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Defeat of the West

“A conqueror is always a lover of peace: he would prefer to take over our country unopposed.” – Carl von Clausewitz, On War

We are left with only the terrible truth: the White race has been conquered by organised Jewry. Jews alone have agency in America and its dominions. They alone have the means to ensure that most European nations — with perhaps the sole exception of those within the Russian sphere of influence — act not according to the interests of the White majority, but have taken the interests of Jewry as their fundamental purpose (a concession is given to the interests of non-Whites, but of course this is only so long as they do not step on any Jewish toes). Through possession of the tripartite power of Finance, Media and Academia, which eventually enabled command of the United States government and its domestic and foreign policy agenda, a Jewish elite achieved predominance in the twentieth century — the Jewish Century as Yuri Slezkine would call it — and all our institutions were thereafter hijacked to make sure that this elite minority is safe and protected. All of our society was given an ideological lobotomy and then retrained in order to combat racism and anti-Semitism; all our politics was formulated to prevent the next Holocaust.

Over the course of the last century, Jewish concepts and ideas rapidly permeated our culture and became our concepts and ideas. They redefined our moral systems — turning White solidarity into a sign of psychopathology — and through a process of mass media exposure, behaviours once considered foreign and un-Christian became a matter of course in everyday life. We lost all touch with our roots, our folk songs, our own past, and had our minds filled with the products of America. Ordinary Australians have few reference points beyond what is taught to them by Judeo-centric histories that rage against the alleged evils committed by our ancestors and by European civilisation as a whole. Compare what the average secondary-school educated Australian learnt of the world in 1900 — a rich civilisational history that encompassed the poetry, philosophy and literature of Classical Antiquity and 2000 years of European Christendom — with the smattering of ideas he or she picks up in 2026: Holocaust, Racism, Stolen Generations, Slavery, Pogroms, Hitler, ‘White man bad’ ad nauseam. No wonder so many who are maddened by this society turn to Hitlerism as the ‘cure’. They know of nothing else in history.

We live in the intellectual and cultural confines set by the conqueror. Nobody in Australia can tell you how many Australians died during World War Two, but every Australian knows of the Six Million. They can tell us about the latest Netflix TV show or Stanley Lieber’s ‘Marvel Cinematic Universe’ but not about the Enlightenment or the scientific achievements of Europe. Australian history is even more neglected, other than that which serves to benefit the narratives of the conqueror; knowing what occurred at Lambing Flat is pointless in their system other than to castigate Australia for ‘racism.’ In all, our society was fed a steady diet of self-hatred and inculcated with a guilt complex that has turned so many of our peers into enemy assets. What freedom we once had to pursue nationhood for the benefit of our children has been lost in a hidden conflict waged within our lands. In order to understand how total is the defeat of the Australian people and the broader judaization of the White race, one must understand that it is the victory of Jewry.

Jewry have always been flexible strategists in this generational conflict between Jew and Gentile. Once full equality had been achieved and all the old legal disabilities had been naively cast aside, they finally had the upper hand, and all manner of nations and ideologies stood at their disposal.  What followed from the first emancipation degrees of the late eighteenth century until the year 1939, was a period of grand experimentation, an era of political trial and error learning so to speak. They set out to find what worked and what didn’t; what systems put up the most resistance to Jewish predominance and which nations proved most pliable to Semitic guile. For a while Marxian Communism seemed to have the right stuff, and for other factions, the Anglo nations, with their all-encompassing finance-capitalism, became the safest bet. Then a war emerged, induced by a country which presented the most acute threat to their power since the Inquisition, and world Jewry pulled out all the stops.

Capitalists teamed up with Communists in an alliance that to this day still befuddles those whose minds sit lost within the false Left-Right binary. World communism, on the verge of extinction as the German artillery guns pounded less than 20 miles from Moscow, received a lifeline from Capitalism courtesy of Messrs. Roosevelt and Morgenthau — a one-way lend lease deal of guns and funds to the tune of millions of US dollars. The USSR was saved, and once the dust had settled, the British Empire was no more, thrown away by Churchill and his Jewish benefactors in order to prevent Hitler from achieving continental dominance, and the country left hopelessly in debt to the Americans. And when Stalin turned on the Jews culminating in the Doctor’s Plot, he finally realised that Israel was more important to them than international revolution, and it was clear that the USSR had to be discarded too. That left only the United States — the ‘Goldene Medina’ — and Australia was right there in its pocket.

President Donald Trump with his most valued political donors, Las Vegas tycoons the Adelsons.

Jewry and the Judeo-Liberal consensus are in charge in America, having captured the institutions of decision making by displacing the WASPs and then crushing all other forms of ethnic power. This takeover advanced on every front, from within the halls of Harvard and the Treasury Department, to the seedy lairs of organised crime. All politics since World War Two is downstream of that fact and the impacts on Australia were immediate. When analysing the radical social and political changes of the post-war era, all Australian scholars speak of a “shift”, an emergent cosmopolitan class in our politics and at our universities that took shape by the 1960s. That is, a class which eschewed all national and racial feeling and trained the next generation of anti-White establishment in their ‘tolerant’ ways.

The use of euphemism is required, but what Australia experienced was the ideological end-product of the mass influx of Jews into American and British (and later also Australian) institutions from the 1880s onward, all of whom — no matter their profession or discipline — began a program of deconstruction of the existing Christian and national-racial sympathies. Jewish academics, having studied the Western psyche for many generations, understood that framing an attack on our society using the language of egalitarianism and moral universalism was like catnip to Europeans. Adrift in a new world, and awash with the conquerors’ ideological products from Hollywood, Wall Street and elsewhere, Australians could do little to prevent the cascade of ideas flowing down into the country from Jewish sources — Freudianism, the New Left, the Chicago School of Economics, Second Wave Feminism, Neo-conservatism, Critical Theory; Popper, Rand, Hirschfeld, Boas, Von Mises, Derrida and so many more.

[T]he key for a group intending to turn Europeans against themselves is to trigger their strong tendency towards altruistic punishment by convincing them of the evil of their own people. Because Europeans are individualists at heart, they readily rise up in moral anger at their own people once they are seen as free riders and therefore morally blameworthy — a manifestation of their much stronger tendency toward altruistic punishment deriving from their evolutionary past as hunter gatherers…

The best strategy for a collectivist group like the Jews for destroying Europeans therefore is to convince the Europeans of their own moral bankruptcy.[1]

What we are dealing with here is not really a ‘lobby’, nor is it truly accurate to use the euphemism ‘Zionist’. If it were merely a lobby group, it would be as inconsequential as the lobbying of the Muslim community. If it was the expressions of Jewish nationalism, it would have the same power in Australia as Hindu nationalism — a quirk of multiculturalism, not a central policy plank of both major parties. The anti-Zionist Jew, as minuscule as their groupings are, is as much our opponent as the Zionist Jew is; the distinction is an almost meaningless one when considering White Australia. Both work in concert with one another for the security of the Jewish people against the interests of the Australian majority. Both ultimately support the existence of some kind of a Jewish-dominated State (with a few differences in rhetorical flourish) and then close ranks against anti-Semitism: One faction when they find it within the Right, and the other when they find it within the Left, especially within pro-Palestine groupings. Quite simply, the ‘lobby’ and the ‘Zionist’ draw power because they are representatives of the conquering elite in America, nothing more.

The elected leaders of our race, when not complete ignoramuses, know this well and indeed the system empowers the worst and most corrupt individuals among us, picks them out as collaborators so to speak. Most of these leaders just accept this state of affairs and see no need to challenge it, so ideologically accustomed are they to servitude and acting as the compradors of the empire (in these ranks we would place current Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese). Many are married directly into the conqueror’s ranks (UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer for one) and are related through their extended family via the marriages of their daughters or sons, or have been in and around the Jewish community since childhood (e.g., President Donald Trump). Bribery and financial benefits, the countless trillions of dollars pumped into the political system by Jewish billionaires in order to mould the discourse, provide good reason to stay in line. Others — like President Richard Nixon — are too scared to speak out (for proof, refer to the Nixon Tapes), and some are even blackmailed, as the Jeffrey Epstein saga is revealing to us. Philo-Semitism is the path to advance into the elite and if any ever step out of line, the repercussions are immediate: All who fall afoul of Jewry must walk the road to Canossa.

Jews are sacrosanct in the West. After October 7 and after and Bondi attack on December 14, surely everyone can see it now, even if only in a vague sense. All those mass stabbings/shootings or terror attacks directed against Whites are forgotten by the State within a week; conversely, we will surely be hearing about the Bondi attack and its legal-political ramifications for the next decade, for no amount of ‘Hate Speech’ laws or crackdowns on political communication and expression ever seem to be enough to satisfy them. The response to the slaughter in Gaza and the almost religious devotion of our political leaders to Israel in the face of genocidal atrocity has opened the eyes of many, but it is visible in the smallest acts: the latest, writer Randel Abdel-Fattah was cancelled by the Adelaide Festival for the crime of being Palestinian. A Sudanese gang member can stab a young Australian in a frenzy of hate, screaming out “die white boy” as he lacerates him with a knife, and no authority will ever call this act racist and will surely let the offender out on bail in no time. Meanwhile if anyone so much as throws a water balloon at a synagogue or farts aggressively in the direction of a kippah-wearing man, you can bet the whole country will be made aware of this outrage against a sacred people. This state of affairs cries out to the Nationalist for justice.

To regain any form of independence and to survive as a people, we must find the path to liberation, a way to re-enter history. As members of a conquered race, liberation requires us to take on an unambiguous position against the conquerors; if you fail to recognise the enemy, you only end up joining their ranks. How would the Reconquista have fared if the Spanish failed to identify the Moors and the Umayyad Caliphate as their opponents? Would Indian Nationalists have succeeded if they refused to articulate an anti-British position? Oppose absolutely the conqueror and its ruling establishment: that is the motto. Call out the agents of the State and the US government and expose the Zionist spies that always try to enter our ranks. Never accept funding from Jewish sources and boycott all their political projects and foreign policy adventures. Spurn all the Zionist lackeys and the traitor class within our own race who choose to benefit (financially or otherwise) from the conquerors’ system. Reach out to others who share the same oppressor and create a united front against a common enemy — the conqueror fears that Ishmael and Edom will stop fighting each other and finally realise who the real opponent is. As painful as it may be to admit, we are a defeated people. It’s time we acted like it.

But let us quickly make an assumption: you, dear reader, winced a little upon reading those last few paragraphs? If so, your reaction is understandable. Even non-Western leaders have a hard time coming to grips with this state of affairs; they are flummoxed by how America is run and how it almost always behaves in a way totally counter to the interests of the overwhelming majority of America’s White citizens. They can’t bring themselves to the belief that Jewry are in charge — the implications of that are so far reaching and so devastating to so many political worldviews. We understand that saying these words out loud ignites all the Pavlovian conditioning we have been trained with and bring us within proximity to the crude messaging of the local Hitlerists whom Nationalists want nothing to do with. But look past the gas-lighting attempts and push aside those sophists telling us that nobody is really in charge, that it is a ‘wicked problem’, and that our demographic disaster is the result of systems too complex to be undone or even understood. Ignore that voice in your head screaming out “It’s not just da Jooz” (Whoever said it was? The White race has produced plenty of traitors and Zionist assets) and look only to the hard facts.

Despite how foreign it feels to us in the 21st century, the counter-semitic position was the natural, logical position of our ancestors and the historical norm of our civilisation. The Jewish Question was a central question of European political life that all our leaders and thinkers encountered for centuries before the Austrian Corporal entered onto the stage of world history. Know that the Magna Carta (the original one, not White Australia), the foundational document of common law civil liberties, contained within it anti-Jewish clauses. The Third Reich does not have exclusive rights to anti-Semitism, despite what contemporary rhetoric would have you believe, and White Australia predated their racial theories by half a century. Having seen the errors of past decisions, we chose to take the counter-semitic position because the circumstances of our nation demand it, not because we seek to emulate a long expired German political movement.

The Problem of Australianity

“Investigation may be likened to the long months of pregnancy, and solving a problem to the day of birth. To investigate a problem is, indeed, to solve it.” — Mao Zedong

Once this has all been established, Australians are uniquely confronted with a problem. To give it a name, it is the Indigeneity of Jewry in Australia. On this continent, Jews are — and no-one can deny this in the slightest — Australians just the same as us. They are not only rightful Australian citizens, but members of the founding stock of this land, without whom there may not even be an Australia in the sense we see it today. There is no point in Australian history where Jewry did not contribute to the creation of our country: they have voted in all our elections and were elected as representatives in colonial legislatures as early as the year 1849, a full decade before Baron Rothschild become the first Jew to take up a seat in the British House of Commons. They have represented us in federal parliament since Federation; they have served as mayors of our cities, our military generals in war, as our first Australian-born Governor General. The Anglophiles at the British Australian Community would be better off speaking about our ‘Anglo-Celtic-Hebrew inheritance’.

Let’s briefly summarise this inheritance. We all know that there were Jewish convicts on the First Fleet and Jews aplenty (Fagins and fences) on all subsequent convict ships until transportation ceased. Soon they came as wealthy free settlers initiating vital trade networks across the colonies. They set up banks and drapery stores, built import businesses, and started the auctioneering houses that supplied a growing economy. In 1834, Jews encouraged the passage of the ‘Forbes Act’ that declared English usury law did not apply in the colony of New South Wales, arguing it would be an impediment to colonial development. It was Jewish capital that spurred the founding of two separate colonies on the continent: the Swan River Colony (later to be called West Australia) and the South Australian free settler colony. The central roles played by Solomon Levey in the former and the Montefiore family in the latter are well attested.

Portrait of Jacob Barrow Montefiore (1801-1895), a founding father of South Australia. Born in Barbados into a family of wealthy sugar plantation owners, his family’s relationship with the slave trade is yet to be investigated.

Jewish convict brothers Judah and Joseph Solomon in Van Diemen’s Land were financial sponsors of the Port Phillip Association and received generous portions of the first (illegal) land divisions that began the original settlement on the banks of the Yarra.[2] A decade and a half later, it was the Rothschild banking interests who oversaw the flow of gold that transformed this small settlement of Melbourne into a gem of the British Empire. It was loans from the Jewish finance power at the heart of the British Establishment that built our railroads, our mines, our factories, and when the economy boomed and collapsed during the 1890s on the back of a real-estate bubble, the greatest swindler of all was named Benjamin Fink. When the Boers threatened the flow of gold from the Transvaal into the Hebrew’s coffers, Australia sent its men side by side with the British to correct Oom Paul’s impudence[3] — there is a compelling case to be made that by Federation year, Jewry was calling many of the shots in Britain. No matter where in our history books you look, they can be found.

Now all European nations at some point in their history made use of Jewish moneylenders and financiers — Australia is not unique in this regard. The difference is that the Old European developed without them and can draw from a well of national identity long before these Semitic peoples were dumped on the continent by the Roman Empire and spread across its face. Excluded by virtue of their faith, they were cut off from residing in the halls of power and scuttled around the antechambers, whispering in the ears of Barons and Princes who were sympathetic to their cause or just short on funds and willing to make a Faustian bargain. Over 1000 years of social, cultural and economic conflict made it clear to both sides that Judaism and European Christendom were diametrically opposed entities. Jewry were guests in these nations, displaced foreign interlopers who could be removed by will of the sovereign and whose bloodlines could always be traced to foreign shores. Australians do not have this historical luxury.

If Australia is to confront the Jewish Question, we must admit that we have no means to fight with if we come armed only with our ‘Australianity’, for they possess this weapon in the same fashion we do. The first Jew came to Australia at the same time and in the same manner as the first White man, on the crowded convict ships from London. Their descendants were born here and they grew up speaking with the same Australian tongue. During the colonial period, they concurrently acquired all the same political rights and civil liberties we possess, for no law ever distinguished between native-born White man and Jew, and our post-enlightenment country, late on the stage of world history, has never known any religious test for office, nor any establishment of religion.[4] We racially otherised the external threats — the ‘Kanaka’ and the ‘Chinaman’ — and the Jew was on our team, accepted as citizen without debate. Our forebears understood this all, which is why when the time came in the late nineteenth century to racially classify the Jews in Australia, they were quietly allotted into the ‘White’ category and nobody — not even the Jewish community themselves — raised any objections. Like two evenly matched swordsmen, our possession of Australian-ness is negated if we deny this to Jewry, for what basis is there to deny them this claim that would not also backfire on us?

As Australia rolled into Federation and the twebtieth century, the question “Are Jews members of White Australia?” was answered — if it was ever asked at all — in the affirmative. Isolated flare-ups, in particular on the character of Russian Jewry as migrants and around the events of the Bolshevik Revolution raised some early dissent, but Australians remained tolerant in their racial categories. Only in the lead-up to the Second World War did this categorisation come under scrutiny and Australians were confronted with questions they had never needed to confront before. No-one in Australia (including local Anglo-Jewry, who feared these caricatures of the Jewish stereotype could undermine their accepted status) was keen to take in radicalised ghetto dwellers from Eastern Europe, but the government struggled to exclude a people whom the White Australia Policy ostensibly classified as ‘White.’ Were they a race? Just a religion? If they are a race apart, how did this apply to the Anglo-Jews who were already agreed to be completely assimilated Whites? It was ultimately this confusion on the identity of Jewry — a debate which continued post-war, that created a discursive rupture in the whole notion of White Australia and made it all the more possible for the government to throw the policy in the bin.

As the storm of conflict in Europe grew, it was apparent to local Nationalists that the interests of Jewry and the wider Australian nation were well and truly diverging. In response, they began to programmatically confront the Jewish Question and how this related to White Australia. For the Australia First Movement (AFM), the Kimberly Scheme — the proposed establishment of a Jewish ghetto-state in north-western Australia — was an affront to our sovereignty and the country had no legitimate interest involving itself in the dispute with Germany. Local Jewry and their friends in the political establishment of course thought otherwise and the nation was, to quote Stephensen, “…flooded with Prosemitic propaganda.”

Nevertheless, P.R. Stephensen and the AFM were cautious in their position towards the anti-Semitic parties of Europe. Though there were undoubtedly things to be admired in the German and Italian systems, theirs was not a style of politics that transposed itself neatly onto Australia, and the designation of the Japanese — the loudest foreign opponents of White Australia — as “Honorary Aryans” did not elicit much local sympathy. War in Europe did however present an opportunity to the AFM and so when the fighting broke out, they took the precarious stance of neutrality towards Germany and neither provoking nor appeasing Japan, a stance for which they paid dearly. Access to the German archives has ultimately proved that the Third Reich did not care for the project of White Australia, considering our small nation to be (somewhat understandably from the German perspective) an Anglo-Saxon geopolitical irrelevancy in ranks with the British, and advocated a kind of proto-multiculturalism, telling Australians of German blood to resist assimilation, though this was unknown to Nationalists at the time.[5] What was known to the Nationalist was that Hitler’s threat to uproot Jewry from Europe should another world war emerge was an implied threat to Australia, for our nation was (and indeed became) a natural destination for those expelled elements.

Percy Reginald Stephensen in 1934

Responding to all this, P.R. Stephensen encapsulated a nationalist position in A Reasoned Case Against Semitism, first published in the Australian Quarterly in March of 1940, clearly outlining their racial separateness and without any resort to the partition of ‘Good’ (White, non-Zionist, non-Communist, assimilated) Jews and ‘Bad’ (non-White, Zionist, Communist, pluralist) Jews that had largely defined earlier patriotic and Nationalist rhetoric. As Stephensen noted, the Jewish side of the deal in the quid-pro-quo of Jewish emancipation — the expectation that in exchange for full civil equality, the Jewish community would politically ‘disappear’ — was no longer being upheld by Australian Jewry, especially now that they were agitating so strongly on behalf of their European counterparts:

Jews cannot “have it both ways.” They cannot expect to be listened-to with respect when they preach to Gentiles the Universal Oneness of Mankind, while at the same time they, as Jews, remain a Race Apart. … [W]e are faced with a defiance, by Jews, of the fundamental biological principle of Fused-European Homogeneity which it is the basic aim of Australian national policy to establish and maintain. They claim the right, not only to settle here, but to maintain themselves, in perpetuity, as a self-segregated minority, of different and distinct racial stock from the rest of the Australian community.

This conflict between the desires of a homogeneous White Australia and Jewish insistence on toleration of their exclusivity was of course resolved in the interests of our post-war conquerors: the dissolution of the nation with a policy that now goes by the name multiculturalism.

To conclude, Nationalists in the year 2026 must pick up from where Stephensen left off in 1940. In mind of our conquered position, an Australian Nationalist response in the twenty-first century must be an explicit redefinition of Australian nationhood. Stephensen, always far ahead of the curve, articulated it (using what are now antiquated words) thusly: “For Aryanism; against Semitism”, further noting that it was “…an attempt to make even more precise the principle of racial homogeneity implied in the “White Australia” doctrine.” For many decades, Nationalists shied away from Stephensen’s words; the baggage of the concentration camps that our opponents would inevitably foist upon us was too much to deal with. With the benefit of hindsight and a much-improved knowledge of how the twentieth century played out, we can now only concur with Stephensen’s remedy. When we stand as Nationalists, we have to stand for more than Australian-ness, more than just White Australia, but a recasting of Australian nationhood that asserts its independence from the conqueror, just as much as our predecessors stood for the creation of a new nation-state to the exclusion of the Asiatic races and asserted our independence from Britain.

The Task Ahead

“The opportunity of defeating the enemy is provided by the enemy himself.” — Sun Tzu

Australian nationalism, when it first emerged during Australia’s cultural springtime of the late nineteenth century, dared to dream of a radical break with the ‘Old Ways’ of Europe and Empire. It had a vision of a new nation, the ideological vocabulary to articulate it, and a radical impulse to put these ideas into practice. We live — or lived — in a world created by their successes, until the forces arrayed against Australia undid them all. If the Australian people are to survive on this continent, we must reclaim this radical impulse. Just as those Nationalists once set out to break with the ways of the old continent, in the twenty-first century we must break from Pax Americana, from our conquerors, and with all that has come since 1942. This requires of us to envision a new iteration of Australia. A new chapter in the history of the European peoples on this continent: one that draws from core mythic qualities, casts aside that which can no longer work for us, and builds upon what is still to come.

And what exactly will this new Australia look like? Nationalists say that is for us to figure out. This is a conversation that all who dream of liberation are obliged to have given the current state of affairs, so let’s start to move beyond ‘Australia’ as we currently understand it. At this very moment, the State and the conquerors are mapping out an entirely different Australia as well, only one in which the Australian people are no longer required — that is, an Asian Future. We must return the favour. Imagining a Nationalist victory throws everything into question, just as much as a victory for our enemies will. Should we succeed, it will undoubtedly be a completely different country. A majority White nation without American control; a state absent the corrosive forces of Capitalism; a country minus the all-conquering authority of Jewry — making this an utterly foreign land to the one that all living Australians are familiar with.

It probably won’t be called the Commonwealth of Australia. Maybe there will be a new name that better suits us and signifies the radical break with the past. Maybe the borders will look different, the results of some unknowable conflict or compromise. Maybe we will have new symbols, new anthems, new dates of remembrance that take pride of place alongside our ancestral ones. To take but one example, what does our national flag currently represent? In the top left corner, the flag of a foreign nation, of an Empire that no longer exists and which was the prime cause of our lack of independence. To the right a celestial arrangement in the shape of a religious symbol that few among us still hold dear, if it ever truly was in this secular, multi-denominational country. What is more important: clinging desperately to the national anthem and the blue ensign, or keeping the racial character of our nation? As long as we keep to the essential ideological components, there is nothing that can’t be re-imagined.

Australia in the  twenty-first century is a different world to that which confronted the first nationalist movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Back then the European peoples weren’t yet conquered (though the signs were already showing) and the opponents of nationalism were ideologically wayward members of our own race, or in the case of the Japanese, could still be counted on to act honourably. The link with Britain was undoubtedly strong, but it cannot be equated with the sheer one-sided dominance of America and the conquerors on our nation. Nor is it comparable to the circumstances present when nationalism re-emerged after the public burial of the White Australia Policy. In the 1970s, economic Asianisation was only beginning, Hawke and the Labor Party had yet to fling the doors open to international finance, and the post-war consensus which regulated the economy and guaranteed the working class a decent life was still intact. It was an uphill battle to convince people that Australia’s racial composition was under threat — a majority non-White country was still an outlandish proposition. Technology has moved quickly as well. Nationalists back then didn’t have to deal with the internet, the tech oligarchs Ellison, Musk and Zuckerberg, nor the Five-Eyes spying apparatus. The world of AI and surveillance companies like Palantir was the stuff of nightmares, not a lived reality.

Taken together, this necessitates new political strategies, new ways of approaching the situation. The nationalist fight today is not one where our message struggles to be relevant to the Australian people, but where we struggle to organise and get the message out. The State recognises the appeal of nationalism and is becoming ever more repressive in its approach to dissent. Crucial as well for us to understand is that our conquerors are not honourable and they operate with impunity. Those who pay attention to the behaviour of organised Jewry know they will use every craft available to achieve their ends — just look at what has occurred in Palestine. Don’t for a second believe that the empire is not perfectly capable of inflicting on us the same death and suffering they inflict on Palestinian children. Worst of all is when they tell us — with an earnest face — that they are doing European civilisation a favour: the multiracial chaos is being inflicted on our societies for the sake of Healing the World (Tikkun Olam), that they are the Light unto the Nations bringing tolerance and moral guidance to the gentiles.

But things are not going swimmingly for the conquerors anymore; their agency is under threat, as their increasingly frenzied actions since October 7 indicate. The long-expected crisis of legitimacy that we have held out for, that moment which calls forth a Nationalist movement, is fast approaching. As has become clear over the last few years, the American Empire is in permanent decline, and it no longer even pretends to uphold international law, presently settling old scores in its own hemisphere with a brazen abduction of the Venezuelan president and having bombed seven separate countries in 2025 alone, largely to no real effect. We have already seen one unsuccessful (from the Zionist perspective) war with Iran, and more wars in the Middle East will likely follow as the Zionist entity loses protection and the empire overextends itself.

In Europe, NATO threatens to go the way of SEATO, and in the Asia-Pacific, the new world power is China which has resisted all their attempts at financial colonisation. De-dollarisation is gaining speed as the rest of the world realises that an economy sustained only by usurious speculation and mountains of debt, should not have the power of world financial hegemony that they concocted for themselves at Bretton Woods.[6] As all the international edifices of Pax Judaica come tumbling down, this time it looks as if there is no other world power for Jewry to flee to, which means they will defend their position even more ruthlessly; one can only pray that the Samson Option will never be activated.

Politically strong, but also numerically weak, the conquerors power at the heart of the Empire is reliant on an unstable ‘Coalition of the Aggrieved’ to maintain control, and rifts in this coalition are emerging everywhere (the Nationalist can of course assist by furthering these rifts.) In America, Jewish privilege is so obvious and so omnipresent in everyone’s lives that the Jewish Question is undeniable: Epstein, Zelensky and Gaza; Paul Singer, Ronald Lauder and Larry Fink; Trump, Adelson and Iran; Hollywood and AIPAC. These frustrations — shared by all non-Jews in America — have no legal outlet so it’s all heading for a showdown and everyone knows that the American Empire will not go down quietly like the Soviet Union did.

This showdown, this confrontation, this contraction, this reaction, this collapse, whatever it may be, will not occur in Australia, though undoubtedly there will be forceful efforts to pull us in. It is difficult to predict how exactly this will play out in Australia, though one thing is certain: we’re too intertwined with the Empire for us to be able to simply wait things out. When Jews feel threatened, neutrality is out of the question: you’re either with them, or against them. But just like last time, when the Western world was thrown into chaos and the Jewish people were at the centre of it all, the end of Pax Americana — and therefore the decline of its ability to project its power in Australia — is an opportunity offered to Australian Nationalists. That is, if we are ready and prepared to take it.

The Zio-Populist Right taking a new shape? Pauline Hanson speaks to the crowd at Bondi after her pilgrimage to Trump at Mar-A-Lago

At this moment in history, before the situation in America properly deteriorates, and before the crisis hits Australian politics, our time is better spent in educating people and building defensive infrastructure. The moment is not ripe for launching any fruitless head-on assaults on the regime, and even if it were, nationalist consciousness is not at all in a healthy state. Our ranks are thin and the impostors currently using the label ‘Nationalist’ are an abysmally poor showing. On display is everything from creepy Tradcaths who scamper around the Liberal party, politically incoherent vaccine-sceptics, and unstable thugs who think they can punch their way out of every tough situation. We’ve got to get the basics right before we can even think about the herculean task ahead of us. Unfortunately, so much Nationalist knowledge has failed to transfer across the generations.

Looking to the next quarter century, nationalism needs a new generation of leaders composed of stable, educated individuals who are conversant with history and who know exactly what it means to stand for Australia. Such leaders must be fanatically ideological Nationalists untouched by associations with soon-to-be criminalised ‘hate groups’, a vanguard capable of holding the line against all false ideas and who have the ability to reach out to the ordinary Australian. They must develop resources to defend our people and have networks in place for when the opportunity arises. Take advantage of the failures of multiculturalism and liberalism — and the social alienation they both cause — to create real-life communities that can act as the counter-society, the seedbeds of the resistance. There are many problems to be worked through, and no single individual has all the answers; it has to be a collaborative effort. If that all that sounds good and proper to you, the established Nationalist party offers an ideal mechanism for this, so sign up if you itch to engage in direct party politics, but think outside the box too.

A multiplicity of Nationalist regiments is a valuable asset in the struggle to disrupt the existing system: Build a thinktank; create a nationalist law firm or publishing outfit; set up a pro-White charity or an independent crowd-funding platform; start an honest business; run a private school; be an investigative journalist — the ideas are endless.

What good does yet another social media ‘influencer’ bring? Enough with the political hobbyists who see in Nationalist politics nothing more than a niche from which they can grab some attention on social media or make a quick buck. Nationalists can only scorn the collaborationist British Australian Community, but at least their plan isn’t running off into the bush to establish a commune.

Create art or make music; compose poetry or write an essay that builds knowledge; reclaim Australian culture from the anti-Australians. Do quite literally anything other than just practising your kick-boxing skills or wasting your time being a secret racist on Telegram, Discord or X with all the rest of the bots and shills.

Australian Nationalists — the vanguard of the national future — sit and wait until the rest of you catch up. What our conquerors fear the most are Australians who stand unyielding in the face of opposition; when enough people stand up to an oppressor, they have a chance at survival. Only once Australians have taken the Nationalist message to heart, and only once the political discussion around Australia’s future has been utterly and totally purged of the false ways of Conservatism and Hitlerism, can we move forward. Maybe that day never comes. Maybe we spread the message and wait in vain for backup that has long since expired. In which case, the next opportunity will come and go, maybe some new force takes the reigns in Australia, and eventually the White race dies out in the Antipodes. To pinch some famous last words, Such is Life, but at least Nationalists can say we were there ready to fight.

Fin

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Selected sources and suggested readings:

• Bird, D (2012), Nazi Dreamtime — Australian Enthusiasts for Hitler’s Germany, Australian Scholarly Publishing Pty. Ltd., Australia.
• Levi, J & Bergman, G (2002), Australian Genesis — Jewish Convicts and Settlers 1788-1860, 2^nd Ed., Melbourne University Press, Australia
• Lopez, M (2000), The Origins of Multiculturalism in Australian Politics, Melbourne University Press, Australia.
• McQueen, H (2004), A New Brittania, 4^th Ed., University of Queensland Press, Australia.
• Munro, C (1984), Wild Man of Letters — The Story of P. R. Stephensen, Griffin Press Ltd., Australia.
• Norris, R (1975), The Emergent Commonwealth — Australian Federation: Expectations and Fulfilment 1889-1910, Melbourne University Press, Australia.
• Palfreeman, A.C (1967) The Administration of the White Australia Policy, Melbourne University Press, Australia.
• Price, C (1974), The Great White Walls are Built — Restrictive immigration to North America and Australasia 1836-1888, Australian National University Press, Australia.
• Rutland, S (1997) Edge of the Diaspora — Two Centuries of Jewish Settlement in Australia, 2^nd Ed., Brandl & Schlesinger, Australia
• Stephensen, P.R (1936) The Foundations of Culture in Australia, 2^nd Ed., Allen & Unwin, Australia
• Tavan, G (2005), The Long Slow Death of White Australia, Scribe, Australia.
• Willard, M (1967) The History of the White Australia Policy until 1920, 2^nd Ed., Frank Cass & Co. Ltd.,U.K.
• Windschuttle, K (2004), The White Australia Policy, Macleay Press, Australia.

Notes

[1] MacDonald, K (2002), The Culture of Critique: An Evolutionary Analysis of Jewish Involvement in Twentieth-Century Intellectual and Political Movements, 2nd Ed.,1st Books Library, pp.xxviii-xxviv

[2]     Note that only the states which had origins as penal colonies (NSW, Tasmania and Queensland) lacked Jewish financial involvement in their foundation.

[3] The war effort organised by the very same Mr. Chamberlain who so strenuously opposed White Australia.

[4] The Oath of Abjuration for office holders, a sticking point for Jewish emancipation in Britain which required one to swear an oath as a Christian, technically applied in the colonies, but was not enforced and by 1858 both Victoria and NSW had introduced their own oaths that lacked a religious element.

[5] See Saleam, J The Nazis and ‘White Australia’ (PDF file available on request) and Turner-Graham, E (2021) «Never forget that you are a German»: Die Bruecke, «Deutschtum» and National Socialism in Interwar Australia, Peter Lang AG, Frankfurt am Main.

[6] In this case, Henry Morgenthau Jr, Harry Dexter White and Edward M. Bernstein