White Racial Consciousness and Advocacy

Liberal Cognitive Dissonance on South Africa

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A peculiar thing happened while my liberal sister and I were driving near a Black area of Johannesburg on our way back to Pretoria from RO Tambo International airport — Anne expressed a palpable fear of being in proximity to the very people she’d championed less than two decades earlier.
My sister had not been back to South Africa for several years as she’d fled the country immediately after the fall of Apartheid. Like many wealthy liberals, she’d moved to Western Europe the moment the White-ruled government she loathed so much had been removed, and the ANC installed in its place.
I soon followed suit as literally everyone in my family, apart from my uncle, who’s since moved to Ghana for work, returned home to their countries of origin.
Within minutes of seeing predominantly Black faces carousing in the forecourts of the shanty town shebeens dotted along the M57 roadside — the sole toll-free highway connecting Joburg’s airport with Garsfontein, Pretoria, I began to realise my sister wasn’t exactly in her comfort zone.
“Do we have to drive through here?” She asked, as I turned and looked at her.
“It’s the only road to Garsfontein from Joburg airport.” I responded. “How else do you want us to get back to Aunty’s?”
“I don’t know. It just doesn’t seem like the sort of place we should be driving through.” My sister concluded, while nervously fumbling through her purse. (Anne is a staunch proponent of gun control in SA, the UK and US, so I doubted it was a pistol she was looking for.)
At first I wasn’t sure what to make of her request and conspicuous nervousness.

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On Dylann Roof’s “Manifesto”

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Before Dylann Roof set out to commit the shooting at the Emanuel A.M.E. Church, he set up a very simple web-site called LastRhodesian.com and posted there a manifesto that referred to his intended actions. I think that it is worthwhile to examine Roof’s manifesto for some clues about how he ended up doing what he did.

Roof says that he grew up in the South, having “a small amount of racial awareness, simply because of the numbers of Negroes in this part of the country.” Southerners in general probably do have a better sense, compared to White people from other places, about how Blacks behave. This was not a clear White racial consciousness however; rather it was the kind of dissimulating defensiveness promoted by the likes of Sean Hannity or Glenn Beck, with its rhetoric of deflective counter-accusation characterized by Roof as “Blacks are the real racists.”

Roof was shocked out of this weak orientation based on fear of being called “racist” by the drumbeat of anti-White propaganda that began with the absurdly biased reporting on the case of George Zimmerman and Trayvon Martin in 2012 and 2013:

The event that truly awakened me was the Trayvon Martin case. I kept hearing and seeing his name, and eventually I decided to look him up. I read the Wikipedia article and right away I was unable to understand what the big deal was. It was obvious that Zimmerman was in the right. But more importantly this prompted me to type in the words “black on White crime” into Google, and I have never been the same since that day. The first website I came to was the Council of Conservative Citizens. There were pages upon pages of these brutal black on White murders. I was in disbelief. At this moment I realized that something was very wrong. How could the news be blowing up the Trayvon Martin case while hundreds of these black on White murders got ignored?

Although Roof’s main theme was biased media-coverage of Black-on-White crime, this was not mentioned in an article on Roof’s manifesto by one of the leading culprits, the New York Times. 
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“The Last Free Man?” — Rivarol Interview with Jean Marie Le Pen

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                                                                    Translated from the French by Tom Sunic 

Below are some lengthy excerpts from a long interview with Jean Marie Le Pen (86), the honorary president of the Front National, published in the French nationalist weekly Rivarol  on April 9, 2015.  One must emphasize the recent fall-out between him and his daughter, the current head of the FN, Marine Le Pen, in regard to some of the comments made earlier by her  father on  WWII gas chambers and the state of Israel.  In commenting on the interview, Marine Le Pen stated that his remarks have resulted in an “unprecedented crisis” for the FN and that they are “political suicide.”

“An apparently furious Marine Le Pen on Wednesday accused her 86-year-old father of taking the party hostage in an attempt to damage her and said she intended to stop him standing as an FN candidate in regional elections at the end of the year.” … [JM Le Pen] attacked Prime Minister Manuel Valls as an “immigrant”: “Valls has been French for 30 years, I’ve been French for 1,000 years?” he says. What is Valls’s real attachment to France? This immigrant, has he completely changed?”

One must also single out JM Le Pen’s own and unique figures of speech, teeming with irony and combativeness, often difficult to transpose into English. As of now the interview is stirring up a great deal of intellectual and media commotion all over France.

Rivarol: In regard to the National Front what is your assessment of the second round of departmental elections?

Jean-Marie Le Pen: It was to be expected that the results could not quite match our big success of the first round. According to the official documents from the Ministry of the Interior, the FN is the first party in France having obtained in the first round over 25% votes, which makes more than 5 million voters. Read more

“To Be French”: Reviving the National Dream

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One characteristic of our dominant “postmodern” culture is the assault on all sense of shared narrative and identity, above all nationhood, which is subject to constant and aggressive “deconstruction.” But a recent video by the French think tank Polémia, founded by Jean-Yves Le Gallou, a former National Front (FN) Member of the European Parliament, shows how a positive national vision can be promoted amid the ambient relativism and traps of political correctness.

The above video is making the rounds in French nationalist circles and has already reached an impressive 140,000 views in less than two weeks (a translation is available from the excellent English-language French nationalist news site GalliaWatch; reproduced below). What I love about this video is its optimism, its articulation of joint national and European identity, its being both rooted in the past and looking forward to the future, its inclusion of apolitical themes like heritage in music, food and good living, but also in explicit mentioning of the necessary ethnic component of national identity.

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House majority whip speaks to David Duke conference

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It happened in 2002, but it’s the biggest political news story in America this week. House Majority Whip Steve Scalise (R-LA) has now confirmed that he spoke to a conference organized by former Representative David Duke (R-LA). The Washington Post:
Rep. Steve Scalise (R-La.), the House majority whip, acknowledged Monday that he spoke at a gathering hosted by white-supremacist leaders while serving as a state representative in 2002, thrusting a racial controversy into House Republican ranks days before the party assumes control of both congressional chambers.
 
Scalise, 49, who ascended to the House GOP’s third-ranking post this year, confirmed through an adviser that he once appeared at a convention of the European-American Unity and Rights Organization, or EURO. But the adviser said the congressman didn’t know at the time about the group’s affiliation with racists and neo-Nazi activists.
 
“For anyone to suggest that I was involved with a group like that is insulting and ludicrous,” Scalise told the Times-Picayune on Monday night. The organization, founded by former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke, has been called a hate group by several civil rights organizations.
The news could complicate Republican efforts to project the sense of a fresh start for a resurgent, diversifying party as the new session of Congress opens next week. In the time since voters handed control of Congress to Republicans, top GOP leaders have been eagerly trumpeting their revamped image and management team on Capitol Hill.
Monday night, some Democrats were already raising questions about whether Scalise should remain in a leadership post.
“It’s hard to believe, given David Duke’s reputation in Louisiana, that somebody in politics in Louisiana wasn’t aware of Duke’s associations with the group and what they stand for,” said Rep. Joaquin Castro (Tex.), a rising star in the Democratic Party who is considered among the most prominent Hispanics in Congress. “If that’s the case and he agreed to join them for their event, then I think it’s a real test for Speaker Boehner as to whether congressman Scalise should remain in Republican leadership,” Castro said in a phone interview.

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Avoiding Nationalist-on-Nationalist violence: Electoral Politics vs. Cultural Metapolitics

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White Nationalist websites appear to be abuzz with conflict these days. Occidental Dissent has a list, amusing or depressing depending on your mindset, of “beefs” between White Nationalists. The movement seems so fractious and sectarian at times it rather recalls the far-leftists inimitably parodied by Monty Python.

I am now involved in this as Ted Sallis has written a critical article that, while not explicitly mentioning me, I am quite sure is referring to my comments on the French National Front (FN). Personally, I welcome frank debate and criticism, and in any case I’m relatively new to the nationalist scene so I don’t claim to lecture anyone.

But these apparently obscure debates and petty conflicts on websites with, let’s face it, limited reach raise an important issue: What should be the relationship between White Nationalists, which for now are largely limited to at best metapolitical groupuscules, and necessarily more moderate nationalist parties with mass voter appeal or which are even in power?

The issue is of the distinction between the political and the metapolitical in a particular régime. That régime today is characterized by two things: absolute liberal/antinational cultural hegemony and mass electoral politics. That means every nationalist party has a choice: either to contest the culture (in which case it will be boycotted/demonized by media) in the hopes of changing that culture or to respect the culture’s taboos (by engaging in self-censorship and crypsis) in the hopes of gaining political power. Read more

Why I Write

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Deep within the glorious maze of lost time that the archives of Counter Currents represents, I recently found the tag, “Why We Write.”  The essays under this umbrella, some of which originally appeared in The Occidental Quarterly, are a treat in no small part because they show a personal and human side to many authors who normally eschew touching on the personal for the sake of anonymity. It is also a lovely topic for the authors themselves, as it allows a certain egotistical indulgence that all self-described writers covet, openly or not. And with that being admitted, I will tackle the question myself.

The first thing I ever had published was a mere letter-of-the-day on Vdare — and a crummy one at that. I was absolutely elated when it happened, and even sent the link to my vaguely liberal, but mostly apolitical parents. In my eyes, I had struck back. It was the first fortnight of my freshman year in college and I had learned that we were not even called “freshman” because the word lacked gender-neutrality. My roommate was an insufferable “bisexual” Jew who boasted of having met President Obama and been active in the Occupy Wall Street movement (not a contradiction in his eyes; regardless, I suspect both were lies).

The sob story goes on and on, so I will cut to the chase. I decided the best way to strike back was to write. It was a way of telling myself that these people had no control over me, that even if it was pointless to argue in class, I could do better than just fuming in silence. So I kept writing, and I kept annoying editors, and I kept getting curt rejection letters. But by that summer vacation I got paid for something I wrote for the first time. By the end of that summer I had been paid multiple times, and was beginning to think quite highly of myself. I was a writer against time, a man among the ruins, etc. Liberals could tell me I was a stupid redneck, but I could just think to myself, “Oh yeah? How many articles have you been paid to write? I’m a regular right-wing Hunter S. Thompson.” It was immensely satisfying, and even my vaguely liberal, but mostly apolitical parents were impressed that I had found a way to turn time spent on my MacBook into money. Read more