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Dissolving Identity to Destroy the West: The Leftist War on Identity, Nationality and Biology

Emma Raducanu, the female winner of the 2021 US Tennis Open, is half-Romanian and half-Chinese. She was born in Canada and raised in London. She’s definitely a fine athlete, a skilful tennis-player, and an attractive and charming young woman. But here’s something she definitely isn’t: British. And it’s precisely because she isn’t British that lots of other people who aren’t British either have been eager to pretend that she is British and to celebrate her victory.

A strongly ethnocentric Jew

By celebrating Raducanu, they were really celebrating themselves. After all, narcissism is an essential part of leftism. Sathnam Sanghera, an Indian journalist at the London Times, peddled an obvious falsehood: “Half Romanian, half Chinese. Born in Canada, brought up in the UK. Immigration enriches us, and always has ….” Tell that to the White working-class girls of Rotherham and many other places. But who cares about them? Certainly not Sathnam Sanghera. Another Indian, the actor Adil Ray, tweeted: “Emma Raducanu the immigrant from a Romanian, Chinese, Canadian family grand slams the haters. This is the Britain we love.” No, it’s the Britain you love to destroy. And the Jewish comedian David Schneider showed off his comic skill with: “Bloody immigrants! Coming over here, making it from qualifying to win the US Open without dropping a set.”

The anti-White and anti-British Jewish comedian David Schneider

Like Sanghera and Ray, Schneider is not interested in Raducanu as an individual or as a fine sportswoman. No, he sees her merely as a tool for the dilution — and ultimate destruction — of Britishness. He’s a perfect example of the central Jewish role in the war on White identity. Jews hate and feel envy for Whites, Christianity and Western civilization. They feel unsafe in strong White nations with clear identities, because they stand out. That’s why they invented lying propaganda like “nation of immigrants” and “Diversity is Our Strength.” David Schneider seeks to deny ethnic and national identity to Whites while himself being a strongly ethnocentric Jew. According to the Jewish Chronicle, he “studied for a PhD in Yiddish drama at Oxford” and “even performed a Yiddish comedy routine for Jewish Book Week.” He’s written a play about the Moscow State Yiddish Theatre and how its performers fell victim to Stalin’s “absolutely random and brutal” purges. Many millions of people suffered and died under Stalin, but Schneider is concerned about the small minority of them who were Jews.

Which is fine. He’s Jewish and naturally enough he puts Jews first. I don’t object to that. But I do object to strongly ethnocentric Jews like Schneider having any power or influence in White nations. He should be in Israel, not Britain. He isn’t British and his hostility towards White British goyim was apparent long before his unfunny comments on Emma Raducanu’s victory. Like Nick Cohen, another ugly and anti-White non-British Jew, he has never stopped condemning and campaigning against Brexit. He doesn’t want Britain to be independent and in control of its own destiny.

Brexit didn’t go far enough

And in fact I half-agree with him. I don’t want Britain to be like that either. But that doesn’t mean I want Britain back in the European Union. No, for me Brexit didn’t go far enough. I want Scexit and Wexit too. That is, I want Scotland and Wales to become independent nations, free of both European and English domination. But I want an independent Scotland and Wales only if leftist nation-wreckers like the Scottish National Party (SNP) and Plaid Cymru aren’t in charge. They pretend to be nationalist parties, but they would, in typical leftist fashion, destroy what they claim to care about most. The SNP and Plaid Cymru would open the borders of Scotland and Wales to the Third World, flooding the true White Scottish and Welsh with hostile and violent outsiders.

But I can heartily agree with one of their central arguments for independence: that Britishness isn’t a genuine identity and the United Kingdom isn’t a genuine nation. No, it’s an unnatural and unhealthy union of nations. Scotland, Wales and Ireland were “united” with England by conquest and force. And if Scotland and Wales became independent, I think relations between the Scots, Welsh and English would improve. It’s partly because the United Kingdom is indeed an “artificial construct” that leftists have been able to argue successfully for the Britishness of outsiders like Emma Raducanu.

Lying propaganda from Germany: Blacks and other non-Germans are described as “typical Germans”

But she isn’t British in any true sense, as her own Twitter biography openly attests: “london|toronto|shenyang|bucharest.” London is merely where she happened to end up with her Romanian father and Chinese mother after she was born in Toronto. If she’d stayed in Canada and won the US Open, Canadian leftists would undoubtedly have been celebrating her as wholly and authentically Canadian. But Canada is like Britain: it’s another unnatural union, another artificial construct. And so leftists there find it easy to dilute national identity as they move towards their ultimate aim of abolishing White nations. To counter that leftist subversion, I would like Francophone Quebec to become independent of the Anglophone provinces. But that isn’t going to happen soon. Scottish and Welsh independence aren’t going to happen soon either. After all, Britain has a Conservative government and the Conservative party is firmly opposed to what it calls the “break-up” of the Union.

Tory party? No, Torah party!

But “Conservative party” is an Orwellian name, proclaiming one thing while really standing for its opposite. Just as the modern Labour party hates the working-class, the modern Conservative party hates deep-rooted tradition and loves nation-wrecking globalism. That isn’t surprising, because it’s a thoroughly kosher party, funded and controlled by Jews to serve Jewish interests rather than those of British Whites. The former Conservative prime minister David Cameron once joked that “There are so many Jews at the top of Britain’s Conservative party, that it should be known as the Torah party rather than the Tory party.” He also said that “My values are Jewish values.” Cameron is part-Jewish. So is Boris Johnson, the current Tory prime minister. He’s also part-Turkish. Meanwhile, the other three most important posts in government are held by the Indian Hindu Rishi Sunak, who is Chancellor, the Indian Hindu Priti Patel, who is Home Secretary, and the Jew Dominic Raab, who is Foreign Secretary (or he was when I began writing this article).

None of those four is British and only Johnson has any genuine White ancestry. None of them should have power and influence in a White nation, but that’s precisely why they’re at the top of government. They were put there by Jews to serve Jewish interests, because Jews and their money control the Tory party. Here’s a very interesting fact. Since the year 2000, at least six very rich Jews have served as Treasurer of the Conservative Party: Ehud Sheleg (the current Treasurer), Sir Mick Davis (the previous one), Stanley Fink, Sir Stanley Kalms, Richard Harrington and Howard Leigh. I find that a very interesting fact. You probably do too. But the mainstream media in Britain don’t seem to find it interesting. After all, any mainstream journalist who dared mention it — let alone draw any conclusions from it — would first be deafened by shrieks of outrage, then driven into obscurity and poverty.

Typical English Rosenfeld

In other words, Jews enjoy what I’ve previously called “Booty Without Scrutiny.” They obviously control the not-at-all Conservative government, just as they controlled the previous Labour government. But nobody is allowed to say so or ask whether Jewish control is a good thing. The only acceptable response to Jews in modern Britain is the goy grovel. And all Tory goyim know this: Michael Farmer, who was Tory Treasurer from 2011 to 2015, became “Christian deputy chair of The Council for Christians and Jews in 2016.” In other words, he grovels before Jews (and may be part-Jewish or crypto-Jewish, like many apparent goyim in public life). But Jewish control of the Conservative party extends far beyond the post of Treasurer. A disproportionate number of Tory chairmen have been Jewish, like Andrew Feldman and Grant Shapps. And when the race-realist Dominic Cummings was forced out of BoJo’s government, he was replaced as Chief of Staff by a Jew called Dan Rosenfeld. The leftist New Statesman has called Rosenfeld the “anti-Cummings,” because where Cummings despised and tried to reform the incompetent and heavily leftist Civil Service, Rosenfeld was once part of it, working for both Labour and Conservative ministers. He will never seek to end either the incompetence of the Civil Service or its leftism.

Dan Rosenfeld, Jewish swamp-creature

Rosenfeld is, in fact, what Americans would call a “swamp-creature,” thoroughly at home in the anti-White, anti-Christian and anti-Western swamp of the Deep State, which combines government bureaucracy, the intelligence services, and globalist banking and capitalism. The swamp  bubbles, squelches and stinks on both sides of the Atlantic. After leaving the Civil Service, Rosenfeld spent five years at the Bank of America, then worked as “global head of corporate clients” for a little-known organization called Hakluyt, a “private intelligence agency founded by former MI6 officers.” MI6 is the overseas arm of Britain’s intelligence services and, like the CIA in America, is best described as a government-run crime-syndicate. After working with bankers and spooks, Jewish Dan Rosenfeld became Chief of Staff for Boris Johnson, just as Jewish Ron Klain became Chief of Staff for Joe Biden.

Feminists ignore a horrific femicide

Rosenfeld is no more British than Ron Klain is American. He has always been a strongly ethnocentric Jew, proudly stating that Judaism is “central to his life.” In his youth he belonged to RSY-Netzer, a Jewish youth movement, and he recently served as chair of World Jewish Relief, a charity that works hard to transfer money from goyim to Jews. Now that he’s BoJo’s Chief of Staff, will Rosenfeld work impartially and honestly to serve all the people of Britain? Unlike David Schneider’s comedy, that question should definitely raise a laugh. Rosenfeld will work to serve Jewish interests, which entails that he will work against White and Christian interests.

But there’s an interesting media connection in Rosenfeld’s life. His Jewish wife Jessica is the daughter of Alex Brummer, a senior journalist at the Daily Mail. That newspaper is far from being White nationalist, but it’s one of the dwindling number of mainstream sources that declines to censor or ignore inconvenient facts in the way leftists want them to be censored or ignored. For example, there’s recently been a disturbing news story in Britain about a “controlling and jealous” husband, one Damien Simmons, who murdered his estranged wife, Denise Keane-Simmons, by dousing her with gasoline and setting her on fire. Before that, he’d stalked her and subjected her to revenge porn. You’d expect Britain’s feminists to be all over this horrific murder and the “toxic masculinity” that inspired it, particularly because Denise Keane-Simmons was Black and an immigrant from Trinidad and Tobago. That should make her particularly worthy of solidarity and mourning from the Sisterhood.

A remarkable immigrant whom leftists aren’t interested in: the brutal and sadistic wife-incinerator Damien Simmons and his victim

But it didn’t. Alas, Damien Simmons is also Black and from Trinidad and Tobago, so his toxic masculinity has not been “interrogated” by the fierce and fearless feminists at the Guardian. But the Daily Mail covered the story in detail. The Guardian doesn’t seem to have mentioned it at all. And on the same day that the Mail celebrated Emma Raducanu’s remarkable achievement in the US Open, it covered another remarkable story of immigrant achievement that will never appear in the Guardian or be hailed by narcissistic leftists on Twitter. On September 12, 2021, the Mail serialized part of a book by Colin Sutton, the senior policeman who caught perhaps the most prolific rapist in British history.

Another remarkable immigrant

But the rapist wasn’t remarkable only for the extent of his crimes: he was remarkable also for the age of his victims. The Black Jamaican Delroy Easton Grant was a gerontophile who sexually assaulted “hundreds of elderly [White] victims in their own homes over two decades.” Many of those Whites — Grant attacked both women and men — will have died prematurely from their physical and psychological injuries. All of them paid a horrible and unnecessary price for the non-White immigration so beloved of the left and the hostile elite.

Another remarkable immigrant whom leftists aren’t interested in: the mass gerontophile rapist Delroy Easton Grant

Unlike St Stephen Lawrence, the victim of an extremely rare White-on-Black murder, the prolific gerontophile rapist Delroy Easton Grant is almost unknown among the British public. The Guardian and other leftist outlets would be happy for him to be completely unknown. After all, his horrific crimes destroy the leftist lie about how “immigration enriches us, and always has done.” So does the horrific murder committed by the wife-incinerator Damien Simmons, because Blacks and other non-Whites commit crimes of violence at much higher rates than Whites. That’s why leftists do their best to turn non-Whites like Grant and Simmons into meteor-malefactors, who flash through the headlines and then disappear forever from public consciousness.

First dissolve nationality, then biology

In other words, what begins as a leftist lie about “enrichment by immigration” ends in horrific suffering for women, whose welfare the left claim to care about passionately. The leftist lie states that immigrants can be “just as British” as Whites whose ancestry on these islands stretches back millennia. No, they can’t. The Romanian-Chinese Emma Raducanu isn’t British and nor are the Jew Dan Rosenfeld and the Black Delroy Easton Grant.

Leftist lies about nationality lead directly and inevitably to leftist lies about biological sex. But no, sexually perverted men like the Israeli Jew Jonathan Yaniv are not women and are not lesbians. Borders between races, religions and sexes are good things. They protect the weak and prevent the strong being weakened. That’s why leftists want to destroy those borders. Leftists don’t serve the Good, the Beautiful and the True: they serve the Evil, the Ugly and the Lie. They want chaos and crime in Western nations, because they want to rule the ruins.

Grace and Grit in Southern West Virginia

Introduction

For years, I’ve wanted to go to southern West Virginia and do original reporting on what’s alternatively called “the white death” and “the opioid crisis.” It is the greatest social malady of our time, and people who read this publication should care about its resolution more than anyone else. After more than a year of false starts, I secured private funding to go there, specifically, to McDowell County, the nation’s poorest and least healthy county, just east of Kentucky and abutting Virginia to the south in what used to be “coal country.” By way of disclaimer, I told everyone the truth: That this project was taken on as a freelance project and I wasn’t sure where it would be published. I did not advertise my more controversial views. For the sake of everyone’s privacy, each person I spoke to is described and quoted anonymously.

Finally, this essay is not the end result of a research project. I leave the task of documenting the sociological and economic origins of this crisis to historians and authors capable of obtaining grants and book deals. What I set out to do here was speak to actual residents of the area. I wanted to know what they had to say about it all and what they had seen over the course of their lives.

Photo of downtown Welch in 2004 when its population was around 2500

My drive into Welch (pop. 2406 in the 2010 census, estimated to be 1904 in 2019), McDowell County’s seat, is a long one, and what’s most striking is that the last two hours of it are nothing but turns on windy country roads surrounded by mountains covered in the lushest forests I’ve ever seen. I’d read a lot about this place, but nobody ever mentioned its natural beauty— or what a hassle it is to get to.

I arrive late on a Saturday and figure my best starting point is the bar I can walk to from where I’m staying. It’s small and largely unadorned. There’s a separate room full of slot machines, and everyone’s in there except me and the bartender.

I do my best to chat her up, but she isn’t much of a talker. It’s clear that she isn’t suspicious of me or anything, she’s just shy. After disappointing me for the sixth time with a one-word answer, her face brightens and she says, “I know someone you can talk to!” She walks into the gambling room and comes back with another woman.

She’s a school teacher, and has been her whole adult life. She’s happy to speak with me and says she’s used to it: journalists always seem to be streaming in and out of McDowell County. What really strikes me about her is something I’d get used to over the next few days: She’s perfectly open about the area’s decline and its many problems, but takes it all in stride, and is genuinely proud to be from here. Most of all, she’s authentically optimistic.

“It pays to be poor,” she jokes about the money McDowell has started getting from government and charity alike. That line, more than anything else she said, captures the duality of frankness and hope that I’d soon find in nearly everyone in southern West Virginia. She grew up in Welch and says that when she was a kid, nobody ever had to leave the city— it had everything: supermarkets, department stores, car dealerships, etc. You don’t have to spend more than five minutes downtown to know that hasn’t been the case in a long time. There’s plenty of bad, and that is what outside journalists love to focus on, but there’s plenty of good, too. This teacher tells me all about both in one big cascade of information: More than the drugs and coal mine closures, what really sent Welch spiraling were the two devastating floods in the early 2000s. But now, there’s a growing tourism industry, especially ATVers making the most out of the rough terrain. There will be more and more of that in the coming years, and that means jobs and money. The Walmart in McDowell County closed five years ago and it was devastating. Now the nearest one is at least an hour away. But now retirees are moving to the area for the low cost of living, which is more good than bad.

The small-town vibes are strong. She tells me people were really excited when a McDonald’s opened up in the area, and they feel the same about a Taco Bell expected to arrive soon. School activities here are a big deal both because there isn’t much else and because everyone wants to make sure the kids are alright, that their future won’t be defined by the area’s current problems. There’s nostalgia mixed with bitterness, too. Generations ago, this county was an industrial hub with ~100,000 residents. (Welch even used to be nicknamed “Little New York” and had a population of around 6000 in the 1940s.) Today the county has around 20,000 residents and is best known as the epicenter of the opioid crisis. “We built West Virginia. Now the state ends at Beckley (over an hour northeast of Welch),” she laments. “I miss seeing people I know,” she concedes. Later on, she says that people (like her sister) who left the area and came back don’t recognize it, and joke that those who never left “stayed too long.” But at the same time, she never insults this place or its people. She gives me a long list of people to speak to and sings the praises of each of them. It’s clear she doesn’t think the decline will last forever. She brings up that there’s a plan to connect a four-lane highway to Welch, and that this could bring all the uplift they need.

Downtown Welch in 1946, population ~6000

As a city-slicker, I find her optimism really striking. It isn’t forced and she’s got a list of reasons to back it up. I’m used to urban ghettoes where nobody thinks anything will get better and where apathy is so pronounced the question of whether the area will improve doesn’t even really make sense to ask, much less answer. All my life, liberals have told me that poor Whites are just as pathological as poor blacks, and that the dispossessed residents of Appalachia are just as violent and dysfunctional as the citizens of Chicago’s Southside. Walking back from the bar, I chuckle thinking about how I could go into 100 bars in Black ghettoes and never have one conversation with a local about the area as pleasant as the one I just had.

On Sunday morning I walk to a Catholic church. The service isn’t very noteworthy. Like just about anywhere else, it’s sparsely attended and the folks in the pews are almost all senior citizens. What did surprise me was the priest: A man from India with an accent. I wonder how he ended up all the way out here. After the service, one of the parishioners comes up to me with a big smile and asks where I’m from. “It’s that obvious?” I joke, because it is, of course, very much that obvious. We both laugh and I explain that I’m a journalist interested in southern West Virginia. We exchange phone numbers and agree to meet and talk later in the week.

I’m a sucker for diners, so after church I open up Google Maps to find the nearest one. In what I became resentfully accustomed to over the course of the week, I discovered that the nearest place was about an hour away. I drive to Dolly’s Diner in the city of Princeton, which is in neighboring Mercer County. Again, the drive feels like a series of switchbacks and blind curves surrounded by tree-covered mountains. When I get there, the restaurant is in the midst of its “post-Church rush” and I’m seated immediately only because there’s a lone stool left at the very end of the bar. Everyone (staff and clients) is White and about half the men are wearing baseball caps. There’s a real “grandparents and grandkids” energy to the place. Though there are certainly exceptions, you can immediately tell that there are plenty of absent parents in these families. Last night, the school teacher had told me that not only are there lots of people raising their grandchildren around here, there are even some people raising their great-grandchildren. The décor is what you’d imagine: Americana, cars, “In God We Trust,” etc. They sell Christian keychains from the Child Evangelism Fellowship. At the cash register there’s a notice for the “20th Anniversary 9/11 Stair Climb.”

As I write all of this in my notepad two waitresses take notice and ask me (without a hint of suspicion) what I’m doing. I tell them I’m visiting the area from a long way away and taking notes. They like that answer and I take the opportunity to ask them what they like best about the place. They both say the natural beauty and the kindness of the people here. They say that people everywhere else are mean, even hateful. One mentions having gone to South Carolina only to discover that everybody there was rude. On cue, a man paying out at the register near my seat welcomes me to the area and wishes me the best with a big smile before he leaves.

When I get going, I think about the prospect of a major highway making its way to McDowell County. I’m near Highway 77, and it seems to have done well by the area: There’s Starbucks, Lowe’s, Outback Steakhouse, Radisson, Applebee’s, etc. It’s easy to shrug off those chains as shallow or uncultured, but they’re sure better than boarded-up storefronts—and they’re probably the same chains you find where you live. The American monoculture.

Back in Welch, I wander around town for a bit. I’ve lived all over the United States, but always in cities. The texture of life here is different. The internet is bad and cellphone reception is weak. There are plenty of pharmacies and churches, but not much else— though importantly, there’s not nothing else. What I notice most is that unlike in ghettoes, here, nobody is milling about looking for trouble. There aren’t layabouts loitering in front of any place that sells liquor. The parks aren’t filled with rowdy teens hoping to find a fight. And despite the area’s notorious drug problem, I don’t run into any toughs sitting on a bench or pacing around an intersection waiting for their customers. In every ghetto I’ve ever been to, it’s been easy to spot who’s hustling. Here, most everybody seems to be inside. I wonder if it’s all done behind closed doors.

Welch government building

Later I get a bite to eat at a KFC. There’s a couple in their sixties having dinner and I ask if they might give me an interview. They agree, completely nonplussed. Their answers are almost exactly what any liberal journalist might have made up. Both love Donald Trump, but have never voted. Both thought about registering to vote just because they thought Mr. Trump was so great, but failed to do so in both 2016 and 2020. They think they will when he runs again in 2024. Both say the drug problem in the area got bad about twenty years ago and that they know many people who have overdosed. It’s clear they don’t want to go into details about that last part, and I don’t push it. He’s a retired coal miner, and not only were both his father and his grandfather coal miners, but two of his sons are as well. I tell them that, as I drove around today, it seemed like every two miles I saw a sign that said “ATVs Welcome” or some kind of ATV-related business. He told me that it’s all the rage now because that’s where the money is, but that it’s a relatively recent development. The three of us chat politely for a while. Before they leave, he gives me directions to their home and tells me that this way, if I have any car trouble near him, I’ll know how to walk to his place so he can help me. His generosity and trust really floor me. I immediately think two thoughts at once: What those waitresses said about the people around here, and that in any ghetto, a car breakdown can cost you your life.

ATV Stop Sign

That night, I decide to go to another bar and see what more locals will tell me about the area. Once again, I find that there are slim pickings out here, and I end up driving the hour back to Princeton. Just like in McDowell, you can still smoke cigarettes inside bars in Mercer County. While I certainly enjoy it, it’s yet another thing that can give this part of the country a “land that time forgot” feel. In Minnesota, where I grew up, smoking in bars was banned some 15 years ago.

I meet a nice young couple who are clearly bright, progressive, and rather hip. He studied political science at the University of West Virginia in Morgantown, several hours north, and he’s very happy to talk policy with an outsider. My notebook gets filled in no time at all as I chain-smoke and he gives me his opinion on absolutely everything pertaining to West Virginia.

Perhaps I’m a jaded right-winger, but despite his obvious intelligence, some of what he says strikes me as naïve. He thinks all drugs should be legalized, and that removing the “stigma” of drug addiction would go a long way in solving the opioid crisis. I have a great deal of empathy for addicts, but there’s never going to be any way of removing the “stigma” around a class of people who will lie, steal, and take advantage of those closest to them in order to get a fix.

The point he hammers home most, however, is infrastructure. He brings up that in southern West Virginia, there are a lot of jobs in prisons (and the teacher I met on my first night said that education and healthcare provide the most employment for the area), and while those jobs aren’t great, they aren’t terrible, either. Perhaps best of all, they don’t despoil the environment the way the extraction industries do. He brings up how building a highway into McDowell would be a tide that lifted all boats. First there would be a wave of construction jobs, those men would then spend more money locally, and then the highway would make accessing the area easier, so more businesses would inevitably arrive. It’s not just big projects that are necessary, though. He tells me that plumbing is so bad in some of the more rural areas that people catch water runoff from mountain streams. He also brings up what many people are talking about now—that COVID changed everything: Since working from home is becoming the norm, people are going to move to cheap areas. West Virginia can reap the benefits of that enormously—but only if highspeed internet becomes more widely available.

Stevens Correctional Center

I tell him that I’ve been surprised at how everybody I’ve met around here seems proud of their state and their region, and that I haven’t found that to be the case in other poor areas. He and his girlfriend are especially interesting examples of this. It seems like almost every young progressive I’ve ever known hates where they’re from, can’t wait to leave, and loves to talk trash about wherever it is that they grew up. He laughs a little and says that since everyone else insults West Virginia, West Virginians refuse to do so. His girlfriend agrees, and he talks about how in the southern part of the state there’s a real sense of community and solidarity. In the public schools I attended in St. Paul, students were lectured constantly about “community.” The school was a community, gays were a community, the disabled were a community, the planet was a community of nations, we should all go to college and get jobs helping our “communities,” etc. It always felt so forced, so manufactured, that by the end of high school I thought I’d developed an allergy to the word. In college I knew a liberal who once told me he had an ex-girlfriend who was “active in the rave community.” But here, in West Virginia, the word actually seems to carry some freight, have some tangible implications.

It’s Hard to Be Humble

Like everyone else I’d met, he wasn’t shy about the area’s problems. He has known people who died from overdoses, and said I wouldn’t find anyone who could say otherwise. But he was confident that the worst was behind the state, putting the grimmest year at 2017 or 2018. In my notes, I wrote, “Hope and Empathy in Southern WV” (vis-à-vis) “Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas.”

On Monday morning I went to an ATV shop in Welch and spoke with one of its owners. Incredibly, in the middle of the day he spoke with me for over an hour, pausing only a handful of times to attend to customers. He grew up in the area, and like everyone else who did, remembers its former glory, saying that when he was a kid, going to Welch on a Friday evening beat going to the beach on Saturday. He left the state in 1994 and says that at that point, the decline was apparent but still not bleak. He came back in 2013 and things had gotten much worse. His comments mostly fit the pattern I started noticing early on: Things are bad, but things are getting better— especially since the people who live in the area are the best folks you’ll find anywhere. “I know what was once here and I know it can come back,” he says. He’s a bit biased on the subject, but like everyone else, the growing ATV/tourism industry gives him a lot of hope.

ATV Rules

Like the young man from the bar the night before, this guy explains how in southern West Virginia, the tourism industry and the extraction industries are locked in combat. Nature preserves and hiking trails create “no-go” zones for mining and lumber companies, so the latter fight hard against the creation of the former. Extraction brings in more money than tourism, but the resources they’re pulling out of the ground can’t last forever— tourism can last forever . . . so long as nobody destroys the area’s natural beauty. With no disrespect intended to the area, I can’t help but note that this same economic tension can be found throughout Latin America.

Warrior Trail System. On this trail map, my informant used a black sharpie to show me how much had recently been closed at the behest of one extraction industry or another.

At one point his wife comes in and asks me pointblank if I’m an honest journalist. I say that I am, but admit that if I wasn’t, I wouldn’t say as much. She gives me a look and I assure her that I intend to quote everyone anonymously, which seems to mollify her. He then shares some horror stories with me about liberal journalists coming into town and making the area sound like a hellhole of poverty and stupid rednecks. I tell him the truth: That to my surprise, everybody here has a real dignity to them, and that their optimism seems based in reality.

Later on, a customer comes in without a shirt on and his chest sports a tattoo of Psalm 23— the one most famous for its line about the “valley of the shadow of death.” In the next few days, I bump into Psalm 23 again as a poster in a government office and another in a private dwelling.

I ask him about the drug crisis and he says, “We have a long way to go.” He shares a heartbreaking story about a woman in her late twenties who’d been clean for years until relapsing eight days ago. She died. “You just wait on that phone call,” he states flatly.

There’s a food bank across the street and I pop in to see if I can speak to one of the volunteers. Again, despite it being in the middle of a work day, I find someone who’s happy to set aside some time to talk to me. She’s a woman in her thirties from neighboring Wyoming County. She tells me upfront that she wants to talk only about the positive. We talk for a while about the logistics of her food bank and her high opinion of the mayor (the man at the ATV store said the same thing). Her recommendations for improving the area are fairly standard: better public transportation, a rehab center in Welch itself (not just relatively nearby), bringing down the high-level drug dealers, etc. By now I already feel like I’ve heard this a million times, but she tells me that it was the devastating floods of the early 2000s that really brought down Welch, much more so than the drugs the national media prefer to talk about.

Welch, WV, May 9, 2002 — The Dollar General in Welch, West Virginia lost its complete inventory the second time in two years due to the May 2, 2002 flash.
Bob McMillan/ FEMA Photo

She tells me that, “I wanna see us be something,” and believes the drug problem is getting better, placing the worst of it at around 2018 or 2019. By now I had already heard several tragic stories about fatal overdoses, but when she tells me her husband died in March (without specifying the cause), it hits me harder than any other death I’ve heard about. She’s now a single mother of three, and still volunteers at a food bank. She admits to having thought about suicide, but that “God keeps me going.” She says she cries at night, not during the day. The last thing she tells me is that “McDowell County is a good place; it’s a whole lot more than we get credit for. We’re trying to get somewheres.”

I doubt if I’ll ever be able to convey this without sounding condescending, but there’s a noble durability to the people here that I’ve never encountered before. We’ve all faced hardship. I’ve known people who committed suicide and people who died from overdoses. The 2008 economic crash hit my family hard, too. But like with most things, hardship is a question of scale. The scale of grief so many of these people have endured is like nothing I’m familiar with. And yet they all seem happier, friendlier, and more optimistic than I am. Some might say I’m making “noble savages” out of the residents of southern West Virginia, but that’s not it. There’s nothing savage about them. Savages shoot at helicopters trying to evacuate hospitals because of a natural disaster. There’s nothing savage about volunteering at a food bank or running an ATV shop. I’ve lived in ghettoes before and seen plenty of savagery. Savagery is a gang of teenagers beating a pregnant woman to the ground. I’m still new in town, but it’s hard to imagine that happening in McDowell County.

I have a late lunch at a restaurant in Kimball, just a few miles from Welch. More than one person recommended that I speak to the woman who runs the place, another lifelong resident. She’s as friendly as everyone else and confirms a lot of what I’ve been hearing: It was the floods that really marked the beginning of the decline, there’s hope in the tourism and the incoming retirees, she remembers the good old days, etc. The mix of hope and frankness is as present in her as in anyone I’ve spoken to: “If ATVs are our lemons, let’s make lemonade. Will it be our salvation? Probably not.” If anything, she’s somewhat more frank than hopeful. I tell her I really appreciate her honesty when she concedes that bringing backs jobs isn’t as simple as building new businesses, because plenty of people in the area no longer want to work. She has more insight about the economics of the area than anyone else I’ve met, noting that Walmart came to town, ran everyone out of business, and then closed down. These are the kinds of stories that one day might just make a liberal out of me. She also tells me that a joke I’d heard earlier is actually a known saying: Out here, after high school, you’ve got four options: college, military, mines, or fast food.

 

McDonalds hiring: $10 Per Hour

She’s a first responder as well as a restauranteur, and it’s clear she’s seen a lot— and she wishes young people could see her dealing with the overdoses, the car wrecks, and the misery of it all. Her first year in the field was 1985, and she says this past year was the worst one she’s seen, likely because the COVID-related increase in welfare handouts gave a lot of unhealthy and unhappy people more money to spend (a few days later, a local journalist confirms this). As I write that, I realize that everyone I’ve spoken to has put the worst year at one or two years more recently than the person before. The millennial at the bar said 2017 or 2018, the woman at the food bank said 2018 or 2019, and this woman is saying 2020.

“Our people have some of the biggest hearts. If you have a problem, it’ll be a problem for everyone,” she tells me. She follows that up with a story from her time as a college student in New York City. Once, she was on the subway with some peers and saw a man have a seizure. She was the only person who ran over to try to help him. Not only did her fellow students do nothing, they told her she should stop trying to help because it could be some type of scam or setup. Perhaps the man was faking it so that he could pickpocket whoever came to his aid, or something like that. She told me that she still wonders about that day, if she should have done more because it was a real medical emergency, or if she should have done nothing at all. Apparently, people have told this woman to her face that she likes McDowell County only because she has no point of comparison. This is the story she always shares by way of reply. That kind of conundrum is unimaginable here.

At the risk of belaboring a point, this woman has seen more devastation and heartache than I probably ever will. But her story about New York City is very meaningful. The Big Apple has plenty of drugs and suicide, too. But the coldness of its people (which I’ve encountered firsthand) is a type of alien cruelty that’s inconceivable here. This wasn’t something I’d thought about at all when I made plans to come here.

The next person I speak to is an elected law enforcement official gracious enough to give me an interview. Police are normally leery of journalists, but this guy makes it clear he has nothing to hide. We talk about crime, of course, but more specifically, why it is that McDowell County has relatively little crime. “Experts” love to explain how poverty causes crime, but if that’s true, southern West Virginia is quite an outlier. He tells me that McDowell County averages one murder a year, although there were three in 2020, and that basically all crime is drug-related: possession of drugs, distribution of drugs, and theft/burglary to buy drugs. Despite that, people here don’t feel the need to always lock up their homes and their cars, and he notes that there’s nowhere in the whole county where someone would fear for their safety if their car broke down.

I ask him what he thinks could be done to fight the drug crisis and he doesn’t hesitate to tell me that tougher sentencing is need, “Holding jail terms over people’s heads is good,” he says. He talks a bit about how demoralizing it is to bust dealers and see them back in the streets only a few years later. Moreover, lighter sentencing has made it harder to get low-level arrestees to become informants or just squeal on the people above them in the food chain.

When I bring up tougher border security as a way to cut back on the flow of drugs, he agrees that it would help, but stresses that focusing on the southern border would not be enough. He wants to see better screening in the ports on the East Coast. Some have suggested that federal agencies, like the DEA or ATF, should come into the area to help stamp out the opioid scourge and I ask him if he thinks that would help. He says it could, but circles back to the issue of light sentencing. He points out that even if the FBI came in, all their expertise and resources wouldn’t make a difference if the people they bust still had to serve only a year or two in prison.

He’s the first person I speak to who is unwilling to say that things are definitely looking up: “I would never say the worst of the worst is behind us.” But like everyone else, he says the region’s citizens give him hope: “They’re not gonna give up.”

That night I get dinner at local restaurant in Roderfield, about ten minutes from Welch. Like the diner in Mercer County, its decor is solidly Christian Americana. The waitress is nice and clearly surprised that I want to speak to her about her own life, and life in general in this part of the country. She’s the first person I meet who isn’t from here. She grew up in a Buchanan County, one of the poorest parts of Virginia. With the help of the Department of Housing and Urban Development, she got an apartment nearby, believing there were more jobs in this area than in her home town. She concedes that she didn’t know how bad things were in McDowell when she came here. All the same, she’s done well for herself. She has a serious boyfriend and they want to move to Tennessee. She tells me she’s never been tempted to use drugs and doesn’t have anyone in her social circle who uses. She is very surprised when I tell her I think I would be tempted if I lived here. (To be perfectly honest, throughout my teens and early twenties, I partied a lot— with all the drug use that that implies. It’s grim to admit, but I’m not sure I would have made it past 25 if I’d grown up here.) She has more than a few horror stories of the kind you can easily find from other reporters who focus on the area’s dispossession, but she doesn’t want me sharing them. However, she is the first person to tell me that the drug crisis is getting worse, not better. When I ask her what she wishes outsiders knew about McDowell County she says, “I don’t know, I honestly don’t.”

God’s Corner

The next morning, I interview the mayor of a town in McDowell County. Both he and the employee who makes our conversation happen are very clear that they don’t want to talk to me if I’m just going to write yet another sob story about how awful the area is. They’ve had plenty of journalists come through and pen bleak writeups about how miserable everyone in McDowell County is, and they hate being portrayed that way. I tell them that so far, just about everyone I’ve interviewed has been optimistic, and the area isn’t nearly as rough as I’d imagined. With that, the government employee gives me a useful list of people to speak with, and even makes an introduction or two.

The mayor is by far the most optimistic citizen I’ve spoken to. He says he has “no clue” why the area has a bad reputation and that “crisis” is too strong a word for the drug problem, the worst of which has long gone by. “Every place in the whole world has that issue,” he insists. While that’s true, it’s also not that simple. He talks a very big game about tourism, saying that the area can become another Dollywood, but he’s not building castles in the sky. He’s smart enough to note that although visiting dads will be happy to ride ATVs all week, the area needs to build things for mom and the kids to do: fishing ponds, ziplines, amusement parks, etc. Over and over as we talk, he says his boundless optimism is rooted in the goodness of the citizenry: “People are our greatest advantage,” “We’re a frontier that can make anything happen,” “We’re on the move and we’re gonna keep moving,” “We have the mentality there’s nothing we can’t do,” etc.

ATV Resort

If I had met him on my first day, I’d have taken him for a total Pollyanna. But after speaking with so many locals, I can’t see why anyone shouldn’t have faith in this place and its people. His optimism is maybe a bit much, but he is, after all, a politician talking to an outsider (though, for the record, he did tell me unequivocally, “I don’t consider myself a politician”)— and he’s not wrong when he says a positive attitude at the top is necessary because it will filter down to everyone. When I push him on how strange it’s going to be for a region to transition from an industrial juggernaut to a tourist hamlet over the course of living memory, he admits that I’m right. But he won’t let that weirdness get to him. If that’s the change that needs to happen to keep the place afloat economically, then that’s what needs to be done. Like the restauranteur, he says something about making lemonade out of lemons.

On my way out, a government employee, presumably familiar with the mayor’s can-do attitude, reaffirms that this place really isn’t so bad, it’s not all drug addicts and desolation the way the mainstream portrays it. I tell him he’s right (because he is) and note that I have yet to hear gunfire— and I’ve lived in places where you hear it pretty often. “Oh, you will in hunting season,” he replies, grinning from ear to ear.

My next stop is another food bank. The woman who runs it was hesitant to speak with me, but by this point had already heard from other locals that I seemed alright. When we meet, she is absolutely insistent that I better not spin a tale of doom and gloom. She says that if I’m going to do that, I should leave, and that she has kicked journalists out of her food bank once it became clear they were just looking for sob stories. I swear up and down that I’m going to write honestly about what I find, and that so far, I’ve found more hope than anything else.

Playground mural

Perhaps I’m repeating myself to the point of tedium, but this woman, like so many other people out here, is a fascinating mix of brutal honestly about the area and indefatigable pride in its people and hope for its future. My notes from our conversation are a Jackson Pollack painting of this dialectic. She tells me that, “People let their hurts take them to the grave,” but, “I want to speak life into people.” She gives me a stern look and says, “Don’t think I don’t cry,” but that “every day is a new day.” More than anything else, she talks about choice. Eve had a choice in the Garden of Eden, and people here have a choice, too. She can’t stress the matter of choice enough, and it’s clear that for her, that’s the big source of hope. Addiction and despair are choices, not destinies. With choice, the future remains unwritten. I’m not convinced it’s as simple as that. But this woman is a force of nature. Her food bank is massive and it’s entirely privately funded. She shows me around and it’s well-stocked, to put it mildly, not only is there food but there’s school supplies, toiletries, just about everything, really. I’ve lived a life of privilege compared to this woman, but she’s the one doing God’s work. It doesn’t really feel like she’s given me any choice about feeling impressed and humbled.

I spend the afternoon driving around, trying to get a better feel for the area and hoping to find more people to interview. McDowell County isn’t especially populous, but it’s still huge: 535 square miles. Atlanta, one of the most spread-out cities in the country is just 134 square miles. Every store here (restaurants, gas stations, pharmacies, etc.) has a sign advertising that they sell passes for the Hatfield-McCoy Trail, the main tourist attraction.

I make it to Bradshaw, which many people in Welch seem to consider the more rural, more redneck part of the county. I didn’t get that sense, but it’s certainly poorer than just about every other town I’ve visited. I try to go to a town called War next, but my phone loses all reception and internet connectivity. I get hopelessly lost, and honestly, War might be so small that I drove through it and didn’t notice. When I finally figure out how to get back to Welch it starts pouring rain, and with the roads being as curvy and narrow as they are, with no shoulder to pull off onto, for a few minutes I wonder if I’m going to make it back in one piece.

Bradshaw Economy Drug

Empty Bradshaw Building

When I get back to where I’m staying, I’m so exhausted that I take a nap. I’m probably just an ugly outsider for saying this, but I really have no idea how people here deal with these roads, especially since you need to drive to get anything. A few hours later, I drive to Pineville in neighboring Wyoming County and step into the Ole’ Jose Grill and Cantina. It’s the first complete tourist trap I’ve been to out here. Everyone inside is an ATVer, and the restaurant has a generic, antiseptic atmosphere that I can’t stand.

Map of McDowell County

Back in Welch, I walk down into a valley of sorts behind a row of apartment buildings. There’s a big park with a pool, basketball courts, etc. Southern West Virginia has a reputation for being solidly White, but McDowell County is actually almost 10 percent Black. At the pool, it suddenly feels like I’m in a big city again. Everyone there is Black except the White lifeguards. Unruly kids are running around everywhere, it’s loud, and not just because someone is blaring rap from a set of speakers. One guy is driving his ATV back and forth on a little pathway, making all kinds of racket. The smell of marijuana is unmistakable. I wasn’t born yesterday, so I leave. The Whites I’ve met here aren’t much like Whites I’ve met elsewhere, but the texture of Black behavior is always the same. See, for example, this music video made by some of the area’s aspiring rappers. I believe it was filmed in one of the apartment buildings near this pool.

That night I go to interesting local business in Welch. By day, it’s something of a family restaurant with pizza and burgers. But it’s also got a bar you can smoke at, and an adjacent enclosed room filled with slot machines. I get a sandwich and some coffee and start chatting with the White girl working the register who’s just a few years younger than me.

She’s impeccably sweet and all too happy to pass the time with someone new. She volunteers her life story with little coaxing. It’s intense, to be sure. There’s drug use, illegitimate children, legal trouble, etc. And yet, her positivity shines through it all. She plans on staying in the area because it’s where all her family is. Moreover, the people here are great. Earlier that day, she’d gotten a flat tire and found help in no more than 15 minutes. “It’s boring [here], but help is always just 15 minutes away,” she observes.

Doors of a Welch Pharmacy

Much of what she says I’ve heard before at this point: The floods were the beginning of the end, the tourism industry is a sign of hope, that the loss of the local Walmart was devastating, that not only is there a need for more grocery stores but for social spaces as well (arcades, bowling alleys, etc.). I ask her if working where she does has made her think gambling should be banned. While she admits that she sees plenty of people spend way too much time and money at the slots, she notes that the thrill people get from gambling is still much better than the ever-present alternative for thrills: drugs. She follows that up by pointing out that if addicts lose all their money gambling, that’s just less money they can spend on poison. That perspective is cynical, but she might be on to something.

She can’t say for sure when the worst year of the drug crisis was, and isn’t willing to say that the worst of it is over. I wonder if that’s informed by her own past drug use. At the end of the night, her own version of the area’s signature blend of pride and pessimism gets especially intense. She says she wishes outsiders knew that people in McDowell County are normal, not shoeless hillbillies. When I ask her for her best prediction for what the area will be like in 40 years, her answer startles me: She says by then, there might not be anything left, that everyone will have died or left. Even still, she says, “if the apocalypse comes, I’d still rather be here than in a big city.”

I’ve never been religious, but that night I talk with some devout New Englanders who live near where I’m staying. They came to the area on an uplift mission and ended up staying and starting a family. The husband tells me with no hesitation that if he were an atheist, he’d be cynical about the area and have left long ago. But he isn’t. Moreover, he says it’s the people here who teach him about God, not vice versa. On top of that, he tells me that the misery these people have endured is spiritually redemptive, and that God will reward them for it in the next life. I can’t help but find a certain logic to this. These people have every reason to be angry, and could come up with a long list of excuses for self-destruction and nihilism, but none of that is in play here, at least not in an endemic way. It’s hard to know exactly what to make of it.

Old Country Church

The next day I drive, sharp turns all the way, to a rehab center in neighboring Mingo County. It’s a live-in place for women only, and the staff is kind enough to let me anonymously interview any resident willing to talk to me. I speak to three women back-to-back over the course of about an hour and a half. It’s a gut-punch that leaves me reeling and desperately wondering if I just crashed up against a brutal reality-check. I’m not unfamiliar with people who have messed up families, broken marriages, and checkered pasts, but these three women’s stories are on another level. I don’t want to indulge in “pity porn” or make them feel like their privacy has been violated, so I’m going to skip the gory details.

But more than the hell they’ve all been through, what gets to me is how they answer my questions at the end of each interview. Not one of them said there was any reason to think things will get better. Not one was willing to say the worst of the drug crisis was in the rearview mirror. In short, they all said things will only disintegrate further, and that everyone who’d told me otherwise was out-and-out lying to me, lying to themselves, or both. Here are some quotes from the three of them:

“It’s more than a crisis.”

“It’s only gotten worse so far.”

“The [types of] drugs will change but I don’t think the scenario ever will.”

“These other people are feeding you some bullshit.”

“It’s only going to get worse.”

“I know if I were on drugs, I’d feed you a bunch of bullshit. Just being honest.”

I drive back to Welch wondering what on Earth to believe. I return to the bar I went to my first night in town and can’t help but tell the first person who will listen about what I just heard. She tells me the women at the rehab center may well be right. She grew up here, left, and came back. She’s struggled with addiction and still hates the doctors who got her started. “I’m not supposed to be here,” she says, and tells me she’ll be leaving again when she gets the chance.

Staying at this bar and knocking back more beer is not a good idea, so I leave to meet up with the religious New Englanders I’d met a few days ago. Almost as if the whole day has been scripted, the wife tells me she can’t imagine enduring all this chaos without trusting fully in God’s plan. That’s not just the opinion of an outsider, either. Most of the locals here seem to feel the same way. Not all of them, of course, but a lot of them. The Russian novelist Fyodor Dostoyevsky once said, “If someone succeeded in proving to me that Christ was outside the truth, and if, indeed, the truth was outside Christ, then I would sooner remain with Christ than with the truth.” Everyone in this part of the country is a thousand times more resilient than me. That sounds corny, but it’s true. And their faith is a cornerstone of that reality. It occurs to me that my atheism has nothing to offer people here, but that their God, with his courage, forgiveness, and long view, has a lot to offer me— regardless of whether he exists. What’s more is that my lack of faith isn’t slowing anybody down out here, but their spiritual confidence really does give me a sense of hope. It was just the other day that the male half of this couple told me the locals teach him about God, not the other way around. The faithful have crises of faith, but what’s discussed less often is that atheists have crises of disbelief. In that moment, I started to feel like a character in a Flannery O’Connor story who sees the grace of God just before some gothic horror strikes them.

Over the course of my last two days there I do a lot more driving. I visit all the cities closest to Welch that people have named as the best places nearby: Tazewell, Virginia; Bluefield, West Virginia; and Beckley, West Virginia. Tazewell is cute; an interesting mix of God’s country (unvandalized Confederate monuments, MAGA signs, and motorcycles) and the kind of bucolic small town our liberal elites love to vacation in (local brewery, pricey coffee shops, and a fancy brunch spot). Bluefield is a bigger, less poor Welch. There are boarded up shops right alongside nice office buildings. Beckley is like one of those mid-sized cities you stop to get gas in on a road trip. It’s perfectly pleasant and middle-class, but doesn’t have much character. I go to a few museums about mining and feel much more like a tourist than a journalist.

Tazewell Confederate Monument

Bluefield Office

Empty Bluefield Building

When not meandering, I spend much of my last 48 hours with two fascinating Welch locals, a woman in her fifties and a man a few years older than me. They’re the smartest people I’ve met out here, and over the course of hours of conversation with them, they humble me over and over again. At her age, and having lived almost her whole life in McDowell, there’s nothing she hasn’t seen, but she’s still here, still surviving, still hopeful, and still working for a better tomorrow. He’s basically my age, but his life has been tougher than anything I can comprehend. I don’t know how he manages to share so many stories about overdoses and suicides without crying, but he does.

At the end of the week, I drive home and there’s everything to think about alone in my car for hours and hours. It’s as if I can’t even remember what I was expecting to find now that I’ve seen so much. Southern West Virginia is poor, and the stories of its heartbreak could fill the Library of Congress a hundred times over. But I knew all that before I got there— you probably did, too. However, it’s not some kind of “big White ghetto” in the midst of a Hobbesian war of all against all. I’ve really never met kinder people. I’ve also never met a people more determined to withstand it all and persevere. The place enlightened me— but only after it humbled me. All of us really do have a lot to learn from these people. Marcus Aurelius wrote that, “Nothing can happen to any man that nature has not fitted him to endure. Your neighbor’s experiences are no different from your own; yet he, being either less aware of what has happened or more eager to show his mettle, stands steady and undaunted. For shame, that ignorance and vanity should prove stronger than wisdom!” My Christian friends assure me that Christ agrees. I couldn’t tell you if God is real, but after a week in Welch, I do know for certain that God smiles upon southern West Virginia— and on the rest of us as well.

A Look Behind the COVID-19 Vaccine Curtain: Integration with Global Elites

This article explores the deep interconnections of the Covid establishment with governments, elite universities, well-funded NGOs, and private corporations, including entities that are enabling governments dedicated to surveillance of  citizens and enforced conformity in attitudes and behavior. These trends are increasingly apparent throughout the West and are particularly welcomed by the political left. As will be seen, there is a prominent role for Jews and Israeli-based entities in all this—not surprising given the emergence of Jews as a global (and globalist) elite. Jews, given their status as an elite and their insecurity based on their perceptions of historical anti-Semitism, tend to oppose populism and to favor top-down elite control—examples are twentieth-century communist governments with Jewish elites enforcing authoritarian, top-down control over the citizenry.

The following is a summary of how this agenda is playing out now within the framework of Western cultures traditionally based on individual freedoms and rights. Quite clearly, the Covid crisis is seen by such elites as a golden opportunity to ratchet up control and conformity in Western societies.

*   *   *

New documents obtained by The Intercept show unequivocally the connection between not just the United States government and the Wuhan Institute of Virology in China, but that of non-governmental organization (NGO) EcoHealth Alliance, which also “used federal money to fund bat coronavirus research at the Chinese laboratory”:

The trove of documents includes two previously unpublished grant proposals that were funded by the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases [NIAID], as well as project updates relating to the EcoHealth Alliance’s research. … One of the grants, titled “Understanding the Risk of Bat Coronavirus Emergence,” outlines an ambitious effort led by EcoHealth Alliance president Peter Daszak to screen thousands of bat samples for novel coronaviruses. … The bat coronavirus grant provided the EcoHealth Alliance with a total of $3.1 million, including $599,000 that the Wuhan Institute of Virology used in part to identify and alter bat coronaviruses likely to infect humans.[1]

In other words, COVID-19 was designed in a lab specifically to infect humans.

Readers are likely well-familiar with the NIAID by now—helmed by Anthony Fauci—but Daszak and the EcoHealth Alliance are probably less familiar.

Daszak, as per the EcoHealth Alliance website, “is a regular advisor to WHO on pathogen prioritization for R&D” among a number of prestigious positions, and “his work has been the focus of extensive media coverage, ranging from press articles in The New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, The Economist, The Washington Post, US News & World Report, and broadcast appearances on 60 Minutes, CNN, ABC, NPR’s Talk of the Nation, Science Friday, and Fresh Air with Terry Gross.” In other words, he’s a big shot in the area of infectious diseases.

Given the police state Australia has now become (and the rest of the globe is fast becoming) under the guise of coronavirus prevention, the fact that the World Health Organization (WHO) has been instrumental in all of this and is also connected to the color-revolution-sponsoring USAID, and with the intersection of big tech and biosurveillance tracking and tracing every little thing, none of this is incidental. The further institutional connections and staff of the EcoHealth Alliance bear this out, which we will see shortly. Further, Daszak was named by the WHO as the sole US representative on a team sent to investigate the origins of the COVID-19 pandemic—which, the propaganda reminds us, did not emerge from a laboratory funded in large part by Daszak’s organization.

Among the EcoHealth Alliance’s partners and those particularly germane to the topic at hand include Johnson & Johnson (which produced one of the leading vaccines for COVID-19 in conjunction with the Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority of the US Department of Health and Human Services), the John Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health (“As we look ahead to making COVID-19 vaccines available to children 12 and younger…”), the CDC, the NIH, the New York City Department of Health, and the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). Johns Hopkins is where COVID-19 infection numbers and the death toll are more often than not sourced by mainstream media; its Center for Health Security was a partner with the World Economic Forum and the Gates Foundation for Event 201, “a high-level pandemic exercise on October 18, 2019, in New York city. The exercise illustrated areas where public/private partnerships will be necessary during the response to a severe pandemic in order to diminish large-scale economic and societal consequences.” Note the date and the subsequent response, both in terms of the Great Reset and Operation Warp Speed with these vaccines being pushed into as many arms as possible in the face of a litany of alternatives, not least of which is natural immunity for a disease with an extremely low mortality rate for those without co-morbidities. In short, they create the problem and then provide the ready-made solution.

It will not surprise you, then, to learn that Scott Dowell, the Gates Foundation’s Deputy Director for Surveillance and Epidemiology, is an advisor for the EcoHealth Alliance. Another advisor is David Heymann, Head of the Centre on Global Health Security at Chatham House, the British equivalent of USAID. Other advisors include the Biosurveillance Coordinator of the CDC and a pair of representatives of the WHO. The Vice Chair of EcoHealth Alliance’s Board of Directors is Carlota Vollhardt, who per the EcoHealth Alliance website, “held positions of increasing responsibility at Pfizer Inc. in global talent, organizational development, and knowledge management as part of the R&D, commercial and corporate divisions.” Pfizer with BioNTech produces yet another of the leading COVID-19 vaccines in the United States, this one of the mRNA variety. NIAID and Moderna co-developed another mRNA vaccine, mRNA-1273, authorized by the FDA and recommended by the CDC.

Pfizer, whose CEO is the Jewish Albert Bourla, reached an agreement in July 2020 with the US Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) and the Department of Defense (DoD) for large-scale production and nationwide delivery of 100 million doses of a COVID-19 vaccine in the United States. The agreement also allows the government to acquire an additional 500 million doses. This is the same Pfizer that is alleged to have paid off Nigerian officials in order to accelerate the release of a meningitis drug that ended up killing eleven children. Pfizer had failed to obtain informed consent from the parents, gave fake ethics documents backing the test to the FDA, and, when the FDA opened an investigation into the matter, suddenly called it off shortly thereafter. A former employee alleges that some FDA officials had inside knowledge of what was going on. According to the employee, Dr. Juan Walterspiel, corners were cut because “speed was of the essence and stock options and bonuses at stake.”

Pfizer with partner BioNTech and Moderna, whose Chief Medical Officer Tal Zaks is Israeli, were the two lead horses in rushing a COVID-19 vaccine to market as part of Operation Warp Speed. According to Michael Janofsky:

Zaks received his medical degree and doctorate from Ben Gurion University and served in the Israel Defense Forces as a medic. … Zaks was drawn to Moderna in 2015 by its mission to build a new class of medicine, infusing RNA with a set of instructions that directs cells in the body to make antibodies that prevent or fight disease. … Moderna is part of the Trump administration’s Operation Warp Speed, using nearly $1 billion from the U.S. government’s Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority and working with the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, led by Anthony Fauci. In September, as Moderna’s vaccine success appeared more certain, Zaks and two other researchers — Alexander Gintsburg, director of the Gamaleya Research Institute of Epidemiology and Microbiology in Moscow, and Shmuel Shapira, Director General of the Israel Institute for Biological Research outside Tel Aviv — were named No. 2 on the Jerusalem Post’s list of 50 Most Influential Jews of 2020.[2]

HEMED BEIT, a precursor to the Israel Institute for Biological Research (IIBR), had its genesis as a biological warfare unit. The federal government’s Operation Warp Speed project to hasten development of COVID-19 vaccines awarded Moderna a $1.5 billion contract in August 2020 to deliver 100 million vaccine doses, with a government option to buy up to 400 million more. For 2021, Moderna said it expects to be able to make 500 million to 1 billion doses worldwide. The R&D of the Moderna vaccine was aided by nearly $1 billion in federal funding from the Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority (BARDA).

Moderna claims in its White Paper, “The vaccine mimics natural viral infections in a way that the immune system recognizes. It’s delivered to the muscle and immune cells, which process the nucleotide sequence just as they would do during an infection using viral DNA/mRNA inside the body’s own cells (but safely).” We now know that it does not mimic a natural response. And is it safe? And what if the ruling class decides to inject you with nanotechnology that responds to signals from the suddenly-everywhere 5G towers while they’re at it? What if they are consciously trying to re-program and reengineer you?

It’s not much of a stretch, as World Economic Forum founder Klaus Schwab fantasizes in his book The Fourth Industrial Revolution (its foreword was written by Marc Benioff, the Jewish transgender bankroller, Salesforce founder, Chairman, and CEO, and World Economic Forum Board of Trustee member) about this transhumanist future with a “fusion of technologies across the physical, digital and biological worlds,” with devices becoming “an increasing part of our personal ecosystem, listening to us, anticipating our needs, and helping us when required—even if not asked.” These personal nano networks range from “a smart pill, developed by Proteus Biomedical and Novartis, [that] has a biodegradable digital device attached to it, which transmits data,” to “the first human with fully artificial memory implanted in the brain” and “designer beings.” For Schwab, the increasing velocity of the globalized world is a defining feature of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, a revolution taking place at exponential speed.

You know what else happened at exponential speed? Operation Warp Speed. The concerns over the long-term effects of COVID-19 are warranted, but is there a need to create a global Panopticon for this disease—or any other for that matter? Humanity has always grappled with disease and mortality, and it always will—no amount of transhumanist biotechnological manipulations will ever change that. But that’s not going to stop the people who are committed to pushing the limits of what’s possible and creating “man-made horrors beyond your comprehension.”

Ryan Cross reported in April 2020 for Chemical and Engineering News that, “a virtual meeting in March helmed by the US FDA and the European Medicines Agency concluded that during the pandemic, companies will not have to prove that their vaccines work in animals before beginning human studies.” With this already-questionable (at best) step skipped, the ruling class is preparing for the inevitable adverse reactions as well; the UK’s Medicines and Healthcare Products Regulatory Agency (MHRA) was “urgently seek[ing] an Artificial Intelligence (AI) software tool to process the expected high volume of Covid-19 vaccine Adverse Drug Reaction (ADRs) and ensure that no details from the ADRs’ reaction test are missed.” The contracted agency, Genpact, is a global professional services firm that, according to its website, runs “thousands of processes primarily for Global Fortune 500 companies. … Combining our expertise in end-to-end operations and our AI-based platform, Genpact Cora, we focus on the details. … Whatever it is, we’ll be there with you – accelerating digital transformation.” Genpact’s industries include private equity, media and entertainment, chemical, aerospace and defense, life sciences, and energy.

Genpact’s clients have included Bayer, McKesson, and the Israeli company SodaStream, whose former CEO Daniel Birnbaum was investigated for insider trading; Birnbaum is at this writing still on the Board of Directors along with Board Chairman Stanley Stern, also on the Board at Foamix Pharmaceuticals (an Israeli-based pharmaceuticals company) and Ekso Bionics Holdings Inc. (“a company that develops and manufactures powered exoskeleton bionic devices that can be strapped on as wearable robots to enhance the strength, mobility, and endurance of soldiers and paraplegics. … At Ekso Bionics, we develop disruptive clinical robotics to tackle loss of mobility and cognition”). Stern was also head of Oppenheimer’s technology investment banking group. Stern and Birnbaum both hold MBAs from Harvard Business School. Joining Stern (who like Michael Bloomberg also spent time with Salomon Brothers) on the Ekso Board is Ted Wang, whose Ekso Bionics website biography reads:

Dr. Wang is the Chief Investment Officer of Puissance Capital Management, a global asset manager founded in 2015 with offices in the U.S. and China. Puissance was the lead investor in Ekso’s recently completed rights offering. Prior to founding Puissance, Dr. Wang was a Partner of Goldman Sachs & Co. in New York. During his 18-year tenure at Goldman Sachs he held many leadership positions including as a member of the Goldman Sachs Risk Committee. Prior to joining Goldman Sachs, he co-founded Xeotron Corp., a company specializing in DNA biochips in Texas.

Nothing to see here, right? For Kelly Servick, regarding Moderna:

Serial entrepreneur Robert Langer of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and Noubar Afeyan, CEO of the venture capital firm Flagship Pioneering, both in Cambridge, saw the makings of a whole new class of drugs—and the idea of Moderna was born. … If you can hack the rules of mRNA, “essentially the entire kingdom of life is available for you to play with,” says Hoge, a physician by training who left a position as a health care analyst to become Moderna’s president in 2012.[3]

Of course the BBC claims that there are no side effects whatsoever associated with mRNA vaccines, and that the microchip-inserting fears of the population are baseless. Unlikely, perhaps, but microchips are already on the market for pets; one company, HomeAgain, states that the “permanent ID can never be removed or become impossible to read”: “Because they use RFID technology, microchips do not require a power source like a GPS. When a microchip scanner is passed over the pet, the microchip gets enough power from the scanner to transmit the microchip’s ID number.” Moderna has collaborated on work with not just the federal government, but Merck and the Gates Foundation[4] along similar lines (from a Moderna website press release):

In January 2016, we entered a global health project framework agreement with the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation to advance mRNA-based development projects for various infectious diseases. The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation has committed up to $20.0 million in grant funding to support our initial project related to the evaluation of antibody combinations in a preclinical setting as well as the conduct of a first-in-human Phase 1 clinical trial of a potential mRNA medicine to help prevent human immunodeficiency virus, or HIV, infections. Follow-on projects which could bring total potential funding under the framework agreement up to $100.0 million (including the HIV antibody project) to support the development of additional mRNA-based projects for various infectious diseases can be proposed and approved until the sixth anniversary of the framework agreement, subject to the terms of the framework agreement, including our obligation to grant to the Bill &Melinda Gates Foundation certain non-exclusive licenses.

Additionally, from the June 2017 White Paper from Moderna entitled “Building the Digital Biotech Company: Why and How Digitization is Mission-Critical for Moderna” (note the use of military language):

The inherent software-like, digital nature of mRNA technology presents the opportunity to build a completely novel type of biopharmaceutical company specifically tailored to explore and exploit the potential of mRNA science. … Our mRNA medicines aren’t small molecules, like traditional pharmaceuticals. And they aren’t biologics (recombinant proteins and monoclonal antibodies), which were the genesis of the biotech industry. Instead, they are sets of instructions – a software-like code – that we deliver to cells in the body.

And what code, what instructions, could this code deliver? Dan Barouch, Director of the Center for Virology and Vaccine Research at Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center, says, “The COVID crisis is a great opportunity for those technologies to be pushed.” Pushed. Indeed. In addition to working on DNA and mRNA vaccines, Barouch collaborated with Johnson & Johnson and BARDA to develop their adenoviral vector vaccine.

Inovio and its research partner, the Wistar Institute, are major proponents of DNA vaccines; the US Department of Defense provided funding of $11.9 million worth of manufacturing for Inovio’s 2020 trials. The Wistar Institute’s scientists feature ties to the University of California-San Francisco, Harvard Medical School, Boston Children’s Hospital (all of which readers of The Transgender-Industrial Complex will understand its full, grisly significance), East China University of Science and Technology, and the WHO. UCSF, in addition to being a central tumor of transgenderism, is also among the ranks of grantees of the NIH for, as Derrick Broze writes, work focusing “on using artificial intelligence (AI), machine learning, and other methods, combined with smartphone apps, wearable devices, and software ‘that can identify and trace contacts of infected individuals, keep track of verified COVID-19 test results, and monitor the health status of infected and potentially infected individuals.’” The specter of AI and the potential ramifications loom large. For Johnny Vedmore:

A company named Cybereason is here to provide us with a short glimpse of our pending fearful futures. … Cybereason’s CEO and co-founder is an enigmatic former Israeli Intelligence agent Lior Div-Cohen, often simply referred to as Lior Div. Div, an IDF Medal of Honor recipient and former Israeli Unit 8200 member, co-founded Cybereason in 2012 alongside Yossi Naar and Yonatan Striem-Amit, who are also fellow veterans of Israel’s military cybersecurity corps. A scholar from the Academic College of Tel-Aviv, Lior Div afterwards worked as a software engineer for Xacct a network service provider followed by the notorious firm Amdocs, which was accused of eavesdropping on American government officials on behalf of Israel. In between Amdocs and Cybereason, Lior Div was the CEO and co-founder of Israeli cybersecurity firm AlfaTech which is described in its national media as “a cybersecurity services company for Israeli government agencies.” … Through their partnership with Lockheed Martin, Cybereason now has its A.I.-driven cybersecurity software running on some of the U.S. government’s most classified networks, including numerous, critical U.S. military systems. Yet, it’s not only major weapons developers like Lockheed Martin who have invested in this hi-tech cybersecurity platform. Reuters reported in August 2019 that Japanese firm Softbank has invested previously in the company, along with venture capital firms CRV and Spark Capital. Spark Capital’s investment portfolio includes Twitter, Oculus, Wayfair, Coinbase, Plaid, among many other big players. CRV’s investments include Dropbox, Patreon, but also A.I. and machine learning-related enterprises such as Standard Cognition and Dyno Therapeutics. As with Darktrace, Cybereason offers what is described as a next generation antivirus technology which, instead of responding to attacks when detected, will use A.I. and machine learning to see abnormalities to a network’s usual processes in real time. … Cybereason also has links to one of the usual suspects, Brigadier Pinchas Buchris. The former Deputy Commander of an elite IDF operations unit and former Commander of the IDF 8200 Cyber Intelligence Unit, he was also Director General of the Israeli Ministry of Defense, CEO of Oil Refineries Ltd and also serves as an AIPAC board member. This highflying Israeli intelligence operative joined the board of Cybereason shortly after his time spent at Carbyne911. Carbyne, an Israeli 911 call platform which saw initial investment from Jeffrey Epstein, Nicole Junkermann, and Peter Thiel, was founded by Ehud Barak and other ex Israeli intelligence giants. … Carbyne911 have been pushing to be involved in the Covid-19 track and trace apps as well as continuing to try and take over the American emergency services communication infrastructure. … All of these technologies must be thought about, not only in relation to just an election day cyber-attack or a terrorist event, but instead think of this in its original and larger context. The Cambridge mathematicians behind the creation of Darktrace weren’t originally looking to prevent a cyberattack on election day 2020. These highflying math geniuses were trying to create the singularity, the creation of self-learning A.I.[5]

Unsurprisingly, given its role in everything COVID and many other horrors besides, Johns Hopkins offers a master’s degree in Artificial Intelligence, and its Machine Learning program “brings together dozens of faculty from across the university to share research problems and techniques.” The Center for Health Security is housed in the Bloomberg School of Public Health.

Operation Warp Speed awarded contracts to vaccine companies through the defense contractor Advanced Technology International (ATI). Whitney Webb has explored its web of connections.[6]

The Biden administration’s Coronavirus Task Force further institutionalized this agenda. As Derrick Broze writes:

Biden announced that his Coronavirus Task Force would be chaired by former Surgeon General Vivek Murthy, former Food and Drug Administration commissioner David Kessler and Yale University’s Dr. Marcella Nunez-Smith. … At least six members of the 13-member Task Force have worked directly with Gates or the Gates Foundation, while at least 3 others have tangential connections to Gates. Several members also have connections to the Rockefeller Foundation, which is also infamous for shaping international health policy. … [One example is] Dr. Eric Goosby … an infectious disease expert and professor of medicine at the University of California, San Francisco, School of Medicine. During the Clinton administration Goosby was the founding director of the largest federally funded HIV/AIDS program. Goosby was also part of a 25-member commission convened by the Rockefeller Foundation and Boston University which focused on “how global decision-makers can better use burgeoning data on the wide range of factors influencing people’s health.” In 2012, he participated in a panel with Bill Gates as part of the International AIDS Conference. … The presence of counter-terrorism experts, a Council on Foreign Relations fellow, an In-Q-Tel executive, connections to the Gates Foundation and the Rockefeller Foundation are all signs that Joe Biden’s Coronavirus Task Force will carry on the trends started under the Trump administration’s Operation Warp Speed.[7]

The Board of Trustees of In-Q-Tel includes individuals such as former CIA Director George Tenet. In-Q-Tel, according to its website:

The CIA and government agencies, once innovation leaders, recognized they were missing out on the cutting-edge, innovative, and impactful technologies coming out of Silicon Valley and beyond. Combining the security savvy of government with the can-do curiosity of Silicon Valley, In-Q-Tel is born. As technology evolves and government needs transform, IQT established new initiatives that build on its national security mission. IQT Labs explore technology opportunities and solutions to problems that remain unsolved across government, industry, and society yet are critically important for technology adoption and national security. B.Next was founded – and was prescient – in its application of biotechnology to address the national security threat of infectious disease epidemics and pandemics.

Also on In-Q-Tel’s Board is A. B. Krongard (“Israel’s Agent at the CIA”), who may well have been the connection between Erik Prince of Blackwater Security Consulting and the CIA. In 2007 there was controversy over whether Krongard had joined Blackwater as a member of its Advisory Board; he was also mentioned in the 9/11 Commission Report in connection to possible insider trading through trades made by Alex. Brown & Sons, where he was at one time Chief Executive Officer and Chairman of the Board: “A single U.S.-based institutional investor with no conceivable ties to al Qaeda purchased 95 percent of the UAL puts on September 6 (2001) as part of a strategy that also included buying 115,000 shares of American on September 10. Similarly, much of the seemingly suspicious trading on September 10 was traced to a specific U.S.-based options trading newsletter…which recommended these trades.” Krongard was named Executive Director of the CIA in March 2001, having joined the agency in 1998. Why would he buy shares of American Airlines on September 10? What happened the very next day involving American Airlines that killed thousands of Americans, ushered in a massive erosion of civil liberties, and a string of Vietnams-in-the-desert with nations ruined and hundreds of thousands dead?

Krongard is on Apollo Global Management’s Board of Directors with wealthy and powerful Jews Leon Black (co-founder, Chairman, and CEO of Apollo) and New England Patriots football franchise owner Robert Kraft. Black, The New York Times reported, paid Jeffrey Epstein at least $50 million between 2012 and 2017. Krongard’s wife was a senior partner of Apollo Global Management from January 2002 to December 2004. From 1994 to 2000, she served as the Chief Executive Officer of Rothschild Asset Management and as Senior Managing Director for Rothschild North America. Additionally, she served as a director of Rothschild North America, Rothschild Asset Management, Rothschild Asset Management BV, and Rothschild Realty Inc. and as Managing Member of Rothschild Recovery Fund. She served as a director of US Airways Group Inc. from 2003 until its merger with American Airlines. France’s president is former Rothschild banker Emmanuel Macron; it should be noted that above the fierce objections of many, France has introduced a “vaccine passport.”

A.B. Krongard is also an Emeritus Trustee of Johns Hopkins Medicine, as is Sharon Percy Rockefeller. Johns Hopkins Medicine Deputy Director Anita Cicero’s expertise areas according to Johns Hopkins Medicine’s website are: Public health law; epidemic and pandemic preparedness policy; global catastrophic biological risk issues; biosecurity; bio surveillance; and international disease surveillance. Her professional profile informs that “Cicero has also launched a number of initiatives to improve mutual understanding and collaboration with countries including the People’s Republic of China,” and that Cicero’s work as an attorney “required constructive engagement with members of Congress; the World Health Organization; the European Commission; the US Food and Drug Administration; the US Departments of State, Defense, and Health and Human Services; and the Environmental Protection Agency.”

The CEO of Johns Hopkins Medicine, Paul Rothman, attended MIT, accepted a postdoctoral fellowship at Columbia University prior to joining its medical school faculty, and is on the Board of Merck. In a July 2020 interview with The Jerusalem Post, Rothman stated that big data sets assisted by artificial intelligence technologies could help doctors personalize treatments for coronavirus. That same month, the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security published a report entitled “Resetting Our Response: Changes Needed in the US Approach to COVID-19”: “Unlike many countries in the world, the United States is not currently on course to get control of this epidemic. It’s time to reset.” Reset you say? That sounds awfully familiar…

The Rockefeller Foundation, in addition to its role in consolidating control over the global food supply and its other extensive activities contributing to the creation of the One World government—like Johns Hopkins with Event 201 and the like—has been gaming these scenarios out ahead of time; they have been poised to leap for some time. (Also of note: the new head of the CDC, the Jewish Rochelle Walensky, is a Johns Hopkins alumna; readers of The Transgender-Industrial Complex will remember her central role, as transgenderism is a central component and tributary of sorts to transhumanism.) In their May 2010 report with the Global Business Network entitled “Scenarios for the Future of Technology and International Development,”  we see favorable citations of the work of the RAND Corporation, the UN Millennium Project, and the World Bank. Running through potential future scenarios, we see lockstep:

In 2012, the pandemic that the world had been anticipating for years finally hit. Unlike 2009’s H1N1, this new influenza strain originat[ed] from wild geese. … The pandemic…had a deadly effect on economies: international mobility of both people and goods screeched to a halt, debilitating industries like tourism and breaking global supply chains. Even locally, normally bustling shops and office buildings sat empty for months, devoid of both employees and customers.

The pandemic is eerily similar to the work done by the Director of the Center for Emerging Infectious Diseases at the Wuhan Institute of Virology Shi Zhengli in identifying dozens of SARS-like viruses in bat caves,[8] as is the subsequent global response to what has happened with COVID-19. Just a reminder, this is from May 2010. The lockstep scenario continues:

Technology trends and applications we might see: Scanners using advanced functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) technology become the norm at airports and other public areas to detect abnormal behavior that may indicate “antisocial intent.” … Nations create their own independent, regionally defined IT networks, mimicking China’s firewalls. … During the pandemic, national leaders around the world flexed their authority and imposed airtight rules and restrictions, from the mandatory wearing of face masks to body-temperature checks at the entries to communal spaces like train stations and supermarkets. Even after the pandemic faded, this more authoritarian control and oversight of citizens and their activities stuck and even intensified. In order to protect themselves from the spread of increasingly global problems—from pandemics and transnational terrorism to environmental crises and rising poverty—leaders around the world took a firmer grip on power. At first, the notion of a more controlled world gained wide acceptance and approval. Citizens willingly gave up some of their sovereignty—and their privacy—to more paternalistic states in exchange for greater safety and stability…National leaders had more latitude to impose order in the ways they saw fit. In developed countries, this heightened oversight took many forms: biometric IDs for all citizens, for example…China’s investment in Africa expanded as the bargain of new jobs and infrastructure in exchange for access to key minerals or food exports proved agreeable to many governments. Cross-border ties proliferated in the form of official security aid. While the deployment of foreign security teams was welcomed in some of the most dire failed states, one-size-fits-all solutions yielded few positive results.

When we also consider the fact that individuals like Schwab have fantasized about the ability for digital implants to enable the visual cortex to register and thus have access to whatever the database might turn up, including social credit ratings, and that the Chinese company Alibaba has been at the forefront of creating a new digital currency, and that the Chinese government has a social credit score already in place, and that Jack Ma of Alibaba is on Schwab’s World Economic Forum’s (which is spearheading the Great Reset) Board of Trustees—well, can we see where this is going?


[1] Lerner, Sharon and Maria Hvistendahl, “New Details Emerge about Coronavirus Research at Chinese Lab,” The Intercept. September 6, 2021.

[2] Janofsky, Michael, “Who is Tal Zaks, developer of Moderna’s COVID-19 vaccine?” November 17, 2020. Forward.

[3] Servick, Kelly, “This mysterious $2 billion biotech is revealing the secrets behind its new drugs and vaccines,” February 1, 2017. Science.

[4] For the record, Bill Gates is now the single-largest private agricultural land holder in the United States of America.

[5] Vedmore, Johnny, “Darktrace and Cybereason: The Intelligence Front Companies Seeking to Subjugate the World with the A.I. Singularity,” November 3, 2020. Unlimited Hangout.

[6] “ATI mostly manages R&D consortia for the Department of Defense. … They also manage the Border Security Technology Consortium (BSTC) for the Department of Homeland Security, primarily surveillance technology companies. … The MTEC [Medical Technology Enterprise Consortium] operating on behalf of the US Army Medical Research and Development Command, aims to “accelerate the development of revolutionary medical solutions,” which include gene editing, nanotechnology, “telehealth solutions,” artificial limbs, and brain implants. They are also currently developing a wearable device that would diagnose individuals with Covid-19 before symptoms appear. The other ATI-managed “health-care” consortium, the MCDC [Medical CBRN Defense Consortium], is focused on “advanced development efforts to support the Department of Defense’s (DoD) medical pharmaceutical and diagnostic requirements to counter Chemical, Biological, Radiological and Nuclear (CBRN) threat agents.” They are specifically involved in “enabling prototype technologies for therapeutic medical countermeasures targeting viral, bacterial and biological toxin targets of interest to the DoD,” including the development of vaccines…MCDC members include Emergent Biosolutions as well as DoD/CIA contractor Battelle Memorial Institute, with both of those companies having unsettling ties to the 2001 anthrax attacks. Another member of the MCDC is CIA/NSA contractor Booz Allen Hamilton and weapons manufacturer General Dynamics. MCDC’s membership has expanded significantly following ATI’s acquisition by Analytic Services Inc. (ANSER), the principal sponsor of the Dark Winter bioterror simulation, with eighteen new members added just three months after the acquisition had concluded.” (Webb, Whitney, “Operation Warp Speed Is Using A CIA-Linked Contractor To Keep Covid-19 Vaccine Contracts Secret,” October 6, 2020. The Last American Vagabond.)

[7] Broze, Derrick, “Joe Biden’s Coronavirus Task Force Is A Rockefeller, Council On Foreign Relations, Gates Foundation Swamp, November 10, 2020. The Last American Vagabond.

[8] See the Zhengli-EcoHealth Alliance connection from this 2013 press release.

Summary of State Laws Protecting Political Dissidents against Discrimination

If you are a political dissident and have experienced employment-based adverse treatment (including threats) because of your beliefs, the Free Expression Foundation may be able to provide you with important legal information to help you fight back.

One source of your legal rights may be your employment contract, if you have one. This includes collective bargaining employment contracts such as those negotiated by unions. Because union members frequently engage in political activity, union contracts commonly contain express prohibitions against political discrimination.

If you do not have an employment contract, you are almost certainly an “at-will” employee. The general legal rule is that an employer may fire an at-will employee for any reason or no reason at all, unless the employee falls into a protected class such as those based on race or gender, and persons holding dissident political views are not a protected class.

There are, however, 18 state or local laws (according to FEF’s latest research) that, to a greater or lesser extent, provide potential redress for an employer’s adverse action against an at-will employee based on the employee’s political beliefs or activities. It bears emphasis that these laws differ greatly from each other. Some have been around for many years; some are quite new. Some are broad in scope and expressly protect the employee’s First Amendment rights; others are drawn narrowly, and arguably apply only to specific contexts relating to specific events, such as elections. Some provide only for criminal penalties; some also provide a civil cause of action for damages. Some have been interpreted by their state courts many times; some have never been interpreted.

California [CAL. LAB. CODE §§ 1101 and 1102]

Colorado [COLO. REV. STAT. ANN. § 24-34-402.5]

Connecticut [CONN. GEN. STAT. § 31-51q]

District of Columbia [D.C. CODE § 2-1402.01] and [DC Guide}

Louisiana [LA. REV. STAT. ANN. §§ 23:961 and 23:962]

Minnesota [MINN. STAT. ANN. § 10A.36]

Missouri [MO. ANN. STAT. § 115.637(6) and § 130.028]

Montana [MONT. CODE ANN. § 39-2-904 and MONT. CONST. art. 2, § 4]

Nebraska [NEB. REV. STAT. ANN. § 32-1537]

Nevada [NEV. REV. STAT. ANN. § 613.040]

North Dakota [N.D. CENT. CODE ANN. § 14-02.4-03]

New Mexico [N.M. STAT. ANN. § 1-20-13 and § 3-8-78(A)]

New York [N.Y. LAB. LAW § 201-d]

South Carolina [S.C. CODE ANN. § 16-17-560]

Utah [UTAH CODE ANN. § 34A-5-112]

Washington [Seattle only; SEATTLE, WASH. MUN. CODE. § 14.04.040]

West Virginia [W. VA. CODE ANN. § 3-8-11(b) and § 3-9-15]

Wisconsin [Madison only; MADISON, WIS. MUN. CODE § 39.03]

If you have been the victim of adverse treatment by your employer based on your political beliefs or activities, FEF will try to help to the degree it is able. The help FEF can offer will depend on the particular facts of your case, the jurisdiction whose laws apply, and the resources FEF has available. At a minimum, however, FEF will consult with you for free, a consultation that may include speaking with an attorney acting on FEF’s behalf.


If you found this information useful, please consider making a small tax-deductible donation to the FEF by clicking here. Every dollar counts in our fight to keep Free Expression free.


*** IMPORTANT DISCLAIMER***

Information herein and throughout this website is for educational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice directed towards individuals, groups, or organizations.

FEF does maintain relationships with lawyers, law firms, and other experts throughout the United States and can help direct people towards such resources and, to an extent, serve in an advisory capacity. But the FEF is not, in any way, a law firm or legal partnership.

The FEF recommends that legal advice should always be obtained by a qualified attorney licensed to practice law in the relevant jurisdiction.

Whites Don’t Count: Anti-White Activism in Intellectual History

The Crest of the Peacock (1991) has a beautiful title and an ugly purpose. The book takes that title from a line in an ancient Sanskrit text: “Like the crest of a peacock, like the gem on the head of a snake, so is mathematics at the head of all knowledge.” (p. v) So much for the beauty: now for the ugliness. The subtitle of the book is “Non-European Roots of Mathematics” and it’s one of the earlier entries in what might be called the “Whites Stole Everything” school of anti-Western polemic. There’s the West and the Rest—and the Rest is Best.

Sue’s venomous views

The author of the book, a Keralan Indian called George Gheverghese Joseph, didn’t express himself as crudely as that. But thirty years later the implicit message of his “pioneering book” (back cover) is explicit throughout Western politics, media and education. Whites have perpetually stolen from and exploited the rest of the world. They have no true culture, no distinctive achievements, and so-called Western civilization truly is, as the notorious Jewish writer Susan Sontag so eloquently put it, “the cancer of human history.” Joseph doesn’t have that Jewish hatred for Whites and the Christian West—he says in the introduction that he comes “from a family of Syrian Orthodox Christians” in Kerala (p. xiii)—but he obviously wants to give Whites as little credit for their mathematical achievements as he can. This is a book about mathematics, not linguistics, but when he’s describing pioneers in the decipherment of cuneiform script he gives full names and dates to “George Frederick Grotefend (1775–1853) and Henry Creswicke Rawlinson (1810–95)” (p. 95).

The Crest is Best: George Gheverghese Joseph’s successful anti-White book

Grotefend and Rawlinson were Whites uncovering the greatness of a non-European civilization, so Joseph is happy to acknowledge their “pioneering efforts.” But when he’s discussing the mathematical constant π and the ancient problem of “squaring the circle,” he hides another White pioneer behind the passive voice: “The problem of squaring the circle was finally resolved in 1882 when it was shown to be impossible. … Only in the nineteenth century was it demonstrated that, since squaring the circle is equivalent to constructing a line segment whose length is equal to the product of the square root of π (which is not a constructible quantity) and the radius of the given circle, it cannot be done.” (pp. 188-9)

The contradiction that powers leftism

But who “resolved” that problem? Who “demonstrated” that “it cannot be done”? It was the great German mathematician Ferdinand Lindemann (1852–1939). Joseph doesn’t name him, presumably because he doesn’t want to acknowledge that a White mathematician achieved such an important result. Joseph is a leftist and his concealment of Lindemann’s identity exposes one of the central contradictions of leftism. The ideology claims explicitly to believe in absolute human equality and yet acts on the implicit assumption that Whites are innately vicious and non-Whites innately virtuous. Whites must therefore be denied credit wherever possible, because, unlike non-Whites, they don’t genuinely deserve it.

This contradiction doesn’t weaken leftism: on the contrary, it powers leftism. The explicit claim of human equality gives leftists a sense of self-righteous virtue and superiority over the ignorant racists who reject human equality. At the same time, they use their implicit belief in White evil to indulge their hostility towards or hatred of Whites. For example, the leftist attitude to startling Black achievements in the field of murder and mayhem can be summed up like this: “It may be a Black hand holding the gun, but it’s white racism that pulls the trigger.” In other words, the malevolent agency of Whites explains all apparent non-White misbehaviour.

Stonehenge doesn’t count

Joseph is working in this anti-White tradition when he implicitly promotes the idea that the work of non-Whites explains all apparent White achievement in mathematics. And indeed, we should be happy to acknowledge the genius of non-White mathematicians like the Keralan Madhava of Sangamagramma (c. 1340–c. 1425), who was centuries ahead of European mathematicians in some of his results. But we’ve seen that, even as Joseph is naming and proclaiming such non-White geniuses, he declines to name the White mathematician Lindemann: “The problem of squaring the circle was finally resolved in 1882 when it was shown to be impossible.”

That’s not an oversight: it’s intentional. And he states in a footnote that “we shall not be discussing … the mathematical attainments of the constructors of megalithic monuments, such as Stonehenge in England,” claiming that “it is extremely unlikely that the neolithic lifestyle of the constructors would have generated the demands or supplied the resources required for developing the ‘advanced’ mathematics attributed to them by [some] writers.” (p. 27) That may be so, but the “constructors of megalithic monuments” in Europe prove that the “roots of mathematics” were not entirely “non-European.” By discussing the monuments, Joseph would have undermined his simple theme of the Rest being Better than the West. So he doesn’t discuss them.

The mountains of Central Equatorial Africa

This exclusion is both convenient for Joseph and revealing of his anti-White and anti-Western motives. At the beginning of the book, he proclaims his own belief in the Psychic Unity of Mankind: “there is no reason to believe that early man’s capacity to reason and conceptualize was any different from that of his modern counterpart.” (p. 27) In fact, there’s very good reason to believe that, thanks to different paths of evolution in very different environments, intellectual powers are not distributed evenly among either the races or the sexes. Intellectual achievement certainly hasn’t been distributed evenly, as Joseph’s own book demonstrates. Although leftists greeted The Crest of the Peacock with delight—“A magnificent contribution” said a “peer-reviewed academic journal on contemporary racism and imperialism” called Race & Class—the book doesn’t in fact support the leftist world-view.

According to the publisher’s blurb, Joseph “makes it clear [that] human beings everywhere have been capable of advanced and innovative mathematical thinking.” No, he doesn’t do that, because mathematical achievements have not been scattered at random among the various human races and cultures. He begins his survey with the Ishango Bone, a very interesting prehistoric artefact found “in the mountains of Central Equatorial Africa” (p. 23). Regular and obviously deliberate markings on the bone, which seems to date from about 20,000 BC, do indeed seem to show a lunar calendar and even some understanding of prime numbers. But Joseph is unable to claim that sub-Saharan Blacks were key contributors to the “non-European roots of mathematics.” It would be difficult to do that, because they weren’t.

Ancient Egypt was not a “Black civilization”

And today Blacks are of no importance in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics). This is a big embarrassment to the left, and Joseph uses one of their main responses: to count ancient Egypt and its awesome civilization as somehow “Black” because Egypt is geographically part of Africa. He announces: “It is important that the African roots of the Egyptian civilization are emphasized so as to counter the still deeply entrenched view that the ancient Egyptians were racially, linguistically and even geographically separated from Africa.” (pp. 57-8)

The “Great Black Briton” Septimius Severus and his family (his son Geta has suffered damnatio memoriae)

The implicit—and bad—reasoning there is that ancient Egypt was in Africa and that Africa is Black, therefore ancient Egypt was a Black civilization. A supercharged version of the same bad reasoning has been used to hail the Roman emperor Septimius Severus (1462–11) as one of “100 Great Black Britons,” because he was born in what is now northern Libya and died in what is now the English city of York. Libya is in Africa, therefore Severus was Black; York is in Britain, therefore Severus was British; and he was a Roman emperor, therefore he was a Great Black Briton. QED!

Backward to Black

Septimius Severus was neither Black nor British, of course. And Greek mathematicians like Euclid and Eratosthenes were not Black either, despite hailing from Alexandria “in Africa” and despite the self-aggrandizing claims of the genuinely Black mathematician Jonathan Farley. As Nassim Talib has pointed out, these ridiculous claims might stop if we replaced the geographic label “North Africa” with the equally legitimate label “South Mediterranean.” The mathematically expert Taleb added: “Too many people think in words.” Joseph isn’t guilty of such explicit misrepresentation in The Crest of the Peacock, but he’s still promoting the idea that ancient Egypt’s geography somehow determined its genetics. In fact, no: ancient Egypt’s genetics were not Black.

But modern Egypt’s genetics are much closer to being so: the admixture of sub-Saharan genes has increased over time. As Egypt’s Blackness rose, its greatness fell. Its leading role in mathematics and its astonishing achievements, like the pyramids, are now long in the past. That’s exactly what one would expect: advanced civilization and technological innovation depend on a critical mass of highly intelligent individuals—what the probably Jewish statistician Griffe du Lion calls “the smart fraction.” The more Black admixture there is in a population, the fewer such individuals there will be and the less capable that population will be of high achievement.

The genius of Persia

The religion of Islam may also have contributed to the intellectual stagnation of once advanced regions like Egypt and Mesopotamia. Consanguineous marriage, which is widely practised by Muslims, both lowers average intelligence and breaks down social cohesion, because it promotes loyalty to families and clans rather than to larger entities. Joseph devotes the final section of his book to a “Prelude to Modern Mathematics: The Arab Contribution,” where he traces the achievements of mathematicians and astronomers working under the “Islamic rule” that stretched “from North Africa in the south to the borders of France in the West, right across Persia and the Central Asian plains to the borders of China in the east, and down to Sind in northern India.” (p. 301)

However, “Arab Contribution” isn’t the right term, because some of the most important figures in the “Prelude to Modern Mathematics” were not Arab but Persian and hence from an area conquered by the Indo-Europeans in the third millennium BC. Joseph discusses giants like Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwarizmi (c. 780–c. 850), Omar Khayyam (c. 1040–1123), and Jamshid al-Kashi (c. 1380–1429), who were born within the borders of modern Iran (al-Khwarizmi’s name is the source of the term “algorithm” in modern English). Once again we can see intellectual achievement isn’t distributed at random: “Islamic rule” stretched across a vast territory, but some parts of that territory, like Persia and Central Asia, contributed disproportionately to mathematics, astronomy, philosophy and medicine.

Death-deserving heretics

More interestingly still, some of the great mathematicians of the era seem to follow a pattern I’ve discussed before at the Occidental Observer: that of highly-achieving minority sects within under-achieving majorities. In India, the religious sect known as Parsis have made hugely disproportionate contributions to intellectual life and, in the person of Freddy Mercury, to entertainment. Their name literally means “Persians,” because they’re the descendants of Zoroastrians driven out of Persia by Muslim persecution in the seventh and eighth centuries. Muslims have also persecuted the sect to which the great Pakistani scientist Abdus Salam (1926–96) belonged. He won a Nobel Prize for Physics in 1979, the first scientific Nobel ever awarded to a Muslim.

But he isn’t celebrated in his homeland, where it is illegal to refer to him as a Muslim. He belonged to a much-persecuted Muslim sect called the Ahmadis, who are regarded as dangerous and death-deserving heretics by mainstream Sunnis. That pattern of minority and sectarian high achievement also appears in Joseph’s book. Al-Khwarizmi may have been “of Zoroastrian descent” (p. 305), while Thabit ibn Qurra (c. 836–c. 901) belonged to an ancient star-worshipping sect called the Sabaeans, which Joseph says produced other “eminent scholars in mathematics and astronomy.” (pp. 307–8) He mentions these affiliations only in passing and undoubtedly did not regard them as biologically important. After all, how could membership of one religion or another affect one’s mathematical skills for better or worse?

A genuine Jewish genius

Well, very easily, because religious groups that are genetically isolated from the majority can preserve or evolve distinct genes of all kinds, including those that influence intelligence and cognition. Kevin MacDonald has noted of medieval Jewish culture in Europe that “success as a scholar was valuable because it allowed the scholar to contract a desirable marriage, often to a woman from a wealthy family. At the very center of Judaism, therefore, was a set of institutions that would reliably result in eugenic processes related to intelligence and resource acquisition ability.”

Genuine Jewish genius Emmy Noether

It isn’t a coincidence, then, that Emmy Noether (1882–1935), perhaps the best and most important female mathematician in history, was a product of those eugenic processes. In other words, Noether was Jewish, like a vastly disproportionate number of other great mathematicians and physicists. If intellectual ability were distributed at random among human beings, we wouldn’t see patterns like that. Joseph didn’t discuss Jewish mathematicians in his book, because he almost certainly didn’t regard them as non-White and non-European. Accordingly, he wouldn’t have thought them useful for anti-Western propaganda.

Submerged by the West

But he did mention another statistical anomaly: that of two mathematical geniuses from the large, highly populous and very genetically complex region of India. But the geniuses Madhava of Sangamagramma (c. 1340–c. 1425) and Srinivasa Ramanujan (1887–920) defied the demographic odds and were born in nearly the same part of India and into the same Brahmin stratum of society, a stratum often linked to the Indo-European invasion. Joseph says of Madhava that he “possessed extraordinary intuition, making him almost the equal of a more recent intuitive genius, [Ramanujan], who spent his childhood and youth at Kumbakonam, not very far from Madhava’s birthplace.” (p. 293)

He goes on to ask whether Ramanujan drew on “the vestiges of a ‘hidden’ indigenous mathematical tradition which was not submerged by the influx of modern mathematics from the West.” (p. 293) I don’t think Ramanujan did that. Instead, I think he drew on a different kind of tradition: genetics. Madhava and Ramanujan may have owed their shared genius to their shared genetics. The two men were both Hindus, but Hinduism is like an arch beneath which shelter hundreds of sects and thousands or even tens of thousands of micro-sects whose customs and taboos have kept them genetically separate for centuries and more. The famous division of Hindu society into Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudra, or scholars, warriors, merchants, and labourers, is merely a précis. The social—and genetic—reality is much more complicated than that and the stratifications much more detailed and genetically significant, including a significant influx of  the genes of Indo-European Bronze Age conquerors.

Blank slates and loaded dice

As a believer in the “Blank Slate” theory of human nature, Joseph doesn’t mention genetics in his discussion either of India or of China, which was more fertile ground for the “Non-European Roots of Mathematics.” In other words, while his book supposedly expanded the horizons of intellectual history and enquiry, in fact it shrunk them in typical leftist fashion. Leftists try to reduce the vast and fascinating complexity of human biology and behaviour to a narrow tale of environment and culture. The “Blank Slate” theory of human nature accompanies and complements the “Tumbling Dice” theory of human history. If we’re all the same under the skin, then, as the Jewish scientist Jared Diamond has often claimed, it’s merely chance and fortunes of geography or climate that explain why one group achieves this and another group achieves that. Or fails to achieve it.

But the “Tumbling Dice” theory of history inexorably gives rise to the “Loaded Dice” theory of history, whereby Whites are found guilty of rigging the historic game in their own favour. If the dice weren’t loaded, they would surely tumble sooner or later in favour of Blacks. Century after century, they haven’t done so. Therefore they must be loaded. What else but White racism can explain why Blacks are so successful at crime and so unsuccessful at STEM? And while Whites were unjustly and maliciously treading Blacks into the dirt, they were looting the intellectual treasures of India and China. In short, Western civilization is a fraud and Whites stole everything, lifting themselves up by pushing everyone else down.

Indian numerals, Babylonian timekeeping

As I said at the beginning, Joseph doesn’t put it as crudely as that. Nevertheless, scholarly work like his has fuelled the increasingly rabid anti-White attitudes of the present day, when people are putting it as crudely as that. But those anti-White fanatics are wrong. Whites did not “steal everything” and they have distinctive and admirable achievements of their own. Joseph is right that the West built on and benefited from the genius (and geniuses) of ancient civilizations like Babylonia, Egypt, India and China. For example, we use Arabic numerals, which are really Indian numerals, and we still divide time in the ancient sexagesimal fashion of the Babylonians.

But Western civilization has surpassed its mentors in STEM and reached new heights. Modern mathematics, like the modern science it underpins, is a White Western creation. Whites could very easily make unlimited further progress in mathematics and science without the contribution of high-IQ non-Whites, whether Indians, Chinese or Jews. Indeed, Whites will stop making progress of all kinds if non-Whites do not leave Western societies and allow us to end the worsening anti-White trends in politics and culture.

Insanities, inanities and fatal flaws

The Crest of the Peacock was fuel thirty years ago as those trends began to gain momentum and venom. Yes, in part the book is a fascinating (if wordy) synthesis of some very diverse mathematical history and biography. But its interesting contents and beautiful title belie its ugly purpose. And it has undoubtedly contributed to the slow-motion collapse of standards in STEM that began in the last century. Thanks to the insanities and inanities of Black Lives Matter and its allies, the collapse is losing slowness and gaining motion by the day. The left knows that it can’t raise Blacks to meet high standards, so it has to drop standards to meet the low abilities of Blacks.

That is not a recipe for civilizational success, which is why China is refusing to follow it. But it’s easy for China to refuse to contort and flagellate itself for its sins towards Blacks. Why so? Because China hasn’t opened its borders to the Third World and been massively enriched by Blacks. Or by Indians like George Gheverghese Joseph, who was educated at the English universities of Leicester and Manchester as he researched and wrote his anti-Western book.

If Whites have a fatal flaw, it is not nasty xenophobia but naïve xenophilia. We have been too ready to nurture hostile outsiders and too ready to indulge them as they’ve set about the culture of critique and the dismantling of Western civilization. There is indeed the West and the Rest. But when the Rest flood into the West, the West ceases to be Best. That’s the lesson I draw from The Crest of the Peacock.

Political Violence in Weimar Germany: Lessons for the Contemporary U.S.

The Outlaw
Ernst von Salomon, trans. Ian F. D. Morrow, 1st English edition 1931; third edition
Arktos Media, 2013

Introduction

The Outlaws is an unusual piece of literature—a historical novel written by one of the participants in the events described, and a work of fiction that has been used as a primary source by researchers of the period. I read this book with the hope of gaining some insight into the role of political violence within a Western society undergoing profound change. It is always tempting to seek historical analogies connecting one period to another. Obviously, the differences between Germany of one hundred years ago, the period cover by this book, and today’s America are huge. But perhaps by comparing and contrasting these two eras we can gain a better understanding of political violence within a Western context.

The Author

Ernst von Salomon (1902–1972) was a young political activist during the Weimar republic.[1] He was born Kiel, then part of Prussia. His father was a high-ranking police official. When World War I ended with the November Revolution, Ernst, a sixteen-year-old cadet at the academy in Lichterfelde, left school and joined the Freikorps.

He was involved in suppressing the Spartacist Upraising in Berlin in January 1919 and fought in the Baltic States during most of that year. He was back in Germany to take part in the failed Kapp Putsch in March 1920 and fought the Poles in Upper Silesia in 1921. After the Freikorps was disbanded, Salomon joined the Organisation Consul, an underground rightwing revolutionary group.

In 1922 he was sentenced to five years in prison as an accessory to the murder of the German foreign minister Walther Rathenau. In 1927 he received another five-year sentence for attempted murder during a vigilante assault. He was pardoned by President Paul von Hindenburg after serving a few months. The irrepressible Ernst was in investigative custody in 1930 for activities on behalf of the Landvolkbewegung, a farmers’ protest movement in Schleswig-Holstein, when he finished his first novel Die Geächteten (The Ostracized). Published in English as The Outlaws in 1931, the book was a literary and commercial success.

Although a fanatical German nationalist he did not support National Socialism and was arrested and briefly detained by the regime, suspected of Strasserism. He was, however, a sanctioned writer during the Third Reich and worked on scripts for the film company UFA. He resumed his writing career after the war with the best seller Der Fragebogen (The Questionnaire) a novel about Allied denazification efforts.

The Book

There are two ways to read The Outlaws: as a war novel, an adventure story; or as a first-person history of the post-World War I German Right. The first approach is an easier, more pleasurable read. There is plenty of action in the first two-thirds of the book. The second approach is challenging and humbling, even if the reader believes he has a good background knowledge of the period covered. The book may call into question some of the reader’s preconceived perceptions of this time. I found myself jotting down names of people and places mentioned in the text for later internet searches. Specifics are often blurred. The author may have assumed that German readers of 1930 would be well acquainted with the events discussed, or perhaps he wanted to convey the chaos and uncertainty of early Weimar Germany as seen through the eyes of a teenaged political soldier. This is suggested in the Introduction to the English edition, written by historian Ian F.D. Morrow. “The confusion of thought and action that was so typical of post-War Germany has rarely found better expression than in the following pages” (7).

The first chapter, aptly entitled “Chaos,” describes the November Revolution from the street level. By chapter four our protagonist has joined the Freikorps and is battling the communists in the streets of Berlin during the Spartacist Uprising. The young soldier was shocked that there were Berliners who chose to ignore the conflict around them to pursue personal amusements. “We heard nigger music from the bars and dancing saloons, we saw profiteers, and prostitutes, noisy and drunk,  . . .  while the last stray shots of our companions were still sounding in the distance” (36).

The reader quickly learns that initially many of the Freikorps were not the stereotypic reactionaries or proto-fascists of popular imagination. Some were noncommunist socialists. It should be noted that the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) was at this time a Marxist party. So the fighting during 1918–19 pitted communists, who wanted a violent revolution to install a dictatorship of the proletariat, against the SPD which sought to implement Marxism incrementally through elections. A portion of Freikorps members were apolitical; they just wanted action. “They had not yet gotten over the war. War had molded them; it had given a meaning to their lives and a reason for their existence. They were unruly and untamed, beings apart, who gathered themselves into little companies animated by a desire to fight. . . . Each one of them had a different idea of what he wanted” (57).

On April 1, 1919 our narrator’s unit headed to the Baltic States. If the situation in Germany was fluid, conditions were even more in flux to the east. Here the Freikorps fought for German goals as proposed in the Brest-Litovsk Treaty of March 1918. Most of the action takes place in present-day Latvia where at least four different factions were operating: Latvian nationalists fighting for an autonomous republic, Reds, both Russian and Latvian, fighting for the Bolshevik Revolution, Whites trying to reestablish the old Russian authority, and the aforementioned Freikorps supporting the interests of Baltic Germans. There were shifting alliances as the three noncommunist groups sometimes united to battle the Reds, and at other times fought each other.

An interesting digression: One of my grandfathers was Latvian, and I spent two years in Riga teaching English as a foreign language. So I was particularly interested in this part of the book. As to be expected, the author tells the German side of the story and uses German place names. Thus the Dwina River is now the Daugava, Mitau is now Jelgava, and Windau is now Vestspils. But Riga has always been Riga. Our narrator mentions “Ulmanis’ Lettish Government,” referring to Kārlis Ulmanis (1877–1942) the first prime minister of the Latvian Republic. Ulmanis was a nationalist and an agronomist, receiving a BS in agriculture from the University of Nebraska. After a number of years in the US he returned to Latvia, then part of the Russian Empire, in 1913 and went on to help establish the Latvian republic in 1918. In June 1940 Soviet forces occupied Latvia. In July Ulmanis was arrested and deported to the Soviet Union. He died in prison in September 1942. His great nephew, Guntis Ulmanis was president during my stay (1993–1995).

Returning to our narrative: The author saw his heaviest fighting during this period. It was a nasty conflict. Both the Reds and the Freikorps murdered civilians and executed prisoners, but in combat our protagonist claims the Freikorps acquitted themselves well. While it was obvious that Germany had lost the war in the west there was still hope, even at this late date, that some gains could be salvaged to the east. The Allies, however, required the German government to withdrawal all paramilitaries from the Baltics in August, 1919. The author’s unit was one that refused that order. In November 1919, the government forced all units back home by cutting off all logistical support.  The Freikorps was largely dependent on government support, though some units were privately funded at times.

The author believed that the events of 1919 were another stab in the back. He held that German forces could have prevailed at least in Latvia, though many historians disagree. In any case the departing Freikorps troops went on a rampage. “We hunted the Letts across the fields like hares, set fire to every house, smashed every bridge to smithereens and broke every telegraph pole. We dropped the corpses into the wells and threw bombs after them. We killed anything that fell into our hands, we set fire to everything that would burn. We saw red; we lost every feeling of humanity” (131).

Consider this: Although hailing from Schleswig-Holstein, a semi-Scandinavian part of Germany, the author identified as Prussian. The Latvians are closely related ethnically to the original Prussians. Prussians are basically Germanized Balts. The majority of Latvians at the time were Lutheran, as were the Prussians. Within this context, the murderous actions of the Freikorps were nothing more than extreme petty nationalism at its ugliest. In the end, Latvian national forces, with the help of a small British expeditionary force, were able to defeat the Reds and usher in twenty years of Latvian independence.

The beginning of 1920 finds the author’s unit back in Germany where, in March, they make the disastrous decision to join the Kapp Putsch. The putsch fails, and the narrator barely escapes with his life. Many of his comrades were not so fortunate. The putsch had been led by reactionaries and supported by monarchists and some units of the Reichswehr. The author makes it clear that he is no reactionary. He supported a “national revolution,” but is never explicit about his ideology. Was it akin to Third Position or even National Bolshevism?

The next crisis facing German nationalists was the French occupation of areas in western Germany. The French used Black colonial troops to make the operation especially galling to the Germans. Our protagonist observes the often-noted characteristic of Blacks being simultaneously menacing and comical. “I saw a squad of negroes coming along in the charge of a white corporal. They had spindle legs, on which their puttees slipped, and they walked with their toes turned in. They grinned, showing big white teeth, looking round unconcernedly, and were obviously enjoying an unaccustomed feeling of superiority” (182).

The narrator is disappointed that the majority of the population greeted the occupation with only passive resistance. At this time, he is trying to reintegrate into civil society, but loses a job after his service in the Freikorps is discovered. He notes the proliferation of patriotic groups, some reactionary, some revolutionary. But they had one thing in common: they all “felt that they had been betrayed and cheated by fate” (191).

Chapter XVI is entitled “Upper Silesia,” describing the next theater of action. In 1919 the Versailles Treaty created a district of Upper Silesia, a borderland between Poland and Germany. By 1920 that area was governed by the Inter-Allied Plebiscite Commission. When a March 1921 plebiscite went 70% for Germany, fighting quickly broke out between Polish forces and the German population.

Almost spontaneously Freikorps members converged on the area. On the train to Upper Silesia members stood out from the other passengers, “they were dressed in worn field-gray, and darned breeches like myself; their fair hair and arrogant faces gave them all a sort of family likeness” (217). These men “had come from all parts of the realm, scenting fighting and danger, without knowing one another, without orders and with no definite goal, save only Upper Silesia” (218). According to the author, the Freikorps fought well but were again betrayed and abandoned by their government. Ultimately, however, Germany was able to retain most of Upper Silesia.

With the Freikorps permanently disbanded, the author joins Organisation Consul (OC) an underground group that conducted attacks against the French occupiers and carried out political assassinations. He describes it as: “a secret society consisting of men who are ready to fight for power with every weapon, loyal to one another, bound to their superiors by vows of silence and obedience, with the death penalty for traitors” (232). Obviously, such an organization would never work in twenty-first century America.

As a member of OC ,the narrator becomes involved in a plot to kill Walther Rathenau, Weimar’s foreign minister. There has been considerable discussion by historians as to why Rathenau was targeted. He was both a wealthy Jew and a socialist, but according to the author, these were not considerations, Rathenau was a competent diplomat whose work was strengthening Weimar’s international standing. It was thought that his death would deliver a blow to the republic and act as an accelerant to ignite a national revolution. What might have sealed Rathenau’s fate was the Treaty of Rapallo signed in April 1922 with the Soviet Union that officially negated Brest-Litovsk and proscribed any future gains in the east. The former Freikorps members had risked and sacrificed much in hopes for expansion in the Baltics.

At this point the author makes his first mention of Hitler. One of the plotters says: “If Hitler is the man I think he is, he’ll realise his chance now. A year later will be a decade too soon” (277). An eerie prophesy: The book was published in 1930, Rathenau’s assassination was in 1922, the Beer Hall Putsch was in 1923, and Hitler’s ascension was in 1933.

The hit on the foreign minister was successful, but the results were the opposite of what the plotters had hoped for. The people, the police, and the army rallied around the government. The conspirators were hunted down, included our protagonist, and the republic lasted another ten years. Before his arrest, the narrator was on the run. He mentions in passing that at this time Bavaria had become a gathering place for rightwing activists, a bit similar to the role the northern Rockies play in the US today.

The author is eventually arrested, tried, convicted, and sentenced to five years in prison as an accessory to murder. I found the last third of the book less interesting than the previous chapters filled with physical action and personal interactions. The author writes that prison “was neither life nor death, and yet partook of both” (312). He was very isolated. “I was lonely to a degree which lay well under zero in any scale of temperature” (318). His one friend, whom he was able to see infrequently, was a communist, “another political prisoner,” and the writer considered himself a political prisoner, not a criminal.

At this point our protagonist, for obvious reasons, becomes very introspective. The narrative drags. One of the few items of interest is the comparison between German prisons of the 1920s and U.S. prisons of today. The theory of the time in Germany was that the offender’s environment had led him to crime, so isolating him from his former social milieu would aid in his rehabilitation—thus very few visitors or letters allowed. There appeared to be generally good order; the guards were armed with swords and hand guns! The prison wardens had a great deal of discretionary authority, as opposed to today’s America where prisons are typically under strict judicial oversight. The author suffered under poor sanitation, diet, and health care, but, being young and combat-hardened, he apparently felt little physical threat from fellow inmates.  Interestingly, Herr Hitler, whose sentence overlapped the author’s, was incarcerated under much more benign conditions.

In his isolation the narrator was only dimly aware of outside events such as the hyperinflation of the period. He noticed that the denomination of the postage stamps of his few letters greatly increased. Then “during the first days of November 1923” vague reports “that something was brewing in Bavaria”—The Beer Hall Putsch (330).

Finally, at the end of 1923, a lengthy newsletter from a former comrade is smuggled in to the writer. He learns that 13 Krupp workers had been shot by the French in March (both the Right and the Left opposed French occupation). The correspondent reported that the economy was in free fall. “The whole country was in a state of uproar. What held it together was nothing but fear of the chaos from which the German revolution must grow” (335)—sentiments of a true revolutionary. On November 8th Hitler had proclaimed a National Republic. The following day the police and army “shot at the advancing men and thirteen were killed; all fellows who had been with us in the Ruhr, incidentally” (337). Was it true that all those killed during the putsch were former Freikorps members?[2] The letter ends: “There’s a nigger-sheik in Morocco called Abd-el-Krim who is supposed to be planning a revolt against France—and airmen are useful everywhere . . .” (341). So the author’s Freikorps comrade went off to fight the French on another front.

It is now 1925 and our protagonist has been incarcerated for three years. His physical and mental health have deteriorated. The mental suffering is worse than the physical privations and he spent some time in the prison infirmary with “prison psychosis.” Then in 1926: “A period began for me that was a shade brighter than the four years which had passed” (390). For one thing, “new regulations” allowed for more physical activity.

When the author is transferred into a temporary holding facility he notes, “The walls in the new cell were scribbled over closely, one name directly beside another, written in pencil or scratched with some sharp object. After a good many names was a swastika or a Soviet star” (407). Apparently, the narrator was not the only inmate who considered himself a political prisoner. By 1927, with his sentence nearly complete, the writer belatedly realizes that his organization, the OC, “the outlaws,” was dead. Yet he does not regret the fight. The book ends with the author’s release back into society. He’s in a bit of a daze, feeling a deficiency in social skills. He contemplates his future and concludes that he could never be just an ordinary bourgeois citizen. Despite everything that has happened, he will continue his activism.

The Takeaway

Weimar, of course, cannot be understood except within the context of the catastrophic defeat Germany suffered in 1918, a physical and psychologically devastating loss. In contrast, early twenty-first century America is still a formidable economic and military empire, though a decedent and rapidly declining one. Taking into account the large differences between Germany in the 1920s and the U.S. in 2020s there are still some potential lessons to be gleaned from a comparison.

First, when a government feels constrained by circumstances or legal niceties from pursuit of its vital interests, it will employ auxiliaries to accomplish its goals. In late 1918 and early 1919 the German army was in disarray. After Versailles they were limited to a force of 100,000. To suppress revolutionary forces at home and to defend their interests in the east they used the Freikorps. Most of the logistics were supplied by the government.

Are Antifa/BLM the US establishment’s equivalent of the Freikorps? At first glance the comparison seems ludicrous. Freikorps members were almost all combat veterans. Many had been NCOs in elite units. While their discipline was not up to regular army standards, it was usually at a high level. Antifa is composed of drug addicts, pretty criminals, and sexual deviants. They are most effective when they outnumber their opponents by at least 10:1. Yet they are funded and supported by US establishment: financially by corporations, legally by the judiciary and NGOs, ethically and intellectually by the mass media and academe.  Evidence that Antifa/BLM are establishment operatives includes the fact that they do not attack financial or state security centers of power, but target ordinary dissidents trying to exercise their rights of speech and assembly, most recently people who oppose the establishments mandates on for Covid 19 vaccines. Antifa’s task is to prevent or shut down any street activism (e.g.., Charlottesville) or in-person meetings of the Dissident Right. They are doing the work the established powers would like to do, but cannot legally do, themselves.

By permitting—indeed encouraging and facilitating—private actions to suppress First Amendment rights, the establishment runs the risk of things getting out of hand. By creating a climate of lawlessness there can be collateral damage (e.g., the Barbara Boxer mugging in Oakland) or a backlash from the law-abiding majority. Despite the hazards of employing Antifa/BLM, the establishment may find them increasingly necessary in the future. The Dissident Right embodies the only true alternative to establishment ideology making it an existential threat to the ruling elite. If activism on the Right grows, look for Antifa/BLM to receive more overt support from the establishment, even though that motley rubble is difficult to control.

The establishment would like to treat political dissent from the Right as a law enforcement issue. Thus dissidents need to be smart and disciplined while remaining steadfast in support of their cause. This segues to another point: Accelerationist strategies usually backfire. We saw in The Outlaws that the failed Kapp Putsch rallied people to the republic, as did the assassination of Rathenau. The book also makes it clear that there is nothing intrinsically “rightwing” about the police or military. At times they supported the Right, at times the Left, and at times they remained neutral.

The bottom line: Intelligence, patience, persistence, and preparation should be the watchwords for the Dissident Right. Almost all major political/social change is accompanied by some violence. There might be a time for that, but now is not the time. As the adman for vintner Paul Masson said, “Serve no wine before its time.”


[1] Most of the following biographical information is from the Good Reads website: www.goodreads.com/author/show/874070.

[2] Some definitely were former Freikorps members, but probably not all.

Merrick Garland and the War on Federalism

The New Bolshevik Branches of the United States of America:  Chief of Staff (Klain), State (Blinken, Sherman, Nuland), Treasury (Yellen), CDC (Walensky), DHS (Mayorkas), Cybersecurity (Neuberger), CIA (Cohen), Council of Economic Advisors (Bernstein), FCC (Rosenworcel), SEC (Gensler), Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism (Lipstadt), NSC Border Czar (Jacobson), Council on Gender Policy (Klein), Covid Response (Zients), U. S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (Kleinbaum), U.S. Ambassador to the E.U. (Gitenstein), SGOTUS (Emhoff), Senate (Schumer).

And Meet the New Head of the US Department of Justice: Attorney General Merrick Garfinkle.

The American government is established under both ideological and constructive federalism: most broadly, that means that it has separate branches of government; that those branches are relatively independent; and that a set of rules, laws, or a constitution, establish and maintain such a structure.  Some observers believe, however, that this federalism construct is “imploding” toward its center, into a monolithic, centralized unit.  The classical liberal principles that informed the crafting of the U.S. Constitution, and the form of limited government, with limited, circumscribed powers held at bay in order to leave men and women unburdened, have been eroded, weakened and even explicitly attacked.  This development has become especially pronounced in the last 12 months, but has been creeping toward this arrangement since the Second World War when government, industry, the intelligence sector and finance pushed toward an effective creation of a unified trust.

The exact same phenomenon, animated by additional factors but sharing a common cultural causation, exists in the greater Middle East, as, like the gravity of a black hole, the country of Israel seeks to centralize regional power, resources and command, under its authority: a single, unified “Pan Israel” operated by a permanent Zionist, effectively theocratic authoritarianism.  Like the US, its dominant political trust seeks to deceive, distort, divide and destroy.  It functions from the effort of continuous destabilization, created through routines of deception.  The current Afghanistan operation is another, perhaps near-term final stage in the Global War on Terror (“GWOT”) that has as its underlying purpose a “Middle East transformation” that is centered on the conquest of Iran, the control of regional resources, and the effective control of Russia in a neo-Bolshevik fantasy currently led by the U.S. State Department.

Both the US, and the Pan Israel project, also share a common network of special interests, embedded largely in US institutions.  Their outward ideological posture is that of liberty, freedom, and a fight against terror: it is, in fact, the use of terror to suppress liberty, and centralize authority. Consolidating authority in the U.S. is central to the ability to carry out the final phases of the GWOT.  Capturing the Department of Justice is central to breaking down the checks and balances that would otherwise retard or inhibit such overt consolidation, and where any remnants of federalism must be collapsed. Merrick Garland is the right man for that job.

Jewish organized interests—like all interests that organize for specific objectives—form their network, assets, influence and authority, in institutions.  And quite clearly, it’s much more difficult for a relatively small group of activists to influence policy when the government is dedicated to federalism, with its 50 states and thousands of local jurisdictions such as police departments, than it is to have power centralized in Washington DC. Top-down institutional control at the federal level is key to the special interest interface with, and influence over, American society.  In Garland’s case, nearly his entire career has been within government.  While this is not necessarily unusual in the legal field, it creates a perspective that favors central government—a perspective that sees problems primarily as challenges to governmental authority and that reinforces a culture of government expansion especially through the sprawling administrative state that has characterized U.S. government since the New Deal era of the 1930’s.

While Jewish and other special interest institutional infiltrations of American civil, military and government departments are not new, what is new is a radical shift and even transformation, in the relationship between the President and the branches, departments and agencies, resulting from the installation of a cognitively impaired chief executive in the White House as Commander in Chief.  By eroding and dismantling what firewall or even notional separation and independence of authority, judgment, and operations, that the office of the president has historically provided, it has been subject to what is in effect a complete takeover. When the current acting president is replaced with his Vice President—an individual with more overtly clinical psychological characteristics—the takeover and strategic plans will be consolidated (until it is successfully disbanded by direct election or constitutional removal—which would be challenged under Garland, and another reason the current administration seeks a packed, “super-majority” in the Supreme Court, in order to consolidate judiciary branch power, and reinforce judicial review.  It is important to appreciate that the current administration and its larger network, are almost exclusively from the law sector and law academy.  In their methods and assumptions, it is Justice, the judiciary and the Supreme Court that are the objects of their designs for power and control.  They are not by instinct aligned with congressional, legislative and representative processes, but rather with the use of “lawfare” in a top-down authoritarian construct of centralized federal control).

U.S. presidents have always been dependent to some extent on advisors, staff and inter-branch administrative cooperation.  But now that pretense has been completely dissolved: rather than having to negotiate through the barriers of offices and officials, the White House chief executive is now, not merely influenced or guided, but completely controlled by direct command.  And given that the bureaucrats running the U.S. government are overwhelmingly on the left and thus are sympathetic to the centralization of power (this includes the FBI, the national security apparatus, and the military), the result is the ultimate realization of control of the United States itself.  Indeed, Biden is not merely reliant on his aides and “note cards” for his every function and act, but deeply, desperately dependent on them for his basic daily functions and routines, like an invalid or patient in assisted care.  The White House is now a medical nursing home—or biosecurity prison.

But an additional ring of control surrounds the president and White House, consisting of a syndicate of Foundations that have effective control over the “military-industrial-university” complex, and now, the health agency establishment of the CDC, NHS and UN-related organizations.  Those primary strategic foundations are largely controlled by Jewish interests, but at a heightened level of direct operational and governance authority, largely by financial leverage.  They include the Rockefeller Foundation, the Gates Foundation, the Soros Foundation, and by penetration and control, the Obama Foundation, the Clinton Foundation, and with ties to the UK bio-research Wellcome Trust, among others.

Former Israel prime minister Ariel Sharon is reputed to have once said that “We, the Jewish people, control America, and the Americans know it.”  If they didn’t before, then they should now because the pretense has been removed, and the threat is no longer disguised: it is out there in plain sight, with authoritarian indifference to perception, and in defiance of opposition to the blatant capture of America’s system of government.

The installation of Chicago-born Merrick Garland as Attorney General and head of the U.S. Department of Justice is of great concern, because his bias for a powerful central government, whether constitutional or not, further widens the gap between American citizens and their own government, and between citizens and their enumerated rights; indeed, he appears committed to making government more and more our adversary, instead of our constitutionally circumscribed servant.

There are two elements of Garland’s professional profile that are instructive.  One, while his judicial record appears mixed—merely conventionally liberal, a larger assessment of his opinions and administrative actions, undertaken by faculty at the University of Chicago Law school, Stanford, Harvard and other law schools, shows that he was a “safe” pick due to his Harvard bona fides and his conventional career track; but it also shows that he may be more liberal than generally assumed.  The Wall Street Journal is more assertive, describing how he regularly takes sides with labor unions and government: “His many opinions…defer to administrative agencies and…are a hallmark of his jurisprudence during his nearly 20 years on the D.C. Circuit Court.”  His record clearly shows an instinct for supporting the power of central government via its agencies, and he is thought “safe,” as a government insider.  He is clearly not a champion of states’ rights, nor has he shown any passion for the rights of individual citizens: he will go along to get along; he is a judge who doesn’t rock the boat, and is a reliable servant to government interests.  That may not be new, but it is especially troubling when the separation of powers is especially necessary, and when Justice must be called on to police the government itself.  But even the New York Times expressed concerns from a liberal, human rights perspective, including his embrace of the Global War on Terror (and its infringement of civil liberties) and his position on the Guantanamo prison.

It is his core allegiance to centralized state power that is the main reason for concern regarding his influence and priorities at the Department of Justice.  At a period of extreme government intrusion through the Covid program where constitutional rights are being comprehensively challenged, if not assaulted, Garland’s natural instinct has already been shown to side with government over individualsthat he will support authoritarian control by the state; indeed, his public statements confirm his readiness to do the bidding of the current White House regime concerning the January 6th prosecution as “white supremacist terror” (where he asserts its primacy in his prosecutorial priorities, but more, it is the centerpiece to his “domestic war on terror”).  This is part of the full panoply of his larger ambitions directed at federal government control over the states and classes of individuals thought to be enemies of the state.

He fully embraces the biosecurity construct of comprehensive authoritarian, top-down state control, and unusual expansion of federal police powers such that the states are overrun with a federal law enforcement web that replaces state-level and local forces (hence the “defund the police” program, which is directed at idling local and state law enforcement, replaced with a unified, politically controlled federal and ultimately even international policing force).  He embraces, in my view, a certain “NKVD” vision of central power, extended across key American institutions.  In this, he also reflects a certain “Bolshevik-like” attitude toward weakening or even dismantling of civil liberties.  Examples include DoJ “guidance” that warns states not to push their investigations into voting fraud too aggressively, and his heavy handed order that Texas not restrict entry of migrants at risk for Covid. Indeed, the White House has just expressed its intent to organize a “whole-of-government effort” to use federal powers against the recent Texas abortion law decision—a decision that will likely further motivate proposals to pack the Supreme Court.

Garland is an “organization man” and a champion of government, not individuals and the people.  And by siding with the White House on voter fraud suppression and the entire Covid biosecurity program, including Covid mandates, he both weakens the checks and balances role of the DOJ, while also ignoring Constitutional law questions concerning efforts to bypass state legislatures, change voting rules in major swing states, and suppressing immigration and subsequent citizenship standards.  In an era of unusual constitutional violation, one after another, he is not a defender of Americans, but rather a bureaucratic apparatchik of what regime holds power, or takes power in whatever way it can, so long as legal accountability is not brought to bear by other branches, or the judiciary.

Little in Garland’s law training or early career would suggest a legal philosophy or jurisprudence of top-down centralized diktat in law and policy, but his career was entirely formed by government service, with little if any private law experience and instincts for traditional private property.  He also fully embraces the Global War on Terror program, and this especially, may be a modern marker of intent and inclination toward a tolerance for near Bolshevik-style government, if the right pretextual narratives are present.  Given his unquestioning acceptance of the entire Covid program, illegal immigration, voter fraud, racial categorization and selective prosecution of American citizens by ideology, one may expect that violations of the Constitution and Constitutional law, may face little if any challenge from his office.  Indeed, he appears to be among the most reliable nodal points of influence and control, in the rapid permeation of authoritarian biosecurity, and the dismantling of individual constitutional protections, and even international human rights law.  This tendency fits well within the constellation of interests that seek to establish a global, transnational legal regime that replaces United States Constitutional sovereignty with a centralized UN-based order. In the same way that Jewish interests have always championed a strong central government in the U.S., those same interests  favor a strong centralized authority at the international level.

Among Garland’s most threatening intellectual vulnerabilities, is his stated obsession with “White supremacy” and his confused conflation of mass media hyperbole (including his stated determination to prosecute the January 6th “insurrection”) as a racial issue, with his emotionalism over “anti-Semitism,” while the southern border of the United States has been opened, and the DOJ abstaining from prosecution of illegal immigration—all positions reflecting the views of mainstream Jewish organizations such as the ADL; indeed Garland and his Justice team are facilitating the diffusion of illegals into the interior of the country.  Together, these ideologies are directing the massive machinery of the Department of Justice, and turning it inward, on the American public, against their interests, and as a direct assault on the American Constitutional order.