he does get around to—somewhat—is Mead’s shoddy scholarship. When doing research for her first book Coming of Age in Samoa in 1925, Mead decided to leave the village of Pago Pago on the island of Tutuila because it had been “corrupted” by the influence of Christian missionaries and the American military. She traveled to the more remote island of Ta’u to continue her research. There she occupied a room in the home of an American family. This is how King describes the experience:

She had worried that this might not constitute real fieldwork. As she wrote to Boas, she was torn between the desire to live like a native and the need to have enough quiet time to write notes and reflect on her experiences, something that would have been difficult in an open-sided, communal Samoan house.

She might have been doing anthropology from the veranda—her room consisted of half of the Holts’ back porch, screened off by a thin bamboo barrier—but she was never short of informants. Children and teenagers flocked to her for conversation and impromptu dance parties, arriving as early as five in the morning and staying until midnight.

Later, after a flash of insight which suggested that primitive societies are not as ritualistic as previously believed, she began to question children and teens about sexual practices, including their own. She then claimed to have learned that sex in Samoa was no big deal compared to how it was in the United States. Samoan kids did not seem to suffer the same growing pains as adolescents did where Mead was from. Thus, Mead came to her grand conclusion about the struggles of youth: “The stress is in the civilization, not in the physical changes through which our children pass.” Thusly, nurture surpasses nature.

Now, I am by no means an expert in the history of anthropology, but having read this I knew something was amiss. Yes, King admits that Coming of Age in Samoa “was full of bravado and overstatement, loose argument, and occasionally purple writing—very much like every other work of anthropology written at the time.” He quibbles about Mead’s small sample size and mentions how many Samoans themselves were displeased with Mead’s portrayal of them. But wasn’t there more? I remembered reading that Mead had done some shady things while in Samoa. Sure enough, three volumes in my library (including The Culture of Critique) recounted some of Mead’s less than scholarly practices.

Steven Goldberg in his 1993 work Why Men Rule (the original edition of which, in the 1970s, Margaret Mead herself reviewed), provides an example of how Mead’s conclusions do not follow from her data. Further, Richard Wrangham and Dale Peterson recall in their 1996 work Demonic Males how Mead left Pago Pago not because it “had little left to offer,” as King puts it, but because of (as Mead herself describes in a letter to Boas) the “nervewracking conditions of living with half a dozen people in a house without walls, always sitting on the floor and sleeping in the constant expectation of having a pig or chicken thrust itself upon one’s notice.” Mead had spent ten days in a Samoan household in Pago Pago and decided that that was enough.

King is dishonest for not mentioning this. He is dishonest for not mentioning how police reports from Samoa from the time of Mead’s visit contradict many of her rosy conclusions on sexual violence. He is dishonest also for not mentioning how Mead rarely included primitive war-making or violence (sexual or otherwise) in her analyses. (MacDonald bangs this point home nicely in Culture of Critique.) Finally, King is quite sneaky when he downplays Derek Freeman’s withering criticisms of Mead in a footnote on page 368 rather than in the body of his text.

As for samefacting Franz Boas along the MacDonald-King divide, I found one exception. In Culture of Critique, MacDonald writes that Boas “was deeply alienated from and hostile towards gentile culture, particularly the cultural ideal of the Prussian aristocracy.” As usual, he lists his sources right there on the page (George W. Stocking’s Race, Evolution, and Culture from 1968 and Carl Deglers’ In Search of Human Nature from 1991). Yet, in the early 1880s, when a young Boas had just left Germany on a ship bound for the Arctic where he would do his first anthropological research, he wrote in his diary, “Farewell, my dear homeland! Dear homeland, adieu!” This may not mean much, but I did find it surprising. Perhaps Boas became more alienated as he grew older. King certainly doesn’t report any general animosity from Boas towards gentile culture—but that doesn’t mean there wasn’t any. In Gods of the Upper Air, Boas reserved most of his ire for anyone supporting biological determinism, or who annoyed him personally.

Either way, however, this does lead us to the only episode in Gods of the Upper Air in which Franz Boas is portrayed sympathetically. During the years before America’s entry into the First World War, he was vocally in favor of Germany and against American intervention. Although I don’t challenge Boas’ Jewish identity making up a big part of his character, I wonder if his Jewishness had anything to do with his ardent pro-German stance in 1916. King seems to believe this came as result of Boas’ natural affinity towards his country of birth—which does somewhat challenge MacDonald’s interpretation above. Further, Boas did walk it like he talked it, and suffered major career setbacks after the war for his unpopular, and some would say treasonous, opinions.

Still, it can be argued that Boas’ support for Germany hinged much more on the relatively high degree of emancipation German Jews enjoyed at the time than for anything inherent about Germans or Germany. This would explain why the Germanistic Society of America (for which Boas was secretary at one point) contained so many influential and ethnocentric Jews as members—Jews such as the future Soviet financier Jacob Schiff. Boas’ support for Germany could also be explained by German antagonism toward Czarist Russia during the war. As MacDonald writes in an ongoing revision of Culture of Critique:

It is sometimes argued that a letter from 1916 decrying criticism of Germany during World War I shows the predominance of Boas’s German identity. However, it should be pointed out that by far the most prominent attitude of Diaspora Jewish communities was to oppose Czarist Russia because of its perceived anti-Semitism and thus support the German war effort. For example, immigrant Jews in the U.K. overwhelmingly refused to be drafted into military service because Germany was fighting Russia.

Regardless, this may be the exception that proves the rule. In many ways Kevin MacDonald’s chapter on Franz Boas in The Culture of Critique reads like a condensed version of the Boas chapters in Gods of the Upper Air. The facts are the same—but as it often is with the Jews, it is how you say them that makes all the difference.

Meet Blobamacron: Three Gentile Narcissists with One Jewish Agenda

Mutato nomine, de te fabula narratur. That’s a Latin saying that applies to a trio of once-great Western nations: Britain, America, France. The saying means “With a change of name, the tale is told of thee.” So let’s tell the tale. It goes like this:

A young and charismatic politician dazzles the electorate with promises of change and national renewal. He rides a tide of popular acclaim into the highest office in the land. Now he has the power he sought, but national renewal is slow to arrive. Critics begin to charge him with narcissism and deceit. Rumors circulate about his sexuality. He seems to be happily married, but his wife is peculiar and there are persistent whispers that he’s secretly gay or bisexual. Whatever the truth of that, one thing is certain: he’s deeply in love with the sound of his own voice. Luckily for him, he still has the media with him and he wins big again when he stands for re-election. Alas, his second term proves no more effective than his first. His promises have definitely lost their shine. When he leaves office, the voters he once dazzled are now deeply disillusioned.

Meet Blobamacron: the three narcissistic shabbos goyim Blair, Obama and Macron (images from Wikipedia)

That is, of course, the tale of Tony Blair in Britain. But it’s also the tale of Barack Obama in America. And the tale of Emmanuel Macron in France. These three politicians are so similar that you could give them a single name: Blobamacron. It’s as though Clown World has applied the same script three times in three different countries and found three almost identical actors to play the leading role. A deceitful narcissist rumored to be secretly gay first dazzles, then disillusions. After that, he leaves office and becomes very rich. The script isn’t quite finished in France, because Macron hasn’t left office, but he’s already deep into the stage of disillusion. The voters he once dazzled now understood that they were deceived.

Tony Blair performs the goy-grovel overseen by Jewish supremacist and alleged child-rapist Greville Janner (image © PA Wire/Press Association Images)

That’s why Whites in France may react to Clown World’s script in the same way as Whites in America did: by next electing someone that Clown World hates. In America Barack Obama promised racial healing and an end to national division. He delivered the opposite. So Whites elected Donald Trump. In France, Macron promised the same as Obama and, like Obama, has delivered the opposite. Like Blacks in America, Muslims and other non-Whites in France are preying on Whites worse than ever. So disillusioned French Whites may next elect the “far right” Marine Le Pen (born 1968) as president. I hope they do, but I fear that Marine could prove as disappointing in office as Meloni has in Italy. That’s Giorgia Meloni, the “far right” leader who entered power loudly promising to reverse the tide of non-White migration and has instead allowed it to rise even higher. She was called a fascist tiger; she’s proving to be Clown World’s lapdog.

The world’s most important question

Will Marine Le Pen prove the same? We shall see. One thing is certain: she’s done her best to distance herself from her father, Jean-Marie Le Pen (born 1928). He was a tough ex-paratrooper who spoke his mind when he was leader of the Front National. That’s what destroyed his chances of becoming president, because one of the things he spoke his mind about was the Holocaust. He said that it was a “detail of history.” Demonized as an antisemite, Jean-Marie was destroyed as a politician. His daughter got the message loud and clear. She knows that she has to appease Jews to have any chance of power. That’s why she’s been so determined to prove that her presidency will answer the world’s most important question in the affirmative.

And what is the world’s most important question? Simple. It runs like this: “Is it good for Jews?” Marine Le Pen wants Jews in France to look at her renamed party and say “Oui!” In other words, she’s been performing the goy-grovel:

When more than 100,000 people marched in Paris against antisemitism on 12 November [2023], one participant attracted particular notice: Marine Le Pen, leader of the far-Right Rasssemblement National (“National Rally”). As many recall, the party’s founder, and her father Jean-Marie, was himself a notorious antisemite, and counted veterans of the Waffen SS among his early cadres. Was it possible that Marine’s party had showed up for the wrong march?

In fact, the RN leader has been denouncing a “new antisemitism” for many years, and trying to build Jewish support for the party. She instigated the party’s greatest rupture with its own past in 2015 when she expelled Jean-Marie from it, and has increasingly sold herself as French Jews’ “shield against Islamist ideology”, in the words of her co-leader, Jordan Bardella. But for much of France, the far-Right is still built upon and tainted by antisemitism. Le Pen’s change of position is certainly strategic; whether it is a genuine change of heart is a different question. (“Will Marine Le Pen defend French Jews?,” Unherd, 23rd November, 2023)

There has been a “march against antisemitism” in Paris for the same reason as there has been a “march against antisemitism” in London. As I pointed out in “Israel über Alles,” Jews imported Muslims and other non-Whites as “natural allies” in the Jewish war against the White Christian West. Since October 7 and the Hamas attacks on Israel, Jews have realized with dismay that their “natural allies” are in fact their natural enemies. Antisemitism has risen to horrifying levels all over the West and the political elite in Britain, America, and France have been denouncing it more loudly than ever. Because Marine Le Pen wants to join the political elite, she’s been denouncing it too.

“The first Jewish president”

She learnt the necessity of appeasing Jews from what happened to her father. But she could also have learnt it from Blobamacron. Tony Blair, Barack Obama, and Emmanuel Macron all won high office by serving Jewish interests and performing the goy-grovel eagerly and often. Blair’s thuggish and Machiavellian press-secretary Alastair Campbell once told the Jewish Chronicle that Blair “was conscious of the need to have very, very good relations” with “the Jewish community.” Blair was surrounded with Jews both before and after he won high office, just like Obama in America:

Writer Toni Morrison famously dubbed [the eminently blackmailable — because of his close association with Jeffrey Epstein] Bill Clinton “the first black president” — a title he fervently embraced. [A theme here is that Blobamacron are eminently blackmailable by the Mossad; the same goes for Clinton because of his close association with Jeffrey Epstein and Joe Biden because of his financial corruption with the Chinese.] Abner Mikva, the Chicago Democratic Party stalwart and former Clinton White House counsel, offers a variation on that theme. “If Clinton was our first black president, then Barack Obama is our first Jewish president,” says Mikva, who was among the first to spot the potential of the skinny young law school graduate with the odd name.

“I use a Yiddish expression, yiddishe neshuma, to describe him,” explains Mikva. “It means a Jewish soul. It’s an expression my mother used. It means a sensitive, sympathetic personality, someone who understands where you are coming from.” … “As Jews got to know him, they recognized a kindred spirit, not someone who came down from Mars,” Mikva said. Rabbi Arnold Wolf, of KAM Isaiah Israel synagogue across the street from Obama’s Chicago home, was another early backer. Like Mikva, he sees what he called Obama’s “Jewish side.”

“Obama is from nowhere and everywhere — just like the Jews. He’s black, he’s white, he’s American, he’s Asian, he’s African — and so are we,” Wolf said.

Certainly, Obama is comfortable with Jews, especially Jews from Chicago. Axelrod will remain at his side as senior adviser, and Rep. Rahm Emanuel will be White House chief of staff. Billionaire Penny Pritzker, who has known Obama since the mid-1990s and served as his campaign finance chairwoman, was said to be under consideration for commerce secretary until she took herself out of the running. (Barack Obama: The first Jewish president? Chicago circle nurtured him all the way to the top, The Chicago Tribune, 12th December 2008)

And as Obama schmoozed Jews in America, Macron was doing the same in France: in 2008, he became an investment banker at Rothschild & Cie Banque. He performed the goy-grovel and was rewarded with the presidency. He’s never stopped grovelling. Indeed, he grovelled so hard in December 2023 that even some Jews were embarrassed by it. In blatant disregard of the long French tradition of secularism, Macron stood beside the chief rabbi of France as the rabbi lit a Hanukkah candle in a ceremony at the Elysée Palace, home of the French president and supposed heart of French democracy. Yonathan Arfi, the president of the Representative Council of French Jewish Institutions (CRIF), joined the storm of protest that followed. Arfi said that Macron had committed an “error” and that “It’s not the place, within the Elysée, to light a Hanukkah candle, because the republican DNA is to stay away from anything religious.”

Mossad and Macron

In other words, Arfi was worried that Macron was making his subservience to Jews too obvious. Yiddish has a phrase for it: shande far di goyim, “shame in front of the gentiles.” It means that something harmful or embarrassing for Jews has been revealed to gentiles. But Jewish control of Macron may reside precisely in their ability to shame him before the world. As I pointed out above, one of the similarities between Blair, Obama, and Macron is that all three are rumored to be secretly gay or bisexual. That similarity may be essential, not incidental, because being secretly gay would make the three goyim highly susceptible to blackmail. Macron’s wife Brigitte is 24 years older than him and a documentary on BFM, “France’s most popular TV news channel,” has said that she once “received an anonymous telephone call alleging that her president husband Emmanuel Macron was with a gay lover.” Whether or not the allegation was true, Israeli intelligence has almost certainly done the same in France as it has done using Jeffrey Epstein in America. Epstein gathered blackmail material on the American elite for Israel. That’s part of why Jewish control of American politics and media is so complete.

Secularism shmecularism: Emmanuel Macron looks shifty as France’s chief rabbi lights a Hanukkah candle at the  Elysée Palace (image from BBC and Mendel Samama)

Does Mossad have videos and recordings of Macron travelling on the Hershey Highway? If it does, that would certainly explain his slavish dedication to serving Jewish interests. Mutato nomine, “with a change of name,” the same would be true of the rumored-to-be-secretly-gay Blair and Obama. Spying and blackmail are Jewish specialities. That’s part of why so many people are suspicious about the “surprise attack” by Hamas on Israel. Before the attack, the Gaza Strip was one of the most closely surveilled and monitored territories on earth. Israeli spying agencies like Unit 8200 have routinely spied on homosexual Palestinians and blackmailed them into working against their own people. Has Israel applied the same blackmail techniques to Blobamacron? I suspect so. I also suspect that Israel applied those techniques to one of Tony Blair’s predecessors as British prime minister and leader of the Labour party. During the Jewish hysteria about Jeremy Corbyn’s “antisemitism,” a Jewish historian called Robert Philpot published an article in the Times of Israel that looked back to a happier era:

Harold Wilson may be less well-known internationally than Margaret Thatcher or Tony Blair, but he dominated British politics for much of the 1960s and 1970s — and remains the only modern-day prime minister to win four general elections. … Famously pragmatic — critics claimed unprincipled — the former prime minister’s name became for a time synonymous with the wheeler-dealing and political game-playing in which he undoubtedly reveled. As one contemporary newspaper columnist suggested, Wilson’s image was “a dark serpentine crawling trimmer, shifty and shuffling, devious, untrustworthy, constant only in the pursuit of self-preservation and narrow party advantage.” For the historian Dominic Sandbrook, Wilson was “a brilliant opportunist.”

There was, however, a limit to Wilson’s alleged opportunism. As the left wing and veteran Zionist Labour MP, Ian Mikardo, once argued: “I don’t think Harold … [had] any doctrinal beliefs at all. Except for one, which I find utterly incomprehensible, which is his devotion to the cause of Israel.” Wilson’s leadership arguably marked the high point of the relationship between Labour and British Jews, a bond which has today been strained by Jeremy Corbyn’s strident anti-Zionism and the allegations of anti-Semitism which continue to rock the party. (“When the UK’s left-wing prime minister was one of Israel’s closest friends,” The Times of Israel, 30th March 2019)

Harold Wilson, “devious,” “untrustworthy,” and a staunch Friend of Israel (image from Labour Friends of Israel)

Why did the “veteran Zionist” Ian Mikardo think that Wilson’s “devotion” to Israel was “utterly incomprehensible”? Mikardo was himself Jewish and presumably realized that Wilson wasn’t a natural philosemite. But perhaps that unshakeable Zionism was only “incomprehensible” to those without the full facts. But if Israel was blackmailing the “devious” and “untrustworthy” Wilson, his devotion becomes perfectly comprehensible. Tony Blair is also “devious,” “untrustworthy,” and a staunch Friend of Israel. And like Blair, Wilson had a close Jewish associate who became involved in a financial scandal. Blair’s associate Lord Levy was investigated, but not prosecuted and jailed, for allegedly selling honors to rich Jews who made secret donations to the Labour party. Wilson’s associate Lord Kagan actually was jailed for fraud when he was “forced to return to England” after seeking refuge (can you guess where?) in Israel.

The parallels between Blair and Wilson don’t end there. Both of them became leader of the Labour party only after the unexpected and premature death of the previous leader. As Wikipedia puts it: “The shock of [Hugh] Gaitskell’s death [in 1963] was comparable to that of the sudden death of the later Labour Party leader John Smith, in May 1994, when he too seemed to be on the threshold of [becoming prime minister].” Fancy that! Those staunch Friends of Israel Wilson and Blair both reached the highest office in the land thanks to a lucky accident. Of course, it wasn’t lucky for Hugh Gaitskell or John Smith. But it was lucky for Wilson and Blair. And even luckier for Israel, which had warm friends in power instead of the more distant Gaitskell and Smith.

Labour’s toxic transformation

So did Israel assassinate Gaitskell and Smith to clear the path to power for its shabbos goyim Wilson and Blair? Well, I started this article with some Latin, so I’ll end it and answer the question with some Italian: se no è vero, è ben trovato. That roughly means: “If it’s not true, it should be.” History clearly proves that Wilson and Blair displayed slavish “devotion to the cause of Israel.” But it also proves that neither displayed any devotion at all to the cause of the White working-class. Under Harold Wilson, the Labour party, founded to champion the White working-class, began to turn into a dedicated enemy of the White working-class.

By the time Tony Blair entered Downing Street, that transformation from champion to enemy was complete. The transformation was overseen by Jews and carried out by shabbos goyim. That’s why it would make a perfect story if Israel did indeed assassinate Gaitskell and Smith to put Wilson and Blair into office. Jews hate Whites and their shabbos goyim know that they have to harm Whites once they get into power. Harming Whites is precisely what Harold Wilson and Blobamacron have done.

Great Variance: Jewish use of atrocity stories attributed to Russian pogroms

By the beginning of the 20th century, a narrative in which these recently-immigrated Jews were refugees from Russian persecution and anti-Jewish violence had become commonplace. As David Cesarani has described, this was always largely mythical:

The anti-Jewish riots in Russia and the anti-Jewish legislation that followed triggered a wave of mass migration from the Tsarist Empire to Western Europe, America and South Africa. Between 1880 and 1914, about 2.5 million Jews migrated westward. Only a part of this migration was a direct result of the pogroms: most of it was economic migration. Jews had been leaving Russia and Poland steadily since the 1870s owing to the pressure of population on jobs and resources in the Pale [of Settlement]. The riots, which were anyway confined to two periods in 1881–2 and 1903–06, were localised. In the first period, the north-west of Russia was unaffected, yet it was from here that the bulk of emigrants departed. Similarly, Galicia in Austria-Hungary exported tens of thousands of Jews, but they left a region untouched by riots and in which Jews were full citizens.1

The success of the atrocity-and-refugee narrative in Britain owed primarily to the sustained efforts of a network of interests increasingly committed to assisting the westward migration of Jews. This network centred on well-connected, intermarried and enormously wealthy members of the so-called Anglo-Jewish Cousinhood, including the Goldsmid, Mocatta, Rothschild, Montefiore, Sassoon, Cohen, Nathan, Samuel, Montagu and Henriques families. Collectively, they operated through organisations including the Board of Deputies of British Jews, founded in 1760, the Jewish Chronicle newspaper, founded in 1841, the charitable Jewish Board of Guardians, founded in 1859, and the Anglo-Jewish Association, founded in 1871. Anglo-Jewry increasingly acted simply as Jewry, a separate community enjoying propinquity with the powerful but concerned with the global Jewish nation and working to influence British foreign policy to promote Jewish interests worldwide.2 As Sharman Kadish describes,

The ‘Conjoint’ Committee of the Board of Deputies and the Anglo-Jewish Association had been set up in 1878. It acted as the ‘Foreign Office’ of the Anglo-Jewish community. A clearing house for information which reached the community about the situation of Jews abroad, it compiled reports and memoranda and cultivated channels of communication with the real Foreign Office, in the hope that the latter could be prevailed upon to intercede on behalf of Jews overseas should the need arise (the policy of shtadlanut).3

Reports of Russian persecution of Jews by Joseph Jacobs in The Times were credited as sparking the pogrom controversy in January 1882. They prompted meetings at Mansion House and the Guildhall, at which at least £200,000 was donated; these donations were collected into the Mansion House Fund, which the Board of Guardians and other organisations drew upon to help Jews settle in London or travel on to the USA. A Mansion House Committee was formed and was soon renamed the Russo-Jewish Committee (RJC), with Julian Goldsmid as chairman and Jacobs as secretary. Fellow journalist and Jewish activist Lucien Wolf amplified Jacobs’ efforts in the press and worked to co-ordinate the efforts of the AJA and the Board of Deputies of British Jews. Bishops, cardinals, authors and celebrities of the day were won to the cause by the atrocity reports.4

Benjamin Disraeli as Prime Minister had narrowly been prevented from starting a war against Russia in 1877-8, and anti-Russian propaganda was already commonplace in parts of the British press.5 According to John Klier the Times “habitually described it as ‘a backward country, which has not yet worked its way to the level of European life’. The paper had begun a low-level campaign against Russian mistreatment of the Jews even before the outbreak of the pogroms.”6 The Times was at pains to condemn the Russian government at least as early as 1880. The Telegraph, owned by Harry Levy-Lawson, began to promote the same line with even greater fervour. The Jewish World then, between July and October 1881, published reports from an unnamed Special Correspondent which “portrayed the pogroms dramatically, as great in scale and inhuman in their brutality”, including rape and murder of Jews on a large scale across many locations. According to Klier, “[M]any of his claims, such as the enormous number of rapes, are unconfirmed or flatly contradicted by the archival record. … His account most resembles a compilation of hearsay evidence, very little of it collected from first-hand observers. His atrocity reports, in particular, must be viewed with extreme caution.”7

The atrocity claims that began in the Jewish World had no basis in any Russian source and appear to have been the creation of an international activist network already assembled when the violence began; the perception of Jews living and dying in miserable oppression dovetailed with an organised effort to instigate and fund Jewish migration to Western countries, primarily the USA. As Klier writes, “The emigration movement represented the coming of age of the modern Jewish press. […] The period witnessed pioneering efforts to use the Jewish press for propagandistic purposes. […] [T]he proponents of emigration proved particularly skillful in this regard. Very influential too were the widely reprinted exhortations of the Memel rabbi Dr. Yitzhak Rülf, who emphasized Russian atrocities in order to mobilize an international relief and protest movement.”8 Rülf had been ‘interceding’ (shtadlanut) on behalf of beleaguered Jews through the 1870s, publicising claims of Jewish starvation in Poland and supporting the efforts of the Alliance Israélite Universelle (AIU) to encourage Jewish emigration to the USA.9 The Jewish World correspondent’s salacious account of violence in Borispol “was widely disseminated by Rabbi Rülf both in Russia and abroad. As he put it, ‘the history of the world may well be declared to contain no parallels of the Russian anti-Jewish outrages.’ Through 1882, he also spread “sensationalized accounts of mass rape”. The Jewish World joined the Times and Telegraph in blaming the Russian government, characterising the Russian peasantry as dirty and ignorant dupes easily incited against Jewry as convenient scapegoats.

As emigration became more viable, many Jews opted for it, whether they had experienced rioting or not.

Relief funds that were set up to assist pogrom victims became the target of appeals from what would be called, in contemporary parlance, “economic migrants.” […] The desire of some emigrants to assert their status as pogrom victims may also account for the exaggerated tales of atrocities that they told. Certainly the American authorities charged with dealing with refugees expressed their skepticism about the authenticity of some self-proclaimed victims.10

Organisations involved in assisting migrants were concerned that “many of the refugees had been lured by extravagant promises of assistance and ‘glowing accounts of America given them by persons interested in inducing them to emigrate’”.11

In January 1882, the RJC persuaded the Times to publish articles which were “substantially a compendium of atrocity stories taken from the columns of the Special Correspondent of the Jewish World. Garnished with the prestige of The Times and devoid of any further attribution, subsequently published as a separate pamphlet, and translated into a variety of European languages, the account became the definitive Western version of the pogroms.” Of the Times’ editorials alongside the RJC articles, Klier says that “Russia was urged to ‘put an end to these enormities… If they are unwilling, the Russian government must be held responsible for all the crimes – some of them as atrocious as any recorded in history – which have been accomplished by letting loose the hatred of Orthodox mobs’.” Other papers then began to parrot the Jewish World reports.12

Jewish parliamentarians led by George de Worms agitated for the Russian government to be held responsible. The Foreign Office tasked its consuls in Russia to assemble their own reports on the violence, which they did without the involvement of intercessors. The consuls’ reports were at “great variance” to those in the Times, especially on the claims of rape. Other correspondents also contradicted the Times’ reports. In response, the Times stooped as low as to aver that “the indignation of this country is justified to the fullest degree, even if, as seems to be the case, there is ground for thinking that the most villainous misdeeds are in part the creations of popular fancy”.13 The paper then collaborated with the RJC on further editorials discrediting the consuls, flattering the public and informing their readers that Jews in Russia were “hated by the populace for their success” before publishing further atrocity reports from anonymous sources.14

The Foreign Office consuls responded to their disparagement in the Times with another set of reports justifying and explaining their earlier findings. As Andrew Joyce describes,

The Consuls were outraged. [Consul-General] Stanley reiterated the fact that his intensive investigations, which he carried out at great personal cost with a serious leg injury, illustrated that The Times’ accounts of what took place at each of those places contains the greatest exaggerations, and that the account of what took place at some of those places is absolutely untrue.15

Fortunately for the RJC, though, more severe violence in Balta in April 1882 could be used to support their narrative. As Klier describes, the British vice-consul visited the town in the aftermath and reported large-scale destruction of property. British consuls also informed the Foreign Office that at least one official Russian publication had understated the scale of violence in some areas. The Times declared the matter settled. The rest of the press, having already copied the Jewish World reports, welcomed the putative confirmation of their narrative. “In the public mind,” says Klier, “the Balta pogrom served to confirm all previous claims.”16 Thus did the RJC’s narrative prevail, and was built upon in the subsequent decades. The New York Times played the same role in the USA.

The eager and combative participation of both Britain and the USA’s ‘newspapers of record’ in publicising false atrocity stories is remarkable, as is the credence given to the Jewish World’s reports by them and the broader press. As Klier says, “the archival records relating to the pogrom in Balta do contain claims of rape. It is virtually the only pogrom, though, where this is actually the case.”17 In almost all the other riots, Christians targeted Jewish property for looting or destruction; bodily harm usually occurred in drunken fights. “And yet” continues Klier, “the high incidence of rape was widely reported in Western accounts of the pogroms, especially those provided by Jewish groups.”18 The editors of the Times and New York Times appear to have chosen which accounts to credit based on considerations far removed from those of journalism.

In the decades since, the media and politicians have become ever more supportive than they were in 1882 of the interests who formed the RJC and enabled Jewish migration. The refugee narrative has endured as a largely undisputed canard and is employed today as a pretext for open borders policies. Jewish groups in Western countries frequently cite their own purported refugee background as a laudable motive for assisting other refugees (defined to include all illegal immigrants) to settle in those countries (not Israel). The Board of Deputies of British Jews is one of many examples, while the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS) and the International Rescue Committee (IRC) are two based in the US. HIAS proudly calls itself “the world’s oldest refugee organisation” and urges Western populations to “Welcome the stranger. Protect the refugee.” Subsequent articles in this series will examine the impact on the West of the 19th century Jewish immigrants and their descendants.

Reposted with permission from HORUS. Horus is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support his work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

1 The Left and the Jews, David Cesarani, p41
2 See The Rise of Modern Jewish Politics, C.S. Monaco
3 Bolsheviks and British Jews, Sharman Kadish, p60
4 Russians, Jews and the Pogroms of 1881-2, John Doyle Klier, p374

5 Disraeli as Prime Minister (1874-1880) had committed Britain to supporting the Ottoman Empire as an obstacle against a potential Russian challenge to British control of India and the Suez Canal (he had also arranged the British state’s purchase of a controlling stake in the canal in 1875 with a loan from Lionel de Rothschild). The trigger for the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-8 was a Turkish slaughter of Bulgarians. Disraeli publicly mocked and dismissed the reports and his cabinet narrowly prevented him from waging war against Russia. The Times, evidently having no principled objection to crimes against civilians, sided with Disraeli and the Ottomans.

Russia had fought the war for implicitly ‘pan-Slav’ reasons. Pan-Slavism among veterans of the war was cited as a motive for anti-Jewish rioting by the Jewish World correspondent mentioned below [Klier, p403]. Veterans were “a notable element in almost every pogrom.” [Klier, p51]. Klier also mentions that the Russian journal Kievlianin editorialised after the riots that “Jews should be barred from holding state contracts to provision the armed forces, a concern which harked back to military procurement scandals during the recent Russo-Turkish War.” The Levin Memorandum, produced by upper-class Jewry in Russia, blamed pan-Slavism and broader Russian nationalism for the riots and implied that the state should act against the nationalist movement. Pan-Slavism and distrust of Jewry appear to have been strongly coincident.

6 Russians, Jews and the Pogroms of 1881-2, John Doyle Klier, p398-9
7 ibid., p401
8 ibid., p296
9 ibid., p365
10 ibid., p371
11 ibid., p373
12 ibid., p404
13 ibid., p405
14 ibid., p407
16 ibid., p409
17 ibid., p47

18 ibid., p66-7

 

James Edwards Interviews Filip Dewinter

What follows is an interview conducted by James Edwards with Filip Dewinter, a Member of the Flemish Parliament in Belgium.

James Edwards: You were first elected to office in 1987, when you were just 25 years old. Since 1995 you have held a seat as a Member of the Flemish Parliament. What are your signature issues?

Filip Dewinter: I think it’s the duty of a politician to be controversial if they truly want to make a difference. Topics like immigration, the rise of crime, and the deterioration of the welfare state are issues that have always been the closest to my heart. And yes, it’s not always easy to speak out about these sensitive topics because once you do, the left-liberal media immediately brands you as racist, fascist, or whatever ad hominem attack that’s in vogue at the time. Whoever talks about politically incorrect topics is immediately branded as the bad guy. Regardless of what they call me, however, I continue to speak up about what topics I view to be most important.

Edwards: You are a very well-known and unabashed advocate for the historic European majority in your country, and you cruise to reelection whenever you are challenged. How have you been able to turn your unapologetic pro-European positions into a political asset?

Dewinter: We oppose mass immigration and the ideology that makes mass immigration possible: multiculturalism. As the opposition politicians, we are the stick, the watchdog of democracy. We have put many issues on the political agenda: political corruption, asylum and migration, and fighting crime. Of course, you never get credit for that, but often other parties copy your views and run with your success. My generation and I were the icebreakers who had to build the path with a pick and shovel. That meant that sometimes we had to hit hard, provoke, and take quite radical positions.

Edwards: Vlaams Belang, the political party you have long been associated with, is currently the most popular party in Flanders, correct?

Dewinter: Yes, right now Vlaams Belang is currently polling in first place, between 25% and 30%. That said, we still have some months to go until the election. It is obvious, however, that our ideas are becoming mainstream. Our opponents, the old, mainstream parties, along with mainstream media, say that our ideas are extreme, provocative, and so on. Maybe it is they who’ve become extreme, and we are the mainstream now! After all, how can a party be considered extreme or radical when, out of all the other parties, it enjoys the most public support? It’s worth noting that this phenomenon isn’t only happening in Flanders but in many other countries across Europe.

Edwards: Can you address the liberal-left concept of multiculturalism in Europe? What are the essential values of the various European nations and how can Europeans be protected in the future?

Dewinter: For many decades, the progressive left has been trying to force multiculturalism upon us. Through an open-borders policy that facilitates mass immigration, they want to realize the “Great Replacement.” This means that the native European people are replaced by a melting pot of all kinds of cultures.

In practice, European cultures are disappearing and being replaced by Islamic culture. That cannot and must not be the intention.

Essential to our European identity is the diversity of the European people and their specific cultures. There is a lot of diversity in Europe. Not the so-called multicultural diversity in which non-European civilizations are forced upon us, but the real diversity of “The Europe of 100 flags,” each representing a unique nation and people.

We can only preserve our diverse European culture, which is Christian and Western and is based on human rights and the values of the Enlightenment (free speech, democracy, equality between men and women, separation between church and state), if we also respect the cultures of the ethnic minorities in Europe.

Edwards: What are the main threats to European identities and cultures?

Dewinter: The main threat to our European culture and certainly the smaller cultures is, of course, the mass immigration forced upon us by the EU and the globalist elite. The “Great Replacement” is imminent. The native European people are in danger of being replaced by Third World people. And whoever brings in the Third World becomes the Third World.

Everything that has to do with identity and cultural uniqueness must apparently be destroyed. Racism has become a pretext to undo our European identity and cultural uniqueness and replace it with multiculturalism and the melting pot society. As always when socialism strives for equality, this means a downward leveling. This cultural genocide must end.

Edwards: You have a new book out titled Repopulation: The Great Replacement. Our opponents allege that it is a “myth” or a “conspiracy theory” to point out that the European populations are being replaced in their homelands by others. What say you?

Dewinter: This is yet another attempt to stifle debate. Stick the label “racist,” “fascist,” “anti-Semite,” or “conspiracy theorist” on your opponent and the debate is closed. Anyone who has eyes in their head and is not multiculturally blind will find that repopulation is not a conspiracy theory, but a simple empirical observation that everyone makes when you walk around any metropolis in Western Europe. You then see the repopulation around you, full stop.

Edwards: Why did you feel it necessary to write about the Great Replacement?

Dewinter: I thought it was necessary to write this book because I don’t think the greatest danger to our democracy and to our civilization is tyranny — it’s mass immigration. If you really look at the situation at hand, the quality of life, the overburden on our welfare state, the rise of crime, and the quality of our education system, these issues are inextricably linked to immigration. Therefore, I think that mass immigration, and of course also the ideology that pushes for mass immigration, is the greatest threat.

If mass immigration continues at its current levels for much longer it will be the end of our European civilization. Demographically, Europeans will cease to be politically, culturally, and economically relevant.

Edwards: In what ways is Islam incompatible with Western civilization?

Dewinter: It is clear that Islamic ideology and Islamic culture are not compatible with our Western way of life and our European culture and civilization. We stand for the values of European civilization—freedom of speech, the separation of state and church, the equality between men and women, and democracy. We clearly need a revitalization of those values. In that regard, the rise of Muslim extremism has had one positive consequence: these fanatics have made us stop taking our traditions and cultural mores for granted.

As a result, Europe is nearly ready to start a civilizational moral offensive, based on the foundations of our greatness: Rome, Greece, Christianity, humanism, and the Enlightenment. These are the common European values that need to be promoted rather than the warped tenets of multiculturalism or the crude, dusty dogmas of Islamism.

Edwards: You wrote a previous book Inch’Allah? The Islamization of Europe, which was translated into English. What is this book all about?

Dewinter: Inch’Allah? is an account of radical Islam’s inroads into Europe. The book reveals the true nature of Islam which, unlike other faiths, also comprises a dangerous totalitarian ideology, contrary to European freedoms, values, and standards. While Europeans are being lulled by multicultural indoctrination and propaganda, mass immigration serves as a Trojan horse of Islam.

By means of a cunning ghetto strategy, based on the deliberate formation of Muslim enclaves in our cities, Islam seeks to establish bridgeheads from which the only true belief can be promulgated. Radical Islam has chosen the path of conversion, infiltration, agitation, intimidation, and, if necessary, violence. Left unchecked, the demographic, cultural, and military jihad will totally transform Europe into Eurabia.

The third Muslim invasion is in full swing, but the tide can still be turned. It is not too late to bring an end to the Islamic colonization of Europe. Therefore, instead of embracing Islam and multiculturalism, Europe must pull itself together and stop the influx of ever more immigrants, halt the silent advance of Islam, and instead celebrate and propagate its own priceless cultural identity.

Edwards: Racism, xenophobia, Islamophobia — the accusations are always the same. Those who are critical of immigration are immediately accused of being a racist. What is your comment on that?

Dewinter: First and foremost, do not forget that in Western Europe and almost all major cities the population transition is already a fact. In Brussels, Paris, Amsterdam, London, and so many other large cities, the original native population has been replaced by a mixture of Third World people. The elected politicians in these cities and countries are therefore indebted to these new voters with all the consequences that entails. They are saying what these imported voters want to hear and try to outdo each other as the best and the most radical anti-racist.

Anti-racism and anti-discrimination are the new politically correct buzzwords for witch-hunting and exorcism. In the past, alleged heretics and witches were burned at the stake. Today, the same is done with so-called racists and patriots. As a politician, it is enough to be critical of immigration to be boycotted in the media, bombarded with lawsuits and legal proceedings, and treated as a political pariah. In the Middle Ages, this also happened to anyone who claimed that the Earth was not flat but round.

Edwards: What’s next for Filip Dewinter?

Dewinter: Continue my work as a politician on what is important for the Western people, namely protecting our values and standards for our own people first.

This article was originally published by American Free Press – America’s last real newspaper! Click here to subscribe today or call 1-888-699-NEWS!

Notes on Natural Allies: Applying Orwell’s Insights to the War in Gaza

If you’ve never read George Orwell’s “Notes on Nationalism,” you really should. It’s one of his most important and insightful essays. It’s also one of the most unsettling. If you can read it without questioning your own motives and feeling self-doubt, you must be either a saint or a psychopath. Orwell was describing the 1930s and 1940s, but he also captured the 2020s. That’s because the essay is about political psychology and what we would today call identity politics.

Orwell called it “nationalism” and talked about the way human beings can feel passionate attachment to, or aversion from, something larger than themselves. That something might be a real nation or might be a race or ideology or religion. Orwell is careful to stress that nationalism in the sense he’s using can be positive or negative. Either way, it warps intellect, corrupts morality, and destroys any concern for truth and objective reality. This is one of the most famous passages in the essay:

INDIFFERENCE TO REALITY. All nationalists have the power of not seeing resemblances between similar sets of facts. A British Tory will defend self-determination in Europe and oppose it in India with no feeling of inconsistency. Actions are held to be good or bad, not on their own merits, but according to who does them, and there is almost no kind of outrage — torture, the use of hostages, forced labour, mass deportations, imprisonment without trial, forgery, assassination, the bombing of civilians — which does not change its moral colour when it is committed by ‘our’ side. The Liberal News Chronicle published, as an example of shocking barbarity, photographs of Russians hanged by the Germans, and then a year or two later published with warm approval almost exactly similar photographs of Germans hanged by the Russians. …

The nationalist not only does not disapprove of atrocities committed by his own side, but he has a remarkable capacity for not even hearing about them. For quite six years the English admirers of Hitler contrived not to learn of the existence of Dachau and Buchenwald. And those who are loudest in denouncing the German concentration camps are often quite unaware, or only very dimly aware, that there are also concentration camps in Russia. Huge events like the Ukraine famine of 1933, involving the deaths of millions of people, have actually escaped the attention of the majority of English russophiles [sic]. Many English people have heard almost nothing about the extermination of German and Polish Jews during the present war. Their own antisemitism has caused this vast crime to bounce off their consciousness. In nationalist thought there are facts which are both true and untrue, known and unknown. A known fact may be so unbearable that it is habitually pushed aside and not allowed to enter into logical processes, or on the other hand it may enter into every calculation and yet never be admitted as a fact, even in one’s own mind. (“Notes on Nationalism,” 1945)

Orwell wrote that at the end of the Second World War, but his words apply perfectly to Israel’s war on Gaza and the way various groups are reacting to it. Some people rabidly support Israel, some rabidly support the Palestinians. Either way, their partisanship is corrupting their intellect and morality. For example, no pro-Israel partisan is pointing out that the poor persecuted Jewish community is now suffering from what is called “blowback,” the unintended harmful consequences of a scheme to pursue one’s own advantage. Jews played a necessary, if not sufficient role, in opening the borders of Western nations to the Third-World invasion by Muslims and other non-Whites. They saw the invaders as “natural allies” against the White Christian West, as they’ve often stated in public:

Since October 7, Jews have discovered with dismay that their “natural allies” are in fact their natural enemies. For decades, they encouraged the Third-World invaders to hate Whites and bewail “white privilege.” Alas, it turns out that the invaders regard Jews as the most privileged and oppressive Whites of all. At the Jew-run Holocaust Educational Trust, you can see Jews fantasizing about non-Whites with a photo of a Black woman dutifully accepting Jewish propaganda about the Holocaust. But the Jew-run Campaign against Antisemitism has to accept the harsh reality about non-Whites when it tweets photos of non-Whites contemptuously rejecting Jewish propaganda about Gaza. In one photo, a Black woman is shown with a sign reading “ALL ZIONISTS ARE BLOOD CLARTS.” And what is a “blood-claat”? It’s a crude Jamaican term literally meaning “blood-cloth, menstrual rag” and extended to mean “despicable or contemptible person.”

Non-Whites in Jewish fantasy: a Black woman dutifully accepts Jewish propaganda about the Holocaust (image from the Holocaust Educational Trust)

Non-Whites in harsh reality: a Black woman contemptuously rejects Jewish propaganda about Gaza —  (image from the Campaign against Antisemitism)

Oh dear! Non-Whites think Zionists are despicable. Jews should have listened to thought-criminals like me. Back in May 2019 I pointed out possible flaws in their cunning plan to aid themselves and harm Whites with non-White migration. My article was called “Hyper-Whites with Hyper-Privilege: Jews Are Losing their Status as Persecuted Victims.” But just as Orwell would have predicted, supporters of Israel can’t be honest about Jews being responsible for their own misfortunes or about Jews’ own blindness to Muslim violence. Since October 7, Jews and their supporters have been saying that a “vast crime” has “bounced off the consciousness” of far too many people. They’re complaining bitterly that the left have ignored the rapes and other sexual crimes committed by Hamas against Israeli woman.

Sheryl and Cherie

I think those complaints are right: the left have indeed revealed the insincerity of their commitment to “believing all women.” But the left didn’t start ignoring rapes committed by Muslims on October 7. The left have been doing that for decades. The British Labour party has ignored and even collaborated with the rape-gangs of Rotherham and many other British towns and cities. Not only that: Labour opened Britain’s borders to the rape-friendly Third World and ensured that even more rape and sexual exploitation would take place.

Yet Cherie Blair, wife of the former Labour Prime Minister Tony Blair, has the chutzpah to condemn the pro-Palestine left’s indifference to the crimes of Hamas. Here’s an article from the Jewish Chronicle, a so-called British newspaper that is deeply concerned about Muslims raping Jews in far-off Israel and doesn’t care in the slightest about Muslims raping Whites right here in Britain:

Former Facebook executive Sheryl Sandberg has questioned the humanity of deniers of Hamas sexual crimes on October 7. The former COO of Meta and Facebook, said she had travelled to the UK with “two very brave women to bear witness on what they and their colleagues have seen with their own eyes.

“The intention of sexual violence is to generate fear, instead we must generate justice. The unfathomable must not go unpunished, we owe that to the victims of the past, the victims of today, and to prevent victims of the future. If we can’t agree that rape is wrong; that rape is not resistance, that rape is [not] freedom fighting, then the question becomes not what is happening in the Middle East but what is happening to our humanity?” she said.

The remark was made during an event in Parliament hosted by Labour Peer Lord John Mendelsohn. Cherie Blair, who also attended the event, said that she was “ashamed” that some people in the UK “don’t want to hear” about the allegations of rape just because “it interferes with a narrative.” The barrister and wife of former prime minister Tony Blair noted that she had grown up in the era following the Nuremberg Trials and was “very proud” of the role Britain played in that, and where the world said, ‘Never Again’. She said: “But I’m ashamed it seems like at the moment we’re ignoring all that, here in our country people don’t want to hear that this is happening, because it interferes with a narrative of the ‘good guys’ and the ‘bad guys’. But life isn’t just good or bad.” …

Lord Mendelsohn, who was in Israel earlier this month, said: “All the progress that has been made and all that we have achieved collectively to try and stem violence against women in conflict and the denial of crimes made against them, is at risk,” adding, “since October 7 there has been a major step back.” (“Sheryl Sandberg questions ‘humanity’ of those who deny October 7 rapes,” The Jewish Chronicle, 1st February 2024)

Will Cherie Blair and Jonathan Mendelsohn ever condemn the left for ignoring the rape-gangs of Rotherham? Of course not. If they did that, they would have to condemn themselves. They’re at the heart of Labour’s pro-Jewish, anti-White elite. The Blairs have become extremely rich by serving Jewish interests and betraying the White working-class. But traitors like them aren’t confined to the Labour party: anyone on the left who has supported mass immigration is a traitor to the White working-class. The Third-World invaders have murdered, raped, impoverished, and ethnically cleansed ordinary Whites for decades.

Grovel, goyim!

Jews have played a central role in the transformation of parties like Labour in Britain and the Democrats in American from champions of the White working-class to dedicated enemies of the White working-class. That’s why one section of Orwell’s essay needs updating:

ZIONISM. This has the unusual characteristics of a nationalist movement, but the American variant of it seems to be more violent and malignant than the British. I classify it under Direct and not Transferred nationalism because it flourishes almost exclusively among the Jews themselves. In England, for several rather incongruous reasons, the intelligentsia are mostly pro-Jew on the Palestine issue, but they do not feel strongly about it. All English people of goodwill are also pro-Jew in the sense of disapproving of Nazi persecution. But any actual nationalistic loyalty, or belief in the innate superiority of Jews, is hardly to be found among Gentiles. (“Notes on Nationalism”)

Nowadays Jewish nationalism, in Orwell’s sense, is not merely common among gentiles but a prerequisite of political success for gentiles. As I’ve often pointed out before: no matter which party is in power, you can be sure that Britain will be ruled by a government of grovelling goys. The Labour leader Tony Blair performed the goy-grovel before Jewish power. He was rewarded with three election victories and then enormous wealth once he’d left office. The Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn refused to perform the goy-grovel and was punished with vilification, electoral defeat, and expulsion from the Labour party.

Rishi Sunak, trans-British prime minister, performs the goy-grovel at Conservative Fanatics for Israel (image from Conservative Friends of Israel)

Keir Starmer, the current Labour leader, is performing the goy-grovel in the expectation of following Blair to the premiership. In the terms of Orwell’s essay, he’s a nationalist in both the positive and the negative sense. He’s pro-Jewish and anti-White. That’s why the already catastrophic levels of Third-World immigration will increase under a Labour government. Yes, Jews are starting to realize that their “natural allies” from the Third World are in fact their natural enemies. But they still support the Third-World invasion. After all, it’s always been very bad for Whites, even if it’s now proving bad for Jews too. The interesting question is whether, as so often in history, Jews have gone too far and brought about the destruction of their own power and dominance. How does the Hebrew Bible put it?

כֹּרֶה־שַּׁחַת בָּהּ יִפֹּל וְגֹלֵל אֶבֶן אֵלָיו תָּשׁוּב

Whoso diggeth a pit shall fall therein: and he that rolleth a stone, it will return upon him. (Proverbs 26:27)