Jeff Gates’ Guilt by Association

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Not many people think about Jews as much as I do. Decades of research have exposed me to a number of classic books on this topic, beginning with John Murray Cuddihy’s rollicking Ordeal of Civility. Next comes Paul Johnson’s A History of the Jews, or Albert Lindemann’s Esau’s Tears. Or course readers of this site and The Occidental Quarterly well know about Kevin MacDonald’s trilogy on Jews, which examines Jews through the lens of a group evolutionary strategy.

Then two years ago I discovered the work of retired scholar James Petras. His unvarnished prose is just the tonic for the Orwellian times in which we live. I even made a minor contribution to Petras scholarship in a review I wrote of two of his books, The Power of Israel in the United States and Rulers and Ruled in the US Empire: Bankers, Zionists and Militants. (See also Zionism, Militarism, and the Decline of U.S. Power.)

Now I believe I’ve run across a new book that might join the ranks of the above. Guilt by Association: How Deception and Self-Deceit Took America to War is written by Jeff Gates, a former counsel to the U.S. Senate. His first task is to explain how America lost control of its foreign policy to pro-Israeli elites and extremists. His brush, however, paints far more broadly, as this mixture of press releases shows:

In an account covering presidencies from Woodrow Wilson to George W. Bush, the author chronicles the influence wielded by pro-Israeli agents operating inside administrations over the past century regardless of party.

Harry Truman, a political product of organized crime from the 1920s, recognized Israel in 1948 over the strenuous objections of Secretary of State George Marshall and the entire U.S. foreign policy and intelligence establishment.

Guilt by Association makes treason transparent. The corruption that plagues American politics is traced to an alliance with elites and extremists loyal to the Land of Israel. Unable to rid politics of campaign finance corruption, the U.S. finds its security imperiled by those skilled at deceiving America into waging wars for the Zionist state.

Tracing this corruption to criminal syndicates from the 1920s, Guilt by Association reveals how those skilled at displacing facts with beliefs wield clout from the shadows. Both deception and self-deceit play critical roles in enabling this criminality to expand its reach on a global scale. Guilt by Association documents how by operating in the realms of politics, media, academia, think tanks and popular culture corruption came to dominate politics, as shown by presidential candidates John McCain and Barack Obama. Chronicling systemic corruption that predates these candidates by decades, the book explains how organized crime expanded worldwide while the U.S. discredited itself in the eyes of a global public astounded that Americans would tolerate such corruption to their own detriment. Featuring sophisticated analysis presented in layman’s language, Guilt by Association will transform political debate in the U.S. and beyond.

This chronicle of duplicity and trans-generational manipulation describes how dysfunctional personalities are identified and then positioned for elective office. Chronicling systemic corruption that predates the current presidential candidates by decades, Guilt by Association describes how organized crime expanded worldwide in plain view yet with legal impunity.

Praise for the book has been strong. For instance, Paul Findley, longtime former Congressman and one of the first casualties of the Zionist attack on lukewarm supporters of Israel, writes that the book is “Magnificent, timely, and persuasive.” Ambassador Andrew Killgore calls it “Brilliantly provocative,” while fellow Ambassador Ed Peck, Deputy Director, Cabinet Task Force on Terrorism, dubs it “explosively revelatory, powerful, compelling and certain to be highly contentious.” 

Gates does appear to be audacious in his goals. In Guilt, he appears to be offering us a tool for understanding the massive financial scandals and upsets much of the Western world is now enduring and he ties it to America’s going to war in the Middle East. “America’s post-war leadership embraced an alliance with an elitist and fundamentalist subculture within Judaism’s broader faith tradition.”

Nicely put about “Judaism’s broader faith tradition,” but what he has to say about that subculture is less charitable: “The Zionism chronicled in this account describes a transnational organized crime agenda featuring financial and political domination by elites and extremists.” For instance, America, Gates argues, is in Iraq now because “the war in Iraq is the product of a trans-generational syndicate skilled at displacing facts with (false) beliefs. Those masterful at manipulating thoughts and beliefs are also responsible for enabling organized crime to expand to a global scale.”

At first blush, this mental manipulation seems to be the trick whereby this subculture controls the majority. The “displacement of facts with beliefs” is responsible, in Gates’ view, for the American electorate and its representatives swallowing the lies about Saddam Hussein’s mythical weapons of mass destruction. What is the limit to our gullibility? Well, whatever “people can be deceived to believe.” Such as the “widely shared opinion that Israel is a democracy and an ally. All false and all induced beliefs.”

As a scholar and teacher of American film, an obvious example of this kind of manipulation comes readily to mind. In chapter one, Gates outlines his views on how today’s unconventional warfare “relies on game theory and the application of mathematical models to anticipate the response to staged provocations. Reactions become ‘perfectly predictable’ in the sense that they are foreseeable within an acceptable range of probabilities.” America’s (mistaken) response to 9/11 illustrates this. Years prior to those attacks, people’s minds had been exposed to scenarios of Arab enemies and terrorists, a signal example being the broad attention given to Harvard historian Samuel Huntington’s “Clash of Civilizations” thesis.

We also had the myriad neocon think tank studies suggesting that a “new Pearl Harbor” might serve as catalyst for a power reconfiguration in the Middle East. Gates steps back to put these disparate items into a frame he calls “a period of preparing the minds.” Here, of course, I thought of the pre-9/11 pop culture portrayals of events exceedingly similar to what transpired on September 11th. I was not alone. David Ray Griffin, for one, retired theologian and author of The New Pearl Harbor Revisited: 9/11, the Cover-Up, and the Exposé, drew our attention to a new show spun off from the popular series “The X-Files.” “In March 2001, the pilot episode of The Lone Gunmen, which reportedly had 13 million viewers, was based on a rogue group within the US government crashing a remote-controlled 747 into the World Trade Center.” Don’t believe it? Watch the scene.

An example that works even better for me is the big-budget film The Siege (1998). This action-packed thriller stars Denzel Washington as an FBI agent tracking Arab terrorists in New York. If Gates is right about this plot to “prepare the minds” of Americans for future events, then The Siege fits the mold. For instance, Arab terrorists blow up themselves and a busload of innocent passengers in broad daylight (think suicide bombers in Israel). Then comes an attack on a theater. Finally, we have a scene that is more than suggestive of the airliner hits on the Twin Towers. In The Siege, Arabs drive a van loaded with explosives into the FBI Counterterrorism Division at One Federal Plaza, raining debris down on New York streets.

Again, Gates is painting with a wide brush here. For example, the longest chapter deals with the deliberate Israel attack in 1967 on the American spy ship, the U.S.S. Liberty. He also discusses John McCain’s connection to a Zionist cabal. Chapter 7 deals with “the new anti-Semitism,” followed by thoughts on Obama as President.  Gates is not confident that Obama will be his own man and break out of the Zionist grip that held his predecessors.

As Gates documents, Obama is but the product of the Jewish machine in Chicago, having been nurtured by Rahm Emanuel and David Axelrod. Further, his top three contributors were also Jews from the “Chicago Outfit”: Penny Pritzker, the Crown family (ne Krinsky) and George Soros. (Sticking with his crime lineage thesis, Gates claims that the Pritzker family dates from the Jewish syndicate of the 1920.)

Emanuel and Axelrod bear watching. Both emerged as young Democratic party activists in Chicago in 1984, just two years after AIPAC had taken down 22-year incumbent Congressman Paul Findley for his perceived lack of Zionist zeal. His replacement was Dick Durbin, “now #2 in the Senate leadership who shares a house in Washington with Chuck Schumer, now #3. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, from mobbed-up Nevada, is Mormon.” Though Gates doesn’t mention it here, Reid is married to a woman born to Jewish parents, which dovetails with accounts others have provided about such marital ties. For instance, in The Jewish Century Berkeley professor Yuri Slezkine notes the high proportion of intermarriage higher up the chain of command in the Bolshevik hierarchy. Bukharin and Molotov, to name two, were married to Jewish women.

Perhaps the most explosive claims made by Gates concern the nexus of Jewish involvement in both the pillage of Russian wealth in the 1990s and the ongoing economic meltdown in the West now. On his blog he asks “Is a multi-trillion dollar fraud being perpetrated on America by Lawrence Summers and the same transnational network that defrauded Russia of $1 trillion?”

Tracing the actions of Larry Summers over his time in the Clinton Administration and as President of Harvard, Gates argues that Summers used his status to legitimate the massive loan-for-shares fraud that created the oligarchs. His analysis resonates with what James Petras has also argued.

Petras claims that former President Clinton and his economic advisers such as Andrei Shleifer and Jeffrey Sachs backed the regimes that allowed the plunder of Russian wealth. Because of these advisers’ positions at Harvard, that institution paid $26.5 million to settle a suit stemming from various improprieties associated with them. As one observer illustrates, however, it is the Jewish aspect of the entire scandal that stands out. The principals of this scandal were Jews, and they were allegedly protected by fellow Jew Summers.

The upshot of the scam was that the “reform” of the Russian economy “turned out to be one of the great larceny sprees in all history, and the Harvard boys weren’t all merely naive theoreticians.” The 45-year-old Shleifer, though Russian, nonetheless vacationed each year with Summers, which may explain why Shleifer has remained on the Harvard faculty.

This very much speaks to the effort Gates makes to bring the broader picture into focus. Thus, when we observe the common intersection of Jewish identity, networking and media power, for example, we can answer the question: “How did the defendants in the Russia project—Harvard, Shleifer, Hay and, though he was not charged with wrong-doing in the matter, Summers—convince the [New York]  Times, the [Washington] Post and the Financial Times that the collapse of [Harvard’s] Russia Project was not a worthy story?” One answer is Jewish power.

Of course the Jewish identity of the Russian oligarchs has not always been readily highlighted, which may be deliberate. For example, when Yale law professor Amy Chua, author of the book World on Fire, mentioned this identity to a Jewish colleague who himself had participated in the “debacle” of Russian privatization , the professor dismissed her impatiently. Her Jewish husband, however, was more nonplussed—when Chua correctly noted that six out of the seven of Russia’s wealthiest oligarchs were Jews, her Jewish husband calmly quipped, “Just six?  So who’s the seventh guy?”

In the end, as Petras claims, “the unprecedented pillage” in Russia brought on by Harvard economist Jeffrey Sachs’s and others’ “shock therapy” removed at least a trillion dollars from that long-suffering nation. Yet this was largely absent from any American discussions. Like Gates, Petras understands the importance of the fact that the ethnic connections going to the top of American society are important because of the combined power of Zionism, media and financial control. If it’s not good for the Jews, don’t mention it.

While most Americans have likely long since lost interest in the Russian story, their minds have become wonderfully focused by the stunning economic meltdown in America taking place before their very eyes. And as in Russia, so many of the central players, “good” (Obama’s new economic team) and bad (accused mega swindlers such as Madoff, Friedman and Karatz) are Jews.

In a TOO column last year, Kevin MacDonald pointed out two consequences of Jewish involvement in these financial scandals: “One is that crime does pay. Jews like the Sandlers and the Arnalls whose actions contributed to the current crisis made huge fortunes. Their money is now being used to further specifically Jewish political agendas.” Second, the Sandlers and the Arnalls “are a microcosm of Jewish political activism. The beneficiaries of their largess define the boundaries of acceptable politics in the US — from the far left to the neoconservative, pro-Israel, pro-immigration right.”

Given the reluctance of the (heavily Jewish) news media to make sense of all this, it is ironic that we can find confirmation in a skit from (heavily Jewish) Saturday Night Live. The skit makes fun of the prominent role Jews played in the financial meltdown, spoofing Herbert and Marion Sandler, Congressman Barney Frank, and even George Soros. Here’s the unadulterated original version.

It would seem that the SNL skit corroborates Gates’ own conclusions about Jewish fraud. Just as Russian state shares ended up in the hands of the oligarchs, in America they are headed for large firms that are predominantly Jewish. “As in Russia, both the advisers and the new owners qualify for Israeli citizenship. Summers had a hand in both bailouts. As President-elect Obama scrambles to stabilize the financial system, will his pledge of clarity and transparency include an account of how—and by whom—he was advised to capitalize a transnational Ashkenazi oligarchy?”

To be sure, Gates’ claims are vast and there is a bit of Da Vinci Code breathlessness to them. But consider this a preliminary consideration of important topics that need to be understood. If Gates is right to link them through an overarching network of Ashkenazi Jews, then we might begin to unravel many of the mysteries Gates takes on. After all, many of us have seen the “disproportionate power wielded by those with outsized influence in media, pop culture, politics, academia and think tanks,” and we can also verify the heavy Jewish presence in all of them.

These are matters of war and peace, prosperity and poverty. Many of the same people responsible for the economic meltdown are either still there, or worse, being brought into the Obama team. And last week’s battle over the appointment of Chas Freeman is over, pointing to increased risks that moves for more war in the Middle East will proceed unchecked. (See also here and here.)

Since many of you no longer rely on traditional venues for gathering accurate information about our world, it is worth the effort to get and read Gates’ book Guilt by Association: How Deception and Self-Deceit Took America to War. Then judge for yourself.

Edmund Connelly is a freelance writer, academic, and expert on the cinema arts. He has previously written for The Occidental Quarterly.

Charles Freeman’s disloyalty allegations

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Charles Freeman’s withdrawal from his appointment as head of the National Intelligence Council has attracted a great deal of comment. But the most amazing parts of his statement are the least commented on. To wit:

I do not believe the National Intelligence Council could function effectively while its chair was under constant attack by unscrupulous people with a passionate attachment to the views of a political faction in a foreign country.

This is a rather unvarnished statement of disloyalty. Indeed, Freeman’s comment bears more than a passing resemblance to Pat Buchanan’s famous comments on the neoconservatives who engineered the US invasion of Iraq on behalf of Israel:

They charge us with anti-Semitism—i.e., a hatred of Jews for their faith, heritage, or ancestry. False. The truth is, those hurling these charges harbor a “passionate attachment” to a nation not our own that causes them to subordinate the interests of their own country and to act on an assumption that, somehow, what’s good for Israel is good for America.

And in case anyone missed it, Freeman made the accusation of disloyalty twice more:

There is a special irony in having been accused of improper regard for the opinions of foreign governments and societies by a group so clearly intent on enforcing adherence to the policies of a foreign government — in this case, the government of Israel. …

I regret that my willingness to serve the new administration has ended by casting doubt on its ability to consider, let alone decide what policies might best serve the interests of the United States rather than those of a Lobby intent on enforcing the will and interests of a foreign government.

And yet, coverage of the Freeman withdrawal in the mainstream media has ignored these allegations. (In fact, as Andrew Sullivan noted, the MSM basically ignored the issue entirely.) The Washington Post article (posted also at the Los Angeles Times website) summarized the situation by saying only that “Freeman had come under fire for statements he had made criticizing Israeli policies and for his past connections to Saudi and Chinese interests.” It quoted Freeman’s statement that he did not believe that the NIC “could function effectively while its chair was under constant attack” but left out the rest of Freeman’s sentence: “by unscrupulous people with a passionate attachment to the views of a political faction in a foreign country.”

The Post’s editorial on the subject bordered on the bizarre, claiming that any suggestion that the Lobby was behind the failed appointment was nothing more than a “conspiracy theory.” Please!

The New York Times article included some of Freeman’s very negative comments on the Israel Lobby, but also included the denial of any influence by a spokesman for AIPAC:

Mr. Freeman blamed pro-Israel groups for the controversy, saying the “tactics of the Israel Lobby plumb the depths of dishonor and indecency and include character assassination, selective misquotation, the willful distortion of the record, the fabrication of falsehoods, and an utter disregard for the truth.”

Joshua Block, a spokesman for the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a lobbying group, said Tuesday that his organization had not taken a formal position on Mr. Freeman’s selection and had not lobbied Congress members to oppose it.

Again, no mention of disloyalty. And although both the New York Times and theWashington Post took Block at his word in denying AIPAC’s involvement, Block was lying through his teeth. According to Stephen Walt, despite claiming that it had no role in the affair, AIPAC “leaned hard on some key senators behind-the-scenes and is now bragging that Obama is a ‘pushover.’”

But even Walt’s blog skirted the disloyalty issue. (In my review of Mearsheimer and Walt’s The Israel Lobby, I criticized them for going soft on the disloyalty issue.)

The only mention of the disloyalty issue I have been able to find in the MSM is Melanie Phillips’ column in The Spectator (London) titled “Exit, Spraying Venom.” Phillips quotes Freeman’s “passionate attachment to the views of a political faction in a foreign country” comment, describing his comments as a whole as a “gross libel against American Jews, through its false and malevolent accusation of untoward and uniquely powerful and damaging political power.” Phillips concludes:

Given the unhinged hatred towards Israel and the Jews coursing through the west, which was given rocket fuel in the US by the Walt/Mearsheimer travesty which invested Jewish conspiracy theory with a wholly spurious aura of academic respectability, it was inevitable that if Freeman bit the dust the Jews would be blamed.

Wow! Clearly Phillips is the one who is unhinged. But not for the first time. She has been quoted as believing while “individual Palestinians may deserve compassion, their cause amounts to Holocaust denial as a national project.”

In making his charges of disloyalty, Freeman’s comments must be understood as indicting not only the usual suspects, such as AIPAC and Daniel Pipes’ Middle East Forum (current home of Steve Rosen, the former AIPAC operative who is being tried for espionage on behalf of Israel and was the first to flag Freeman’s appointment). Minimally, Freeman is also indicting the Jewish Senators and Congressmen who pushed hard on this issue. (Non-Jewish politicians like Rep. Mark Steven Kirk, who took up the Lobby’s cause in Congress, are guilty of nothing more than mundane things like subservience, cowardice, and the desire to be reelected.) The Jewish names mentioned most prominently in the Congressional campaign against Freeman have been three Zionist stalwarts:Sen. Charles Schumer, Rep. Steve Israel and Sen. Joe Lieberman.

It is noteworthy that Schumer and Israel expressed their complaints to Rahm Emanuel, Obama’s Chief of Staff. Emanuel has been described as “a fierce partisan of Israel” who volunteered to aid the Israel Defense Force during the 1991 Gulf War. He was doubtless a sympathetic ear.

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One wonders why the ADL has not made a statement on Freeman’s comments. It may well be that the entire organized Jewish community hopes for a quick death for this incident — the less said the better at this point. This same logic would explain why the disloyalty issue is not discussed in the MSM: Disloyalty is a very grave charge that the goyim shouldn’t even be thinking about. As Steven Waltpoints out, lobbies live in the dark and die in the light of day. It’s hard to imagine Abe Foxman complaining that Freeman’s accusation of disloyalty is yet another anti-Jewish canard when it’s not very difficult for even the most braindead among us to see that there is a whole lot of truth in it.

It is important to realize the gravity of the charge of Jewish disloyalty. It is a charge that has repeatedly surfaced throughout Jewish history beginning in the Book of Exodus where Pharaoh says: “Behold, the people of the children of Israel are too mighty for us; come, let us deal wisely with them, lest they multiply, and it come to pass, that, when there befalleth us any war, they also join themselves unto our enemies, and fight against us, and get them up out of the land” (Exod. 1:9–10).

The first example I am aware of in American history was the successful campaign by Jewish organizations to abrogate a trade agreement with Russia during the Taft Administration in 1911. In promoting the bill, Jewish spokesmen favored formulations in which the problem was couched as an American problem rather than as a problem for American Jews (even though the difficulties for American Jews were only a pretext for a campaign that was actually directed at changing the status of Russian Jews).

Similarly, as I noted in my last column, Jews around the world have been advised to frame the Iranian threat to Israel as a global problem, not simply as a problem for Israel.

The charge of disloyalty stems from a very simple fact: Jews sometimes have interests as Jews that are not the same as the interests of the society as a whole.And because the organized Jewish community has often had power far beyond its numbers, there is a very real possibility that Jewish influence would compromise the interests of the society as a whole. We have already seen this in the successful neoconservative promotion of the war in Iraq —  the focus of Buchanan’s ire (and by now proved beyond a shadow of a doubt with an avalanche of other treatises on the subject). Of course, right now, the conflict revolves around Israel and the “existential threat” it sees in Iran.

The interesting thing now is what will happen to Adm. Dennis C. Blair, the Director of National Intelligence and the person who appointed Freeman.  Blair not only defended Freeman to the bitter end, his stated views on Iranian nuclear capability are very much opposed by Israel (and hence the Israel Lobby). On March 10, Blair noted that  “The overall situation — and the intelligence community agrees on this — [is] that Iran has not decided to press forward . . . to have a nuclear weapon on top of a ballistic missile.” This conflicts with the Israeli perspective. In commenting on the disparity in views, Blair stated that “the Israelis are far more concerned about [Iran’s nuclear capability], and they take more of a worst-case approach to these things from their point of view.”

Blair is implying that the Israeli and the American views are not the same. Horrors! This is doubtless a grave offense in the eyes of the Israel Lobby — a group that seemingly cannot even imagine that Israel and the US may have different interests.

Clearly, the Lobby still has some work left to rid the government of people with ideas that differ from theirs. But they expended quite a bit of energy and credibility with the heavy-handed tactics they used in torpedoing Freeman and enforcing their version of foreign policy orthodoxy. Their next battle may be even more difficult.

The good news is that the machinations of the Lobby are more open than ever. The vast majority of the debate happened on the Internet. The MSM was late in reporting it, and in the end it left out critical details. This is yet another nail in the coffin of the credibility of the MSM, and it means that people who are serious about understanding current events are going to rely even less on it. People will read the New York Times not for “all the news that’s fit to print,” but to try to understand why the Times left out what it did. Sadly, this indictment of the MSM also applies to mainstream conservative pundits such as Sean Hannity, Bill O’Reilly, and Rush Limbaugh.

It is noteworthy that, as J. J. Goldberg has pointed out, the Obama Administration has initiated foreign policy positions that are quite different than the Bush Administration, including high-level negotiations with Syria, approving the dialogue between the British and  the political wing of Hezbollah in Lebanon, and steps that might be interpreted as a more conciliatory approach to Iran.Already, Zionist hardliners like Morton Klein of the Zionist Organization of America are up in arms about Hillary Clinton’s “troubling transformation.”

While it is too early to see where this is heading, whatever happens is going to be all over the Internet. That is a major problem for the Lobby — and one that will only get worse in the future.

Kevin MacDonald is a professor of psychology at California State University–Long Beach.

A Tale of Two Disasters (in Black and White): New Orleans vs. Fargo

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While watching the evening news the other night and seeing the heroic efforts of Fargo, ND citizens working together to halt the rising flood waters of the Red River and contain the damage to their community, the reaction on the part of this community seemed vastly divergent from the community reaction of New Orleans during the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina — the broadcast images of the responses to the flooding disasters that hit opposite ends of the U.S. couldn’t be more different.

Recent news accounts of Fargo, ND showed countless volunteers (men, women and children) filling sand bags, working together like the intricate parts of a Swiss clock, valiantly trying to contain the flood waters of the Red River that is expected to crest at some 43 feet. Now the citizens are battling blizzard conditions that threaten the sandbag levees.

The willpower of these citizens to overcome extreme weather conditions and preserve their homes, schools and businesses showed remarkable courage not to mention a tireless work ethic.

One resident, 57-year-old Gary Lacher (quoted in today’s New York Times) said,

You lie down, you look at the clock, you listen for every sound, and you look at the clock again and five minutes has passed… and you start to think through it all again — did I do enough?

The volunteerism was not lost on President Obama, who noted in his weekly radio address:

In the Fargodome, thousands of people gathered not to watch a football game or a rodeo, but to fill sandbags. Volunteers filled 2.5 million of them in just five days, working against the clock, day and night, with tired arms and aching backs. Others braved freezing temperatures, gusting winds, and falling snow to build levees along the river’s banks to help protect against waters that have exceeded record levels.

In this North Dakota community of about 90,000, the cooperative determination of neighbors helping one another to contain the flood waters was in vivid contrast — literally in black and white — to the listless aftermath of Hurricane Katrina that hitNew Orleans in 2005. National Guardsmen were deployed to maintain order and keep the locals from preying on one another.

The atmosphere conveyed in the televised images of the Fargodome reminds one of a beehive: Community residents assisting each other, filling sandbag after sandbag, to salvage their flood-threatened community. Compare this to the images of displaced “victims” befouling the Superdome while waiting for federal assistance as volunteers from around the country descended on New Orleans to help the displaced.

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In New Orleans, the response in the wake of Katrina included widespread looting and violence aimed at rescuers. The National Guard imposed curfews to stem violence while the “victims” complained about the lack of federal emergency assistance. The citizens of one disaster-struck community rolled up their sleeves and got to work while residents of another devastated area had to be cared for and policed. (Maryland SWAT teams were assigned to Maryland firefighters who assisted in New Orleans recovery operations in the weeks following Katrina to protect the lives and equipment of these volunteers.)

The challenge of rising flood waters in Fargo was met with energetic assistance, care, cooperation, and fortitude to prevail and limit the damage from near-record flood levels, while the situation in New Orleans was largely one of stagnation, mounting trash, looting, lethargic helpless “victims” waiting to be rescued from rooftops, and abandonment.

Here’s an excellent video of Rush Limbaugh comparing the Katrina victims to the victims of flooding in Iowa and Illinois in 2008. It makes the same point we are once again seeing unfolding in Fargo: “I want to see the murders, I want to see the looting,  …I see devastation that dwarfs the devastation of what happened in New Orleans…. I don’t see a bunch of people running around waving guns at helicopters, I don’t see a bunch of people shooting cops … When I look at Iowa, when I look at Illinois, I see the backbone of America ….”

Although Limbaugh never once mentions race, the implicit racial comparison couldn’t be more obvious. Let’s make it explicit. This is a racial tale in black and white.

Once again, despite the deluge of negative images of whites and positive images of blacks emanating from Hollywood, media images from the real world feed into implicit stereotypes of whites as cooperative, efficient, and self-reliant. At the same time the images from Katrina and the recent police murders in Oakland continue to feed into the negative stereotypes that whites have of blacks. In particular, the public support given the the black man who murdered four white policemen will continue to reverberate with whites for a long time. Reality intrudes on the constant propaganda emanating from the liberal media.

What a difference communities and populations can make in dealing with the challenges of crisis and circumstance: constructive resolve vs. chaotic disorder.

Kevin Lamb, a freelance writer, is a former library assistant for Newsweek, managing editor of Human Events, and assistant editor of the Evans-Novak Political Report. He is the managing editor of The Social Contract.

How Jews See Themselves, 2008

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Any group that expects to survive into the long term future should be aware of current trends and how they will influence the group. Jews take such planning quite seriously. The Jewish People Policy Planning Institute has assumed the role of long term planning for the Jewish people, not only in Israel but also the Diaspora. The JPPPI is an independent think tank that reports to the Israeli government and has close ties with other Jewish organizations. Its mission is “to promote the thriving of the Jewish people via professional strategic thinking and planning on issues of primary concern to world Jewry. JPPPI’s work is based on deep commitment to the future of the Jewish people with Israel as its core state.”

The chairman of the Board of Directors of JPPPI from 2002 until early 2009 was Dennis Ross — the same Dennis Ross who has played a major role in US policy in the Middle East in the Bush I and Clinton administrations and was director of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy — a hard-line pro-Israel lobbying group. Ross gave up his position with the JPPPI after he was named as the Obama administration’s top envoy to the Middle East, a position where he will be able to influence policy on Iran and other issues deemed vital to Israel. (Ross remains a “Consultant” at WINEP.)

It is noteworthy that no one complains when Ross is appointed to such an important US foreign policy position despite his close ties to Israel and the Israel Lobby; but there is major hysteria when people point out that Charles Freeman (Obama’s nominee for the head of the National Intelligence Council) has an association with a group funded by Saudi Arabia.

The JPPPI’s report Facing Tomorrow 2008 is a sort of State of the Union document for Judaism — a description of the state of Judaism and what challenges are on the horizon. In scope and intention, it reminds one of the National Policy Institute’s report “The State of White America.”

Not surprisingly, there is great concern about Iran as an “existential threat” — presumably a major area of interest for the former chairman of JPPPI’s Board of Directors in his new position in the US State Department.

The Jewish people must, as the highest priority, develop an appropriate response to the Iranian nuclear threat to Israel and to global stability as a whole. While there is no ambiguity about the need to do so in Israel, it is necessary to mobilize Jewish opinion around the world as well. The American Jewish community cannot be intimidated either by a post Iraq syndrome in the United States, or by the false and pernicious allegations of Professors Walt and Mearsheimer, or former President Carter.

Jews around the world are encouraged to mobilize to combat the threat to Israel represented by Iran. The assumption is that Jews have common interests as Jews no matter what country they happen to live in. One is reminded of other eras when Jews have put up a unified front against a particular country because of specific Jewish interests. For example, the organized Jewish community opposed Russia from 1881 to 1917 — a position that led to charges of disloyalty in several countries.

One might think that such a view would leave Jews in the Diaspora open to the charge of disloyalty, but the problem is easily finessed: Jews in the Diaspora are told to frame Israel’s concerns about Iran as a global threat, not simply as a threat to Israel.

The report advocates putting pressure on China, Russia, and moderate Arab states in order to develop the widest possible coalition: “For instance, currently, the US negotiates with China, bilaterally and multilaterally on both currency issues and on Iran, without linking the two issues. Perhaps they need to be linked.” The message is that Jews in the US should pressure the US government to use any leverage it has with China to develop a coalition against Iran.

The report is quite clear that the influential writings of former President Carter and professors Mearsheimer and Walt are major obstacles.  As I have noted before, these critics of Israel are important because they are associated with elite institutions, and their critique is sober, factually based, and constitutes a moral indictment of Israel. We can expect more attacks on these figures in the future.

Relatedly, the report recommends that Diaspora Jewry do its utmost to undermine the moral critique of Israel. Jews must combat portrayals of Israel as a state that is “colonialist, violates human rights, and engaged in unacceptable behavior that could be described as Apartheid and even Nazism.”  Diaspora Jews should also combat charges of dual loyalty.  Amazingly, despite the assumption of common Jewish interests no matter what country they live in, without any sense of irony the report notes that Dennis Ross — Exhibit A on the dual loyalty issue — will soon be publishing a book on these issues.

And Ross isn’t the only high level American diplomat involved in this report for an Israeli think tank: Stuart Eizenstat is the author of a major section on “Mega-Trends in the Next Five Years which will Impact on World Jewry and Israel.”

The situation is exactly the same as the involvement of prominent American neocons (Richard Perle, Douglas Feith, David and Meyrav Wurmser) in the notorious “A Clean Break” report for an Israeli think tank. This report, which advocated regime change in the Middle East by many of the architects of the American invasion of Iraq, was also presented to the Israeli government.

There is deep concern about Jewish identification, marriage, and fertility. Jews have the lowest birth rate in the world (1.5–1.7). In the Diaspora, “there is a slow, steady, seemingly inexorable decline in an already diminished population.” In Israel, the Jewish population is increasing but the Arab Israelis and Palestinians are increasing faster. “Between the Mediterranean and the Jordan Sea, there may be a majority of Palestinians by mid-century. Time is not on Israel’s side.” Nevertheless it is important to “Ensure that the borders of the State of Israel guarantee a clear Jewish majority.”

The solution is to encourage fertility not only by aiding and promoting Jewish births, but by funding programs that strengthen Jewish identification:

Massive investment should be undertaken to improve knowledge and transmission of Jewish identity through expanding existing and new networks of Jewish schools, and the best forms of informal education such as Birthright, camps, youth movements, adolescent education and adult education.

All of these policies would be viewed as unvarnished racism if adopted by Europeans or the European Diaspora.

The report on geopolitical trends by Stuart Eizenstat is quite blunt, noting the decline of the West and the emergence of a multipolar world with the rise of China and India. Israel must ready itself for a world no longer dominated by the US, but Eizenstat projects that the US will be primus inter pares for at least another generation. There is also concern that because of the debacle in Iraq, the US will not be willing to provide the “unconditional support” for Israel that it has in the past.

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A similar JPPPI publication is its Report 2008. This report makes many of these same points asFacing Tomorrow 2008 but also analyzes the position of Jews in the US. It is quite frank on Jewish power and the status of American Jews. Jews are important political players in the US. Despite their relatively small numbers, Jews are important in part because of “the economic resources they bring to bear on the candidates of their choices … [and] their prominence in American culture and society.” Well said.

Moreover, the Report notes that

while Jews tend to be wealthier than most Americans, they identify their long-term interests with liberal policies, and are regularly moved by the perception that the Democrats are the standard bearer of a number of traditionally Jewish ethical concerns. (This latter contention is of course  profoundly contested by Jewish Republicans, among whom are to be counted a large number of leading Jewish thinkers and intellectuals.)

The idea that Jewish support for liberal causes stems from ethical concerns is profoundly problematic from other perspectives as well. The ethical hypothesis is ludicrous given that American Jews also support a racialist, apartheid, expansionist Israel. (See here for a discussion of Jewish ethics as fundamentally about what is “good for the Jews.”) Indeed, the Report notes that because both Democrats and Republicans are committed to Israel, Jewish voting is more determined by other factors. In other words, since there is no disagreement in American politics regarding unconditional support for Israel, Jews are free to vote their other ethnic interests — in particular the disestablishment of white America.

My view is that the Jewish commitment to liberal politics and the Democratic Party stems from their fear of and animosity toward an America dominated by white Christians. As Elliott Abrams has stated, the American Jewish community “clings to what is at bottom a dark vision of America, as a land permeated with anti-Semitism and always on the verge of anti-Semitic outbursts” (p. 86).

It may indeed be rational for Jews to seek a rapprochement with white America, given that non-white minorities, especially Muslims, are unlikely to share the Jewish commitment to Israel. But the main stumbling block remains a psychological one: Can activist Jews overcome their gut feelings of hostility toward the West?

Indeed, although not mentioned in the Report, the summary presented to the Israeli cabinet recommended “Enhanced ties between Jewish communities and the Hispanic and Afro-American communities in the US.” Implicitly, the idea is that just as Jews must prepare for the emergence of China and India as world powers, Jews must be prepared for the decline of white America.

Of course, it is no secret that the organized Jewish community has spearheaded the mass immigration of non-whites and that they have have forged close ties with blacks, Latinos, and other minority groups in the US. As I noted elsewhere:

In recent years Jewish organizations have made alliances with other non-white ethnic activist organizations. For example, groups such as the AJCommittee and the Jewish Community Relations Council of Greater Washington have formed coalitions with organizations such as the National Council of La Raza and the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC). A prominent aspect of this effort is the Foundation for Ethnic Understanding, co-founded by Rabbi Marc Schneier, President of the North American Boards of Rabbis. The Foundation is closely tied to the World Jewish Congress which cosponsors the Foundation’s Washington, DC office and several of its programs. Typical of the Foundation’s efforts was a meeting in August, 2003 of the Congressional Black Caucus, the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, the Jewish Congressional Delegation, and the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus; the meeting was co-sponsored by the World Jewish Congress. The Foundation’s many programs include organizing the Congressional Jewish/Black Caucus, the Corporate Diversity Award, given to “a major Fortune 500 company committed to building a diverse work force,” the Annual Latino/Jewish Congressional Awards Ceremony, the Annual Black/Jewish Congressional Awards Ceremony, and the Annual Interethnic Congressional Leadership Forum. The latter project organizes an annual meeting of the NAACP, the National Council of La Raza, the World Jewish Congress, and the National Asian Pacific American Legal Consortium.

Quite clearly the various non-European ethnic groups are developing close ties and Jewish organizations are taking the lead in this effort.

Finally, it should be noted that there is no self-criticism in these reports — no angst about the ethics of Israel’s horrific actions in Gaza or the erection of the racialist, apartheid state of Israel. Nor is there any self-examination of the power of Jews in American politics, particularly the issue of disloyalty as it pertains to the Israel Lobby.

The portrait of Judaism is therefore part and parcel of creating a positive Jewish self-image. This one-dimensional “Jews-have-no-warts” image is a useful fiction for a group with such a large agenda in conflict with the interests of so many other peoples — from white Americans and other European-descended peoples to Iran and the Arab world.

It is an image that is aggressively enforced by Jewish activist organizations such as the ADL. A large part of Jewish power is the ability to create and enforce a positive image of Jews that is quite independent of the reality of aggressive Jewish pursuit of group interests.

The rest of us need not see the Jewish community in quite such a one-dimensional manner.

Kevin MacDonald is a professor of psychology at California State University–Long Beach.

The Appointment of Charles Freeman and the Coming War with Iran

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When I was a child, we had in our living room a copy of Time magazine that came out just after JFK had been assassinated. It was the only article in the drawer of an end table, thus creating a kind of family shrine for the fallen president.

I sometimes wonder if the March 24, 2003 issue of The American Conservative doesn’t deserves the same kind of reverential treatment, for the cover story was Patrick J. Buchanan’s iconic jeremiad “Whose War?”

In that story, he railed against a group of neoconservatives clamoring for a pre-planned attack on Iraq following 9/11. He minced no words in laying down his position: “We charge that a cabal of polemicists and public officials seek to ensnare our country in a series of wars that are not in America’s interests. We charge them with colluding with Israel to ignite those wars.”

Buchanan spelled out who would benefit from the second Iraq War:

Cui Bono? For whose benefit these endless wars in a region that holds nothing vital to America save oil, which the Arabs must sell us to survive? Who would benefit from a war of civilizations between the West and Islam? Answer: one nation, one leader, one party. Israel, Sharon, Likud.

These words should be seared into the brains of all good Americans, for they explain many of the most important events of the first decade of this new millennium. Further, with but the change of one name—Sharon to Netanyahu—they may presage the unfolding of a new war even more destructive and disastrous than the Iraq War. And who better to sound the alarm about this looming danger than Mr. Buchanan himself.

Last week Buchanan explained this in a short column called Return of the War Party.

“Real men go to Tehran!” brayed the neoconservatives, after the success of their propaganda campaign to have America march on Baghdad and into an unnecessary war that has forfeited all the fruits of our Cold War victory.

Now they are back, in pursuit of what has always been their great goal: an American war on Iran. It would be a mistake to believe they and their collaborators cannot succeed a second time.

It’s déjà vu all over again, and the well-oiled Israeli/neocon propaganda machine is in full throttle, just as it was in the lead-up to the Iraq war.

For Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s expected new Prime Minister,  Iran’s impending nuclear capability is nothing less than Armageddon: Iran “constitutes the gravest threat to our existence since the war of independence.”

Leon Panetta, the new CIA Director, is playing his role perfectly by reversing the previous National Intelligence Estimate on Iran. Panetta stated in his confirmation hearings that “From all the information I’ve seen, I think there is no question that they are seeking that capability.”

Ominiously, AIPAC operative Dennis Ross of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy was given the Iranian portfolio. (WINEP is an Israeli  think tank — sorry, pro-Israeli think tank — based in Washington, DC.) There is little doubt that Ross will pursue AIPAC’s war agenda with Iran.

And the arch-neocon Elliot Abrams chimes in by writing that the entire peace process in the Middle East should be put on hold until Iran is dealt with. Of course, this means that the settlements will continue to expand and Israeli brutality toward the Palestinians will continue unabated. It’s pretty obvious that Israel has zero interest in peace with the Palestinians.

Buchanan sums it up by noting:

The campaign to conflate Hamas, Hezbollah and Syria as a new axis of evil, a terrorist cartel led by Iranian mullahs hell-bent on building a nuclear bomb and using it on Israel and America, has begun. The full-page ads and syndicated columns calling on Obama to eradicate this mortal peril before it destroys us all cannot be far off.

As if on cue, stories about this new risk are popping up all around us:

  • Obama’s War Machine Needs $800 Billion For 2009: “Barack Obama’s election promise to bring ‘change’ to Washington and reverse the juggernaut of the Bush war machine has proven to be nothing more than a cruel hoax, emphasized by his recent actions on Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iraq and his latest demand for a total of around $800 billion in war funds and subsidiary costs just to cover the rest of 2009.”
  • Edwin Black: The Iran-Israel nuclear endgame is now much closer: ”In recent days, four key developments have clicked in to edge Iran and Israel much closer to a military denouement with profound consequences for American oil that the nation is not prepared to meet.”
  • Mullen: Iran has fissile materials for bomb: “The top U.S. military official [Admiral Mike Mullen] said … that Iran has sufficient fissile material for a nuclear weapon, declaring it would be a ‘very, very bad outcome’ should Tehran move forward with a bomb.”
  • A Choice Between Peace and Peril: “Bibi Netanyahu’s assumption of power in Israel sets the stage for a huge campaign by the Israeli government, and its well-oiled lobby groups in Washington, to push us into a war with Iran.”
  • Israel lobbies for war on Iran: “Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak says he advocates a war on Iran, following the country’s successful test-runs at the Bushehr power plant.”
  • Clinton accuses Iran of seeking to intimidate: “U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton swiped hard at Iran on Wednesday, accusing its hardline leaders of fomenting divisions in the Arab world, promoting terrorism, posing threats to Israel and Europe, and seeking to “intimidate as far as they think their voice can reach.”

Yes, the war drums are beating. Thankfully, The Liberty Hour Radio Show is around to rebut all of this with a well-informed conversation on the possible war with Iran between James Morris and Stephen Sniegoski.

Nevertheless, despite all the war mongering, there is one rather discordant fact — the appointment of Charles Freeman as chairman of the National Intelligence Council. Freeman seems an unlikely advocate for war with Iran given some of his  comments on the situation in the Middle East, including this one made in 2006:

For the past half decade, Israel has enjoyed carte blanche from the United States to experiment with any policy it favored to stabilize its relations with the Palestinians and its other Arab neighbors, including most recently its efforts to bomb Lebanon into peaceful coexistence with it and to smother Palestinian democracy in its cradle. The suspension of the independent exercise of American judgment about what best serves our interests as well as those of Israelis and Arabs has caused the Arabs to lose confidence in the United States as a peace partner. … left to its own devices, the Israeli establishment will make decisions that harm Israelis, threaten all associated with them, and enrage those who are not.

His appointment would seem to be akin to appointing John Mearsheimer or Stephen Walt to a high-level foreign policy position. Paul Craig Roberts sums up the situation with his usual candor and insight:

With Rahm Israel Emanuel, an Israeli dual citizen, in charge of the White House and Obama’s schedule, Obama will have an even less independent foreign policy in the Middle East than Bush. Somehow someone among the Obamacons managed to put forward an appointment that could challenge the Israel Lobby’s stranglehold. . . .

The neocons went berserk. Steve Rosen, formerly of AIPAC, currently indicted as an Israeli spy, Gabriel Schoenfeld, who wants the New York Times indicted for allegedly violating the Espionage Act for reporting the Bush regime’s illegal spying, Daniel Pipes, who sees Muslim terrorists under every bed, Michael Rubin of the warmonger American Enterprise Institute, and Frank Gaffney, possibly the goofiest person in America, damned Freeman’s appointment as “deeply troubling,” because Freeman has an open mind on the Middle East situation.

In other words, if you are not on Israel’s side, you are disqualified.

Well, as they say, the battle has been joined. Indeed, Walt has come out with a spirited defense of Freeman and a biting attack on his mostly-Jewish critics. Pointing to familiar smear tactics, Walt denounces “the usual suspects:”

Jonathan Chait of the New Republic, Michael Goldfarb at the Weekly Standard, Jeffrey Goldberg of the Atlantic, Gabriel Schoenfeld (writing on the op-ed page of the Wall Street Journal), Jonah Goldberg of National Review, Marty Peretz on his New Republic blog, and former AIPAC official Steve Rosen (yes, the same guy who is now on trial for passing classified U.S. government information to Israel).

Walt’s dismissal of Jeffrey Goldberg is stunning: “[His] idea of ‘public service’ was to enlist in the Israeli army.” Hmmm, sounds like a charge of dual loyalty. Abe Foxman (or is it Foxperson?) will be furious.

Walt is surely correct in describing this as a “thunderous, coordinated assault.” But I think Israel Shamir describes these all-out, in-your-face, full-court-press assaults even better. In an article appropriately titled “Carter and the Swarm,” Shamir describes the ferocious barrage on former president Jimmy Carter when he had the temerity to make some mild criticisms of Israel:

After Carter spoke, he was immediately counterattacked by organized Jewry. This was not a sight to miss. In my native Siberia, in its short and furious summer you may see swarm of gnats attack a horse, each tiny bloodsucker eager for his piece of action. In a while, the blinded and infuriated animal rushes headlong in mad sprint and soon finds its death in the bottomless moors. The Jews developed the same style of attack. It is never a single voice arguing the case, but always a mass attack from left and right, below and above, until the attacked one is beaten and broken and crawls away in disgrace.

Shamir draws our attention to the fundamental feature of these attacks: “Each attacker is as tiny and irrelevant as a single gnat, but as a swarm they are formidable.” Kevin MacDonald tells me that the swarm of gnats attacking him at CSU–Long Beach was quite similar: Hundreds of letters to faculty email lists over a period of two academic years — far too many to respond to.

In the case of Freeman, his swarm of attacking gnats is part and parcel of Jewish influence on the media. The shrill assault is waged from the high ground of the most prestigious media outlets in the US.

Should Freeman survive as chairman of the National Intelligence Council, he will have his work cut out for him. Obviously, there are powerful and familiar voices in the press unhappy with his views. Of course, these journalists and pundits on their own amount to little. But Jewish control of the media in most Western states—and especially in America—aids the attackers. “If Jews did not run the media,” Shamir remarks, “these gnats would not be heard by anyone but their spouses.”

Stay tuned. The fate of Charles Freeman will tell us much about the likelihood of yet another U.S. (or possibly Israeli) attack on peoples of the Middle East.

Edmund Connelly (email him) is a freelance writer, academic, and expert on the cinema arts. He has previously written for The Occidental Quarterly.

Environment, Immigration, and Population Reduction

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At 308 million people, the U.S. is currently the third most populous nation on Earth, behind only China (1.3 billion) and India (1.2 billion).  By 2050, India will rise to #1, with 1.6 billion—a 37% increase.  China’s ‘one-child’ policy will limit its increase to about 8% (1.4 billion).  The growth rate in the U.S., though, tops them both:  We are projected to hit 440 million, or an astonishing 43% increase.  This is, by far, the highest growth rate of any western industrialized nation.

Such dramatic population growth, under any circumstances, causes a variety of social and economic problems.  In the U.S., as we know, the situation is exacerbated by the fact that most of our increase will be among non-White minority groups, primarily Hispanics. The numbers are striking:  The 43% increase amounts to 132 million people; of these, 130 million will be minorities.  White population will increase by only 2 million, reducing it to 46% of the total by 2050.  Thus we can expect that problems with minorities will grow in a variety of areas:  housing, schools, welfare, health care, crime, security, economic inequality, and racial and ethnic conflict.

But one neglected area of importance is truly color-blind, and that is the environment.  Resource and energy use, development, road construction, expanded cropland and pastureland, deforestation, pollution and waste disposal — none of these care which race or ethnicity is doing the consuming.  Only two things matter:  sheer numbers of people, and the level of consumption.  And on this count alone, we are facing an ecological crisis in this country.

Measuring environment impact is a challenging prospect, but consensus seems to be building around the concept of the ecological footprint as one relevant criterion.  The basic idea behind it is sound:  that human beings, as consumers and producers, require the ongoing use of some portion of the planet’s surface, from which to draw resources and on which to dump their wastes.  Some resources are renewable, others are not.  Some waste products decay quickly, others take millennia.  Many of our resources demand a quantifiable area of land:  land to farm, pave, pasture, or otherwise develop.  So too our waste products:  our trash takes up an ever-growing space, and greenhouse gas emissions from all sources may require offsets in terms of vegetation (trees or other ground cover).  And plant life generally has a vital ability to break down the various pollutants and toxins that our society churns out daily.

In an attempt to formulate a standardized measure, environmental scientists have added together the land area of all our resource use, plus the land area required for all our waste products and carbon offsets.  The result is, for each nation, a single measure of land area—the ecological footprint—that represents the amount of area required, per person, to sustain a given standard of living.  (In the following, I use the World Wildlife Fund’s “Living Planet Report 2008”.)

At the low end, nations like Haiti and Bangladesh struggle by on roughly 1 acre per person.  The bulk of the Third World consumes between 2.5 and 8 acres, including India (2.3) and China (5.3).  Most of Western Europe ranges from 10 to 15.  At the top of the list of major nations is the U.S., at nearly 24 acres per person. (Two energy-intensive oil fiefdoms, UAE and Qatar, rate higher than the U.S, but only slightly.)

Naturally, there is some guesswork and estimation in these numbers, and certainly they are subject to debate.  But I have little doubt that they are directionally correct, and that the margin of error is within reason.  But even if they are off by 50%—that is, if they indicate twice the actual consumption level—they point to some troubling conclusions for our country.

Consider, for example, the total footprint of the U.S.  With over 300 million people consuming on average 24 acres per person, this yields a total footprint of 7.4 billion acres.  By comparison, the continental U.S. (i.e. excluding Alaska) has a total land area of just 1.9 billion acres—merely one quarter of our actual usage.  Putting it otherwise:  Our footprint is 400% of our continental area, and takes in more than 20% of the entire planet.

In fact there is a two-part explanation for our situation.  First, we are overtaxing the land itself. The above calculation of ecological footprint for the US implies that it is possible to use more than 100% of the land. This happens by, in essence, depleting the “natural capital” of the biosphere, which occurs through such actions as deforestation, loss of topsoil, and overuse of groundwater.  By most indications, humanity as a whole is overtaxing the planet by 30–40%—a condition that, if true, clearly cannot continue indefinitely.  But the second and more important factor for the U.S. is a situation whereby we are able, through globalization and international trade, to consume the land resource area of other nations—in the form of imported agricultural products, manufactured goods, chemicals, clothing, machinery, vehicles, and fossil fuels.

For both reasons of social justice and ecological sustainability, the world of the future will have to live within its means.  In a practical sense this means three things:  reducing total (global) consumption to sustainable levels, reducing the per capita consumption (given the U.N. assumption that populations will rise), and, most critically, living within the capacity of each nation’s land area.

So for the U.S., the calculation is straightforward.  With 1.9 billion acres of land, we can carry at most only (1.9 billion / 24 acres =) 80 million people sustainably.  Compare this to a present population of 308 million, which is rapidly heading up to 400+ million.  Thus, we should be contemplating a reduction of 75%, rather than staring head-on into a 40% increase.  (This, of course, assumes a fixed level of consumption; if we are willing to cut our footprint in half, we could get by with a mere 50% population cut, to something like 150 million people.)

But the situation is worse than this.  True long-term sustainability demands that a large portion of the land be set aside as true wilderness, unused and unexploited, in order to maintain overall ecosystem viability.  How much to set aside is a difficult question, especially given the wide variability and sensitivity of differing ecosystems, and the lack of consensus on the appropriate metrics.  Minimum estimates seem to run in the 20–25% range, and at the high end, some have argued for 50% or more, especially in the more biodiverse regions.1 If, worst case, we are then allowed to use only about 1 billion acres of land, current consumption levels will sustainably support only 40 million people—an 87% reduction.

These are, frankly, shocking numbers.  And as I mentioned above, even if the footprint figures are significantly wrong—if, say, we are actually consuming only at a rate of 10 or 12 acres per person—then the long-term sustainable population is only back up to 80–100 million.  Thus we cannot argue our way out of this problem simply by claiming wild overestimates by some crazed environmentalists.  Clearly more drastic action is demanded.

Given the radical unsustainability of our present situation, we need to immediately address both the level of consumption and the population issue simultaneously.  On the consumption side, we clearly need to become more efficient, less wasteful, and generally consume less.  Americans as a whole waste a tremendous amount of energy and resources, and this does little or nothing for our standard of living.  Germany, for example, has an equal or higher quality of life, and it achieves this on a footprint of just 11 acres per person—less than half of ours.  A comparable level for the U.S. is clearly attainable, especially over a period of a few decades.  But it will not happen without overcoming some ferocious infighting by vested interests.

The other half of the equation is even more difficult and contentious.  Tackling the thorny issue of population control, let alone population reduction, is only slightly less controversial than Holocaust denial.  And in fact any attempt to discuss large-scale population reduction invariably brings up bad jokes about gas chambers and crematoria.  But the situation demands a rational discussion, and there are some obvious first steps.

One: An immediate end to all immigration.  The myth of America as the ‘land of the free and home of the brave’ is, for most immigrants, nonsense.  Immigrants don’t come here because they ‘love our freedoms.’  They come primarily for one reason:  to make money, and increase their standard of living.  But every new immigrant—whether poverty-stricken Mexican or well-educated Asian—contributes directly to an already overshot ecosystem.  Neither our nation nor the planet can stand any more Americans.

Two: Deportation of all illegal immigrants, and termination of green card privilege.  Given the urgency, every illegal person here should be arrested and deported.  The green card system should be ended, and those holding current green cards should be subject to accelerated expiration without renewal.

Three: Pay people to leave.  If anyone wants to permanently relocate outside the U.S., the government should pay all moving expenses, and perhaps throw in a little financial incentive as well.  This obviously does nothing for the global population predicament, but it does help the total consumption problem; the fact remains that any given person living anywhere besides the U.S. will, on average, consume less.

Four: A full-court press on family planning and contraception options.  Free or low-cost access to condoms, birth control pills, educational programs, even abortions, should be considered.

Five: An end to all tax incentives to have more than one child.  Current tax laws allow exemptions for all children, regardless of number.  They should be revised to allow a break only for the first child, and increasing disincentives beyond the second.

If these should prove insufficient, more radical options are available:

Six: Government-paid sterilization.  Certainly some percentage of the American population would be willing to get sterilized if it was free.  More radical yet would be to provide monetary incentives for sterilization.  Imagine if the government offered $5,000 for any childless adult who was willing to get sterilized—and imagine the outcry!  But there can really be no complaint, as long as there is no coercion and the program is fully voluntary.  Yes, the lower classes are more likely to participate; this is perhaps unfortunate, but given that we accept extreme financial inequality in our country, we have to live with the consequences.  (At worst, this would offset the higher birth rates of the lower class immigrant populations.)

Seven: Birth licenses or ‘credits’. This is a kind of capitalist version of China’s policy.  Kenneth Boulding and Herman Daly, among others, have proposed a system that gives every woman a certain number of credits, such that would allow her to have one legal child.  If she wants two or more, she must buy the credits from another woman who is willing to forego hers.  A national marketplace would set the price, and childless women would clearly profit.  This is perhaps a rather heartless method, but the present system is exceedingly cruel in its own way—an uncontrolled human plague eating up the planet.

No doubt many readers will think of sterilization programs or birth credits as outrageous and impossible.  To which I offer two replies:  (1) we would obviously begin with the less radical approaches first, and only contemplate the more extreme actions if necessary; and (2) do we have any better ideas?  Continuing on in the same vein is not a rational option.  This only invites catastrophe as a means of reducing our population—which will certainly happen if we do nothing.  Human numbers will go down; we can rationally plan a soft landing, or just wait for a ruthless Mother Nature to crush us.

The above actions, addressing population and consumption simultaneously, would doubtless have a substantial impact.  The actual effect would of course depend on the speed of implementation.  The situation is pressing, but there seems to be sufficient time for these actions to work.  Reduced consumption and greater efficiencies can happen rather quickly, but no one is proposing 50% or 75% population reductions in a decade.

More realistically, I would propose something on the order of a 50-year plan to achieve the above goals.  If, over the coming five decades, we could reduce both our footprint and our population by just 2% per year, we would reach 2060 with 110 million people, consuming at a level of 8.7 acres per person—a sustainable 1 billion acre footprint in total.  Two percent annual reductions are easily achievable, and would barely register on the public consciousness.

There is plenty of flexibility in the numbers, of course.  If we were only able to muster, say, 1% reductions per year on average, the process would still work—but it would take 100 years to achieve sustainability.  Tradeoffs between population and consumption are also possible.  If we could, for example, drive population down by 3% per year, then consumption need only fall by 0.5% annually; or vice versa.

And finally, critical to any population reduction scheme is equitable and proportionate implementation.  It would not do, for example, to have one class or ethnicity voluntarily adopting low-growth (or negative growth) policies while others ignored them with impunity.  There would thus need to be some minimal policy of monitoring and, particularly for systems of tax penalties or birth credits, equitable enforcement.

Every year that we wait, things get immeasurably worse: growing population, increasing per capita consumption, and a global ecosystem nearing exhaustion.  With a sustainable population in America, we could feed ourselves, supply all of our own energy (think of it—no more wars for oil!), and maintain vast areas of wild nature.  This is truly achievable.  It is only a matter of will.  But the discussion must start now.

Note

1.    See:  Metzgar and Bader (1992), “Large mammal predators in the Northern Rockies,” Northwest Environmental Journal, 8(1).  Hoctor et al (2000), “Identifying a linked reserve system,” Conservation Biology, 14(4).  Noss et al (1999), “A conservation plan for the Klamath-Siskiyou ecoregion,” Natural Areas Journal, 19(4).  Carroll et al (2003), “Use of population viability analysis,” Ecological Applications, 13. RETURN TO ARTICLE.

Dr. Thomas Dalton (email him) is the author of Debating the Holocaust (2009).

Richard Perle’s Outrageous Lies

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I’ve just finished listening to an enlightening 2-hour radio interview with hosts Mark Glenn and James Morris and guest Kevin MacDonald, and including an interesting call-in appearance from Stephen Sniegoski. The general topic was Jewish power, but one point in particular stood out: Recently, a premier architect and promoter of the neocon war against Iraq, “Prince of Darkness” Richard Perle, has been escalating his campaign to deny the neocon role in American politics. Let me explain.

Back in 1996, a group of Americans writing for an Israeli think tank published a paper for Israeli Likud Party leader Benjamin Netanyahu called “A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm.” In addition to calling for Saddam Hussein’s replacement, it also advised an overthrow or destabilization of the governments of Syria, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia and Iran, thus leading to something akin to a “Greater US-Israel Co-Prosperity Sphere.”

One year later came the formation of The Project for the New American Century (PNAC), a neocon think tank based in Washington. William Kristol and Robert Kagan co-founded it as a non-profit educational organization, but many have accused it of playing a primary role in the Bush Administration’s decision to go to war with Iraq in 2003. Later, the Pentagon hosted a unit called the Office of Special Plans (OSP), where Paul Wolfowitz joined Douglas Feith in propagating what many have claimed were false allegations about Hussein’s possession of weapons of mass destruction.

In the American media there were legions of neocon writers who repeated the party line about the need for a preemptive war against Hussein. Anyone following the efforts and words of the neocons likely recognized a sense of schizophrenia about describing who, exactly, these neocons were. Last year I wrote about this phenomenon of naming neocons (see also here), noting how such comfortable homes to neoconservatism as The Public Interest, The National Interest, and Commentary (published by The American Jewish Committee) began to ignore any connection between Jews and neoconservatism. For example, the Winter 2004 issue of The Public Interest had an essay titled “Conservatives and Neoconservatives.” Yet author Adam Wolfson offered not even an oblique reference to Jews. Never mind that journal co-founder Irving Kristol is considered by many to be the father of neoconservatism, or that the other three editors over the forty-year life of the magazine have also been Jews.

Over at its more foreign-policy oriented sister publication, The National Interest, Francis Fukuyama, in “The Neoconservative Moment” (Summer 2004) also failed to mention this connection. And in the October 2005 issue of Commentary, Joshua Muravchik did likewise in his article “Iraq and the Conservatives.” (Notice that Muravchik doesn’t even call them neoconservatives.)

The schizophrenic aspect of naming or not naming neocons as Jews was obvious at the New York Times beginning at the end of 2008. In mid-December, America’s “paper of record” featured a review of a book about neocon hawk Richard Perle written by Alan Weisman, “a world-traveled journalist and the son of Ukrainian Jews.” In the review were found familiar neocon names such as Elliott Abrams, Douglas Feith, Michael Ledeen, and David Frum. The reader, however, heard not a word about their Jewish identity.  

One month later, however, the very same Times Book Review addressed Jacob Heilbrunn’s They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons—yet another book on neocons written by a Jewish author. But this time the reviewer, Timothy Noah, could not have been more blunt about the Jewish nature of the movement: “There’s no point denying it: neocons tend to be Jewish.” Heilbrunn confirmed this in an interview, when he bequeathed to us this verbal gift: “It is anything but an anti-Semitic canard to label neoconservatism a largely Jewish phenomenon.” In an article in The American Conservative, Philip Weiss delivered the same verdict: “Heilbrunn achieves one important chore: a forthright social narrative of the neocons as a Jewish movement.”

All of this brings us full circle back to 2004, when Kevin MacDonald wrote that “neoconservatism is indeed a Jewish intellectual and political movement.” “The current situation in the United States is really an awesome display of Jewish power and influence.”  MacDonald goes over the entire history of the movement back to the 1960s and shows that the principal players were Jews with a strong Jewish identity and a strong sense of pursuing Jewish interests — first and foremost the interests of Israel, but also advocating the use of US foreign policy to combat anti-Semitism in the Soviet Union. He shows that neocons hold traditional Jewish liberal attitudes on every other issue, including immigration policy, but that they managed to elbow out traditional conservatives in the Republican Party to the point that paleocons like Pat Buchanan have been relegated to the sidelines.

Of course anyone following the antics of the neocons always knew about a certain Jewish character to the movement. After all, didn’t Pat Buchanan famously write in his seminal cover story in The American Conservative in early 2003 that a “neoconservative clique” was responsible for a pre-planned attack on Iraq following 9/11? Continuing, he thundered, “We charge that a cabal of polemicists and public officials seek to ensnare our country in a series of wars that are not in America’s interests. We charge them with colluding with Israel to ignite those wars.”

And who might benefit from the Iraq War? Buchanan spelled it out:

Cui Bono? For whose benefit these endless wars in a region that holds nothing vital to America save oil, which the Arabs must sell us to survive? Who would benefit from a war of civilizations between the West and Islam? Answer: one nation, one leader, one party. Israel, Sharon, Likud.

One might argue that the Jewish nature of the neocon movement and its efforts on behalf of the State of Israel are two of the most heavily documented and discussed topics of the last decade. Here is just a short list of the most well-known considerations of Jewish power in this respect:

Perhaps the crowning achievement in this category is Stephen Sniegoski’s The Transparent Cabal, a comprehensive solo effort that definitively documents the neocon-Zionist hand in America’s disastrous decision to invade and occupy Iraq, as well as in American Middle East policy more generally. His lucid comments on the radio show mentioned above make this topic even easier to understand.

Finally, I arrive at the point of this column: Despite the massive proof of neocon involvement in America’s decision to go to war with Iraq and despite the overwhelming evidence that neoconservatism qualifies as a Jewish movement, central neocon figure Richard Perle has, with a straight face, stated that neocons do not exist. And it follows that if they don’t exist, they certainly are not a Jewish cabal.

In a story last week in the Washington Post, journalist Dana Milbank expressed skepticism about Perle’s odd claims. “Listening to neoconservative mastermind Richard Perle at the Nixon Center yesterday,” he wrote, “there was a sense of falling down the rabbit hole. In real life, Perle was the ideological architect of the Iraq war and of the Bush doctrine of preemptive attack. But at yesterday’s forum of foreign policy intellectuals, he created a fantastic world in which:

1. Perle is not a neoconservative.

2. Neoconservatives do not exist.

3. Even if neoconservatives did exist, they certainly couldn’t be blamed for the disasters of the past eight years.”

Against any form of reality that most of us would recognize, Perle averred that “There is no such thing as a neoconservative foreign policy.” This nonsense was spoken at a gathering hosted by The National Interest.

As evidence of the coordinated nature of this disinformation campaign, one can point to the essay Perle recently penned for The National Interest. Titled Ambushed on the Potomac, the essay has Perle spouting such howlers as, “I know of no statement, public or private, by any neoconservative in or near government, advocating the invasion of Iraq primarily for the purpose of promoting democracy or advancing some grand neoconservative vision.” And this: “And as for Israeli interests, well, the Israelis, who believed that Iran posed the greater threat, were strongly and often vociferously against the United States going into Iraq.”

He also alleges that his fellow Jew Jacob Heilbrunn’s They Knew They Were Right exhibits “an obsession with neoconservative influence” but fails “utterly to describe or document that influence.” Further, he adds, “This neoconservative conspiracy is nonsense, of course, and no serious observer of the Bush administration would argue such a thing, not least because there is not, and cannot be, any evidence to substantiate it.”

The National Interest is entirely complicit in this campaign. Witness, for example, the six large pictures interspersed throughout the article: Bush, Cheney, Powell, Tenet, Rice, Rumsfeld — none of them a Jew. Perle (with the help of The National Interest) wants to frame them for “the hijacking of foreign policy.” And he concludes that “what is unusual is the extent to which President Bush was undermined by his own administration.”

What might be missed here is a two-year-old piece in Vanity Fair which reveals even more chutzpah on who is to blame for Iraq. In conversations just prior to the 2006 elections, a host of neocon operatives were interviewed and sought to distance themselves from the Iraq fiasco by blaming others—but only non-Jews.

Kenneth Adelman, for instance, though professing deep respect for personal friend Donald Rumsfeld, still blamed him for many of the problems in carrying out the plans of the neocons. “I’m crushed by his performance.” Adelman also blamed three other top non-Jews: Paul Bremer, George Tenet and General Tommy Franks. “Those three are each directly responsible for the disaster of Iraq.”

Michael Ledeen, top scholar from the American Enterprise Institute, a leading neocon think tank,  felt that Condoleezza Rice, in her capacity as national-security adviser, had sought compromise rather than correct decisions. Eliot Cohen saw “a very different quality of leadership” as responsible for missed chances in 2003 and 2004. Michael Rubin, also from the A.E.I., faulted the Commander-in-Chief this way: “Where I most blame George Bush is that, through his rhetoric, people trusted him, people believed him. Reformists came out of the woodwork and exposed themselves.”

Perle offered that “this unfolding catastrophe has a central cause: devastating dysfunction within the Bush administration. . . . At the end of the day, you have to hold the president responsible.” Incredibly, Perle claimed, “Huge mistakes were made, and I want to be very clear on this: they were not made by neoconservatives, who had almost no voice in what happened . . .”

The most outlandish opinion, however, came from Ledeen, who argued that the best way to understand the dysfunction of the Bush administration was to ask, “Who are the most powerful people in the White House?” His answer: “They are women who are in love with the president: Laura [Bush], Condi, Harriet Miers, and Karen Hughes.” Quite frankly, I’m speechless.

James Petras, who has penned three recent books on the “Zionist Power Configuration (ZPC),” also noted the blame-the-goyim approach. “Whatever inside dope [journalist Seymour] Hersh cited that had not been public was based on anonymous sources which could never be double checked or verified, whose analysis incidentally coincided with Hersh’s peculiar penchant for blaming the Gentiles (WASPs) and exonerating the brethren.”

Petras is a man worth reading. In two previous books, The Power of Israel in the United States (2006) and Rulers and Ruled in the US Empire: Bankers, Zionists and Militants (2007), he lucidly outlined the power structure that controls Washington. (See my review of both books for The Occidental Quarterly here). Last year he come out with a new book, Zionism, Militarism, and the Decline of U.S. Power that continued his exposition. (For a short summary of such ideas about the ZPC, see here.)

Petras minces no words in this new book:

The lesson is clear: the rise of Judeo-fascism represents a clear and present danger to our democratic freedoms in the United States. They do not come with black shirts and stiff-arm salutes. The public face is a clean-shaven, neck-tied attorney, real estate philanthropist or Ivy League professor. But there is rising anger and hostility in American against the ZPC, against its arrogant authoritarian communal attacks on our democratic values, to say nothing of our national interests. Sooner or later there will be a major backlash—and it will reflect badly on those who, through vocation or conviction, engage in the firings, censoring and intimidation campaigns against the American majority. The American people will not remember their cries of ‘anti-Semitism’; they will recall their role in sending thousands of American soldiers to their death in the Middle East in the interests of Israel, and how that war has diminished the United States’ image in the world, to say nothing of its economic well-being and democratic freedoms at home.

Time will tell whether the American people will react as Petras suggests. But more to the point, will the American people swallow the current lies of Perle and his fellow neocons? There are two reasons they might. First, Jews have a long history of deception of non-Jews. MacDonald was being polite when he titled a chapter on the history of Jewish deception “Rationalization and Apologia.” Less charitable people might call it something else. In any case, we might suspect that Perle is simply engaging in a tried and true tactic of his tribe.

The second reason Perle et al. might succeed in deceiving the masses is that the bulk of American media is in the hands of Jews, most of whom, as Petras and others have shown, are highly sympathetic to the Zionist cause. Israel Shamir provides a reason why the transgressions of Perle and his fellow neocons may well go unpunished: “The rich Jews buy media so it will cover up their (and their brethren’s) misdeeds.”

And for people who are not deceived by all this, there is little doubt that organizations like the ADL will step in to label as anti-Semites anyone who publicly states that neoconservatism is a Jewish cabal. Indeed,  the ADL has already done so. As usual, such charges will keep public discussion of these issues to a minimum, and respectable politicians will be loathe to discuss the topic.

How the American people react to these brazen attempts by the Jewish neocons to whitewash their role in steering America on such a disastrous course will show their maturity and determination to get to the truth of the matter, or it will show their lack thereof. The proper response, of course, is to forcefully reject these outrageous lies.