Go to Part 1.

Hoggan asserts early in The Forced War that Lord Halifax, despite nominally being the British foreign secretary, in fact controlled British foreign policy on the European continent—not Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain. Further, Halifax from the beginning had contempt for Hitler’s revisionist aims for the German people, who were clearly wronged by the 1919 Treaty of Versailles. In a March 1938 meeting with German ambassador Joachim von Ribbentrop, Halifax inaptly compared the Anschluss—the peaceful reincorporation of the ethnically German people of Austria into the Reich—to a hypothetical British declaration of war against Belgium.

The fact that Austria had been part of Germany for more than one thousand years, and that the legislators of Austria had voted to join Germany after World War I, carried no weight with him. Consequently, he did not recognize the Anschluss as an act of liberation for the Austrian people from a hated puppet regime.

During the leadup to Germany’s annexation of the Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia in autumn 1938, the official British attitude began to shift against Germany and in favor of the far more oppressive and murderous Soviet regime. William Strang of the British Foreign Office justified this when stating that, unlike Nazism, Communism “springs, however remotely, from a moral idea, the idea namely that man shall not be exploited by man for his own personal profit.” This mistake—of taking Communists at their word rather than their deed—would be repeated often by Halifax, who saw the greater danger in an ascendent Germany which hadn’t killed millions during peacetime than in an ascendent Soviet Union, which had. In August 1938, Halifax . . .

 . . . assured the Poles that Great Britain was interested in supporting them to prevent changes at Danzig. It was evident to the Poles that this volte face was an indication of British determination to organize a coalition against Germany at some date after the Czech crisis, and that, in the British mind, Poland would be very useful in forming such a front.

In the fall of 1938, Strang had also invented a false rumor about Hitler’s bellicose designs on Poland in order to undermine any rapport forming between the two nations. But it wasn’t just Poland. Hoggan recounts how Halifax sought to prevent peaceful relations between Germany and France, Italy, and Czechoslovakia as well. This with the full knowledge—as recorded in his discussion with American ambassador Joseph Kennedy in October 1938—that Hitler did not desire war against England. Yet, throughout 1938 Halifax and Chamberlain pushed for the production of thousands of long-range heavy bombers with the singular intent of bombing German civilian targets.

Further, it wasn’t just Strang who was spreading false rumors. In a second conversation with Kennedy, Halifax

. . . painted a somber picture of Hitler’s attitude toward Great Britain . . . and he also gave Kennedy a great quantity of unreliable information about Hitler’s alleged attitudes toward a number of current continental problems. A few weeks later he claimed to Kennedy that Hitler was consumed by passionate hatred of England, and that he had a plan to tear the Soviet Union to pieces in the Spring of 1939. The purpose of these deceptive tactics was obvious. Halifax was exercising his diplomatic talents in preparation for a British attack on Germany. He was also indulging in the easy task of adding fuel to the dislike of the American leaders for Germany.

Halifax’s strange concern for the welfare of the Soviet Union befuddled Italian Premier Benito Mussolini enough to make him question its wisdom in direct conversation with Chamberlain during the British Prime Minister’s January 1939 visit to Rome. Il Duce believed, quite rightly, that the fall of Communism would be a good thing for the Russian people. Chamberlain apparently disagreed and used much of his time in Italy to intimidate the Italians into not siding with Hitler in the event of war.

After incessant rumormongering about the warlike ambitions of Hitler during the Czech crisis (and ignoring that Poland had also invaded Czechoslovakia and acquired the district of Teschen during this time), Halifax privately admitted to British ambassador Neville Henderson in early 1939 that “. . . rumors and scares have died down, and it is not plain that the German Government are planning mischief in any particular quarter.” This, Halifax noted, amounted to “a negative improvement of the situation.” Reacting to Halifax’s disappointment over Hitler’s ability to acquire territory peacefully, Hoggan wryly notes that:

[t]he British were ruling over millions of alien peoples throughout the world on the strength of naked conquest. It was evident that the British leaders failed to appreciate Hitler’s ability to solve difficult problems without bloodshed. Apparently they preferred their own methods. Halifax told German Ambassador Dirksen on March 15, 1939, that he could understand Hitler’s taste for bloodless victories, but he promised the German diplomat that Hitler would be forced to shed blood the next time.

This was around the time when Halifax prepared a speech for Chamberlain in which the Prime Minister declared fallaciously that Hitler intended to conquer the world. Also around this time, Halifax hatched what became known as the “Tilea hoax” in which Virgil Tilea, an unscrupulous Romanian minister in London was effectively bribed to spread lies that Hitler intended to “seize control of the entire Romanian economy.” Shortly after, Halifax brazenly used this hoax as an excuse to court the Soviets to join an anti-German alliance.

Fortunately, the hysteria caused by Tilea died down fairly quickly, but the tensions over Danzig lingered. After the war, Halifax advisor Sir Samuel Hoare admitted that Halifax had needed a pretext to oppose Germany other than the nonexistent need for a defensive front, and that Poland and her claims on Danzig were it. Strang himself admitted that any good argument against embroiling Europe in a war over Poland would have fallen on deaf ears in Halifax’s cabinet, since “our people had made up our minds.”

If this is not evidence of Halifax’s desire for war against Germany, I don’t know what is.

The Chauvinism of Józef Beck

As fantastic as it seems, the vast web of deceit spun by such a powerful individual as Lord Halifax would not have sunk Europe into a self-destructive war had it not been for the obstinacy and ego of Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs Józef Beck.

Hoggan begins The Forced War with a discussion of the various strains of Polish nationalism during the interwar period. What set Beck’s predecessor Józef Piłsudski apart from other thought leaders of the time was his contention that Poland was potentially a great power and still needed to develop into one. This sought a happy medium between national pride and realism. After the First World War, Poland was in fact not a great power, but a middling one, which had the trappings of greatness—at least in a geographic sense—thrust upon her by the Treaty of Versailles. Piłsudski seemed to recognize this and pursued a comparatively prudent foreign policy vis-à-vis Germany during his tenure as de facto head of state. From 1933 to 1935, he planned for preemptive war against a still-disarmed Germany, even to the point of sending a warship to disembark Polish soldiers into Danzig in March 1933 (a little over a month after Hitler’s ascension to power) and concentrating troops in what’s known as the Polish Corridor, the strip of land separating northern Germany from East Prussia. Sensing the growing strength of Germany and questionable support from the other continental powers, however, his last policy decision before his death was not to oppose Hitler’s move to defy the Treaty in March 1935.

Piłsudski protégé Józef Beck, however, lacked this good sense and resisted all of Hitler’s attempts at rapprochement over Danzig once he felt he had the British blank check in his back pocket. In his mind, Poland was already a great power, which needn’t be pushed around by Germany like Austria and Czechoslovakia had been. Beck also did little as his people, from the government on down, oppressed, intimidated, and at times brutalized their German minority. In The Forced War Hoggan describes many of the insults and outrages leveled at Germany and Germans by the Poles from 1933 to 1939—to say nothing of Beck’s outright diplomatic betrayal of Germany—to the point of justifying Hitler’s eventual invasion.

When Hitler announced the remilitarization of the Rhineland in March 1936, Beck’s first move was to promise the French he’d invade Germany if the French declared war. While at the time Danzig was under the shaky authority of the League of Nations—which meant that legally Poland had as much claim to the city as Germany did—Beck had sent Colonel Marjan Chodacki to Danzig to publicly announce Polish designs to absorb the city. In the meantime, Poland exercised punitive economic measures (such as excessive excise taxes) against the German Danzigers, prompting them to want to be reunited with Germany all the more.

By 1938, tension had been built up to a point where incidents of violence played an increasingly prominent role. Meetings of protest, more frequently than otherwise about imaginary wrongs, were organized by pressure groups in surrounding Polish towns. They invariably ended with cries of: “We want to march on Danzig!” and with the murderous slogan: “Kill the Hitlerites!”

And it did not end with Danzig. The one million-plus Germans in Poland had to deal with various forms of prejudicial discrimination, including a hostile press, mass arrests, boycotts, land appropriations, and the “de-Germanization measures of Polish frontier ordinances.” Beck refused to lift a finger to stop any of this.

Another thorn in the sensitive paw of Poland was their being excluded from the Munich conference in September 1938. Beck saw this as a slight and held a grudge over it for a long time. Nevertheless, shortly after discussing conditions under which Poland would attack Germany, he had the unmitigated gall to ask German ambassador Hans Moltke for German support in the event of a Soviet invasion from the east. Hitler, still optimistic for peace, complied.

The following paragraphs exemplifies Hoggan’s assessment of the complications plaguing German-Polish relations in 1938:

Hitler had difficulty at this time in preventing a major German-Polish crisis because of the brutal treatment of Germans by the Polish occupation authorities in the Teschen district. Most of the German leaders believed that the Poles had claimed too much German ethnic territory in the vicinity of Teschen. Marshal Göring had advised State Secretary Weizsäcker that the territory beyond Teschen, along the southeastern German Silesian frontier, should not go to Poland unless Poland agreed to support the return of Danzig to Germany. He favored acquiring the territory for Germany or retaining it for Czecho-Slovakia, if the Poles refused. The German Foreign Office experts were inclined to agree with Göring and it was decided to make an effort to keep the Poles out of the industrial center of Witkowitz, and out of poverty-stricken little Oderberg near the source of the Oder River. Göring was closely interrogated by Weizsäcker concerning all of his recent conversations with Polish representatives.

Polish Ambassador Lipski was angry when he discovered the attitude of the German Foreign Office in the Oderberg question. He insisted to Ernst Wörmann, the head of the Political Division in the German Foreign Office, that both Hitler and Göring had promised this strategic town to Poland. Wörmann, who was familiar with Göring’s attitude, refused to believe this and he reminded Lipski that Oderberg was preponderantly German. Lipski refused to be impressed. He warned Wörmann that an official report on this conversation would complicate German-Polish relations, and he added that he would write Beck a private letter about it. Copies of official reports went to President Moscicki, and through him to other Polish leaders. The implication was clear. Poland was determined to make a stand on the Oderberg issue.

Hoggan also makes it clear that throughout 1938 and until March 1939 (when he was confident of British support) Beck had instructed Lipski to dissemble before the Germans when it came to Danzig; he never for a moment intended to negotiate in earnest over it. Then, on March 20, Beck partially mobilized the Polish army and threatened Germany with war to prevent Danzig from falling into German hands. Plans for invading Germany were distributed among the armed forces. Meanwhile, Hitler made no military response at all.

Hoggan notes how the ego and insecurity of Beck played into this decision. He had made his move prior to signing the Anglo-Polish agreement because he did not want to seem like a pawn of the British. If anything, the deluded minister was harboring dreams of conquest, having once admitted to Ribbentrop that he hoped one day to retake Kiev and reach the Black Sea. By May, he was declaring that Germany was the deadly enemy of Poland. On August 4, his government issued an ultimatum which threatened to starve Danzig and seize it from League control. Also in August, it was revealed in the Polish press that “Polish units were constantly crossing the German frontier to destroy German military installations and to carry confiscated German military equipment into Poland.” Polish forces illegally occupied several Danzig installations, fought directly with Danzigers, and fired upon three German passenger planes as well.

The final straw was Beck’s termination of all negotiation over Danzig and the full mobilization of Poland’s armed forces by end of August.

If there is one shortcoming of the Forced War it is Hoggan’s slightly less than conclusive coverage of the “brutal treatment of Germans” by the Poles. He mentions it often, but too often delves into it without hard numbers, which could be useful for dissidents today. Perhaps the numbers were not available to him?

Here is some of what Hoggan does offer:

• “A wave of persecution against the Germans living in Poland culminated in ‘Black Palm Sunday’ at Lodz on April 9, 1933. German property was damaged, and local Germans suffered beatings and humiliations.”
• In a September 1938 report on the impact of the Anschluss in Poland, Ambassador Moltke noted that “an increasing number of Germans were being sentenced to prison by Polish courts for such alleged remarks as ‘the Führer would have to straighten things out here,’ or ‘it would soon be Poland’s turn.’”
• In early October 1938, “. . . the Poles began to wage a virtual undeclared war against the German inhabitants of the Teschen region.” This included forcing German parents to send their children to Polish schools, threatening German-Polish professionals with unemployment if they did not conduct business in Polish, freezing German bank assets, arbitrary dismissals of German workers, and reducing pensions and state salaries of German Poles.
• In February 1939, the Polish government confiscated approximately 32,000 hectares of land (~79,000 acres) from its German citizens under a new law which did not penalize Polish landowners nearly as much. Hoggan believes that this law was “a convenient instrument to produce impoverishment among the Germans.”
• By the time of Germany’s invasion of Poland in September, Hoggan states that “many thousands” of German Poles (whom he refers to as “helpless hostages”) were killed in Poland as a result of the anti-German hysteria enveloping the country. There were increased cases of mutilation, torture, and mass arrests. Germans were being forcefully deported from the German frontier and marched towards the Polish interior. Massacres of Germans took place after the invasion as well.

Perhaps in hindsight one can say it was a blunder for Adolf Hitler to order the invasion of Poland. Based on the overabundance of evidence, however, one cannot say it was an unreasonable course of action. If anything, The Forced War prompts us to ask what took Hitler so long to do it.

Go to Part 3.

It is not only Pierre Simon’s “Are We All One In Christ Jesus?”, not only the numerous texts that I have familiarized myself with while reading articles conveying a similar message as that expressed by Pierre Simon, but also my talks with people from Western Europe that compelled me to eventually voice my opinion on, or rather objection to the contents of the that post, or rather: to talk common sense. The article I am adducing establishes a diagnosis that boils down to three theses: [1] Jews invented Christianity for the purpose of subjugating the White man; [2] in due time, Christianity spread like wild fire and weakened the White race; [3] Marxism, the Frankfurt School along with psychoanalysis are present-day versions of Christianity and their task is to further enslave the White race psychologically.

I, too, once came across Marcus Eli Ravage’s revelations and for a moment I felt like I was offered a key to understanding social and historical reality. For a moment, because somehow reading the likes of Marcus Eli Ravage I try not to drop my guard. Hey, I thought: they designed a grand scheme against us — the White race — a successful, effective scheme and now all of a sudden it pleases them to tell it as it is? Whatever for? Hey! I thought: that’s the spotlight that I am supposed to follow, the spotlight that will distract my attention from what is being concocted in the shadows, but I am not the one to fall for it. Rather, I will consider historical record, resort to common sense and I will eventually see through Marcus Eli Ravage and company. They want me to discard Christianity — of all people: they — and I should oblige them? My!

It just does not stand to reason that an obscure sect, at an obscured place was capable of designing a plot to overturn the order of things in Europe and then in North America in… two thousand years’ time! The argument that the Roman Empire adopted Christianity and died as a consequence because the new religion weakened this otherwise powerful body politic is like the argument I hear from some Russians that the Soviet Union was capable of not only surviving but also outdoing the West but for the few traitors ensconced within the Communist Party of the USSR. And what about the Eastern Empire which lasted until 1453?

Christianity served Europe and the White race roughly for the following two millennia. There was no trace whatsoever of a weakening of Europe’s nations because of that faith: Christians would wage wars among themselves, then they would conquer the whole world and keep it in subjugation. The religious missionary zeal was one of the components driving Europeans to explore other continents. When I read medieval chronicles, I observe fascinating things in this respect. Was it not the Christian religious fervour that made the White race conquer the Holy Land and reclaim the Iberian Peninsula? Where do we find the cult of the weak, the meek, the helpless, the submissive when we come to think about chivalrous orders, about the Knights Templar, the Knights Hospitaller or the Teutonic Knights? About the military Orders of Calatrava and Alcántara? About their castles rather than monasteries, about their battles rather than alms-giving, about their wars rather than missions? Where was this meekness, this submissiveness, this passivity?

It is a fascinating experience to read medieval chronicles. I mean for instance those left by the Teutonic Knights,[2] where page after page after page is devoted to justifying warfare and military action, with all arguments being rooted … in the Bible and substantiated with meticulous quotations. It is an eye-opening experience when you read the greatest Polish chronicler Jan Długosz,[3] a Christian priest himself(!), and you have him evaluating this or that prince as weak, passive and idle because the prince … waged too few wars! Also, the same chronicler goes to great lengths to give an account of the many wars between the Order of the Teutonic Knights and the Kingdom of Poland, and you will never ever catch him preaching morality to the tune that war is evil while peace is always the preferable option. Never ever. To make things all the more — weird? fascinating? bizarre? eye-opening (make your choice) — with both belligerents being deeply Christian, the Polish nation venerated the Mother of God (Poland’s first national-cum-military medieval hymn or national anthem was devoted to her) and despite that fact fought tooth and claw against the Teutonic Order, whose full name reads: the Order of Brothers of the German House of Saint Mary in Jerusalem. The aforementioned chronicler preaches absolutely no morality that might be occasioned by the fact that Mary’s worshippers killed Mary’s worshippers. Men are praised by him for their manliness, and the chronicler never comes upon the idea of reminding the reader of the principle of turning to the enemy the other cheek.

As for Jews designing and then weaponizing Christianity for their own purposes: The historical record reveals that the stronger the (Catholic) Church was, the weaker were the Jews. The latter were not admitted to Christian society. The Fourth Lateran Council under Pope Innocent III mandated that Jews wear a distinguishing dress, and barred them from holding office to prevent them from exercising power over Christians, that is, for all practical purposes over White Europeans. The latter-day Inquisition instituted by the Catholic Church, as is commonly known to the readership of the Occidental Observer, served much the same purpose of barring Jews from office should their conversion to Christianity be insincere. Even later, when the Church split, with its Protestant part undergoing a measure of Judaization, Martin Luther is known to have strongly inveighed against the Jews. What about interconfessional marriages between Christian and Jews? Unimaginable for either party. And even in 1910 the Church under Pope Pius X reiterated its historical stance on the Jews—that Jews had killed Christ and that there were real economic conflicts of interest between Jews and Christians, noting “the trade rivalry which caused Christians to accuse the Jews of sharp practice, and to resent their clipping of the coinage, their usury, etc.; the patriotic susceptibilities of the particular nations in the midst of which the Jews have usually formed a foreign element, and to the respective interests of which their devotion has not always been beyond suspicion.

If all this — read Christianity — was the ingenious socio-political invention of Saint Paul that was supposed to advance Jewish interests among Whites, then I do not know what the worst might be.

The rot occurred later and came from a different source. Just as the faith steeled the will power of White Europeans (just as another kind of faith steels the resistance of present-day Muslims), the lack thereof made it flaccid. The Protestant movement was the first serious hit: it encouraged Christians to doubt their beliefs, their firmness, their conviction of possessing the whole truth; it allowed the profane to touch the sacred. Then came the Enlightenment and the French Revolution, and stripped some of the Europeans of the Christian faith while weakening it in the others. Though this epochal change took place in France, its effects rippled across the continent. Spiritually weakened, deprived of its immune system, with no one to wage wars against ideological heretics and with no one having the power of anathema (which is ineffective vis-á-vis disbelievers), the White European race fell easy prey to an ideological assault mounted by the out-group. Socialism or communism with their ideology of equal distribution of goods and their fraternity of men can be viewed as warped Christianity, while Marxian and Freudian ideologies with the class struggle of the former and the rebellion against morality in the case of the latter were Christianity’s antithesis, where no meekness, no turning the other cheek was advocated, but defiance, disobedience and mutiny: forces that disrupt societal cohesiveness.

So long as Christianity held sway over Europe, Europeans ruled the world; the moment Marxism in the broadest sense of the term replaced it, Europeans began their epic retreat from all previously held positions. The faith that they had professed for almost two millennia was either ruthlessly extirpated (Stalinist USSR) or infiltrated and turned upside down or inside out (Trotskyist West): those who have become disbelievers or agnostics or atheists began to follow the tenets of the Frankfurt School and the like, while those who still cling to the faith of their ancestors are fed the faith that has been imbibed with new content. Academically and theologically debilitated modern believers will have Scripture interpreted for them by non-believers and will buy into such interpretation without reservation. If even Pope Paul VI is said to have been influenced by no less a figure than Saul Alinsky (Rules for Radicals, with the author’s infamous dedication of the book to Lucifer), then there you have it! And activist Jews were certainly not passive participants in this process.

At this juncture the reader will have noticed that something just does not add up. It was the ethnic likes of Marcus Eli Ravage who in Soviet Russia and concurrently in the West were hellbent on eradicating or distorting the Christian message; but hang on: if Christianity was devised by their ethnic predecessors to fool the European anthropological type, if the Christian religion advanced Jewish interests, then why do away with it? Why did Marcus Eli Ravage want the Christian (post-)believers to abandon even the remnants of their faith if the faith was such an effective tool of duping the White man for centuries in the hands of his tribesmen? Something just does not add up.

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[1] The author’s name is pronounced /YAH-tsek SHEL-lah/.

[2] Peter of Dusburg, Chronicon terrae Prussiae.

[3] Jan Długosz (/yahn DWOO-gawsh/), Annales seu cronici incliti regni Poloniae. The English reader may read large excerpts of the chronicle in The Annals of Jan Dlugosz.

Excerpts from Dr. Rudolf Kummer’s Rasputin: Ein Werkzeug der Juden, 1939
Translated by Alexander Jacob

Rudolf Kummer (1896—1987) specialised in Oriental Studies at the University of Erlangen and worked in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek from 1923 as a librarian. A firm nationalist, Kummer became a member of the Freikorps Epp in 1919 and took part in the overthrow of the short-lived Bavarian Soviet Republic. He joined the NSDAP in 1922 and the SS in 1931. In 1935, he was appointed undersecretary in the Reich Ministry for Science, Education and Public Instruction.

Kummer’s book on Rasputin and his Jewish private secretary Aron Simanovich is important for the revelations of the crucial role that Simanovich played in the last days of the Romanov monarchy. While much has been written on Rasputin and his influence on the Tsarist court, relatively little attention has been paid to the influence that Simanovich wielded on Rasputin in Petersburg. Kummer uses Simanovich’s own memoirs, translated into German as Rasputin der all-māchtige Bauer (1928),[1] to reveal how Simanovich, acting on behalf of international Jewry, manipulated Rasputin in the Tsarist court to obtain concessions for Russian Jewry. Simanovich was successful in his mission, even though Rasputin himself was murdered as a result of his interventions on behalf of the Jews — who were hated by the majority of the Russian aristocracy. Furthermore, Rasputin was, during the war, mainly concerned to achieve a peace that would reduce the bloody sacrifices that the peasantry had to make for the fatherland. This pacifist attitude and his close association with the German Tsarina — who became dependent on him when she noted the salutary effect he had on her haemophiliac son — were additional motivations for the aristocratic conspirators who murdered Rasputin.

However, in Kummer’s view, the Rasputin story is only an incidental effect of a larger political scheme planned by international Jewry for the emancipation of Russian Jewry — and the destruction of the Russian Empire. For, as Kummer puts it, “It was not Rasputin who was the secret, dark force that stood behind the Tsar and the Tsarina but Simanovich, Rasputin’s Jewish secretary, as the representative of the interests of the entire international Jewry.”

Ch. 3: Rasputin’s career

Grigori Yesimovich Rasputin was born in Pokrovskoye (Siberia), as the son of a farmer, on 7 July 1872. However, 1871 and even 1874 are also given as birthdates. About his youth there are no definite details to be conveyed, so much so that fantastic legends have been formed of the youth of this remarkable personality. It is reported that he was a good-natured boy eager for knowledge but very sensitive.

At the age of 20 he married a peasant girl from a neighboring village. The marriage was happy but was sorely saddened by the death of the first-born child, who died when six months old. Disturbed inwardly, he undertook a pilgrimage to the Verkhoturye monastery and devoted himself to a hermit who had a special reputation for saintliness. There he found his spiritual balance again and returned to his village, where he was again active for years as a farmer. During this time two daughters, Maria and Barbara, and his sole son Dmitri, were also born to him. Then suddenly there entered in Rasputin’s life a religious experience that caused him to undertake with a friend a pilgrimage that took him to Mt. Athos. He lived on alms and worked there in a monastery as a farmer.

Only after three years did he return to his hometown, where he pursued his usual work again. At the same time, he began to occupy himself with religious questions and set up a secret underground prayer room. Here the family members, and occasionally also guests from the neighbourhood, gathered together often for communal prayers, much to the displeasure of the local priests.

On these occasions Rasputin narrated his pilgrimage or he dealt with religious matters. Slowly, increasingly more people came to these prayers so that these gatherings had to be transferred to the house. Thus the first circle of Rasputin’s admirers was created.

After some time, he undertook also a longer pilgrimage that took him to Kyiv and Kazan.

In 1904, he was able to realise a long-cherished desire; he went to Petersburg in order to become acquainted with Father John of Kronstadt,[2] who was revered throughout Russia.

A few days after his arrival in Petersburg, Rasputin, with his pilgrim’s bag on his back, attended the religious service of this seer-priest. The church was full, remarkably many elegantly clothed ladies of Petersburg society were present, while Rasputin stood in one of the last rows. Towards the end of the religious service, John of Kronstadt suddenly stepped forward to his community, pointed to Rasputin and exclaimed to the other communion guests: ‘You are not worthy of taking part in the communion first — that humble pilgrim who stands behind you is worthy.’

Rasputin was immediately taken to the front and in this way made the acquaintance of this highly respected priest, who called him ‘one who is chosen by God’.

Therewith an event had occurred in Rasputin’s life that seems to have been of fundamental significance for his further development. The sympathy that had been made public of the most beloved priest of Russia for the fully unknown pilgrim from Siberia caused numerous followers of this John of Kronstadt to become interested in Rasputin and to want to make his acquaintance. Soon he acquired the reputation also of being able to heal sick people and of having secret powers at his disposal.

In his travel to Petersburg Rasputin became acquainted, in 1905, with the chaplain of the Tsarina, Archimandrite Theophanus, who acquainted him with Bishop Hermogenes of Saratov[3] and the monk Iliodor.[4] The latter was a very respected preacher of repentance and stood at the same time in the service of the political propaganda for the ‘Union of the Russian people’.[5] To his union — which was established in the time of the revolutionary Marxist turmoil that was a result of the lost war against Japan — belonged also numerous patriotic Russian priests.

Rasputin declared at that time often — as his daughter Maria states in her book[6] — that he sympathised with this political orientation. The ‘Union of Genuine Russian People’ had at that time undertaken a battle against Liberalism, Marxism and Jewry, who were the supporters of the Russian Revolution from 1905 to 1906.

Around this time, Rasputin also came into contact for the first time with courtly circles. However, here the sources diverge drastically. For example, Rasputin’s daughter maintains that Archimandrite Theophanus had introduced her father to Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich,[7] the future Russian generalissimo — who was known for his tendency towards religious mysticism — and his wife, Grand Duchess Anastasia Nikolaevna. In their house Rasputin also came into contact with Grand Duke Peter Nikolaevich[8] and his wife, Grand Duchess Militza Nikolaevna. The two Grand Dukes were brothers while the above-mentioned Grand Duchesses were daughters of King Nikita of Montenegro.[9]

Rasputin’s private secretary, Simanovich, on the other hand, maintains that the two Grand Duchesses had made the acquaintance of Rasputin on the occasion of a pilgrimage to Kyiv.

But, whatever the case may have been, it is certain in any case that, through the mediation of these two Grand Duchesses, Rasputin was introduced to the Imperial couple.

How this meeting was initiated and what circumstances this meeting brought about deserves a detailed evaluation.

Ch. 6: The Jew Aron Simanovich

The most important source on Aron Simanovich is his own work Rasputin the All-Powerful Peasant. In light of the understanding of the racial question, this book gains substantially in significance — a fact that Simanovich did not foresee and indeed certainly did intend. For, his publication offers us the key to many at first inexplicable events in the Russian imperial court and among the Russian people.

Many personalities of the political life of that time in Russia have mentioned Simanovich briefly, others have preferred generally not to mention this Jewish man behind Rasputin. Whether this happened consciously or through lack of knowledge of the Jewish question or through fear of Jewry may be left undecided. For many Russian émigrés, who, for example, found a modest living in France, it would certainly have meant a great risk to provoke the power of Jewry through references to the Jewish man behind the miracle-worker at the court of the Tsar.

So Rasputin’s secret Jewish private secretary remained unknown for a long time/

But this state of affairs changed in one stroke when Simanovich, infused with the significance of his own personality and the feeling of triumph of his race, published the work mentioned above. Aron Simanovich, in his vanity and Jewish arrogance, talks bluntly about private matters and exposes the true goals of his earlier activity as private secretary of the influential peasant at the Tsarist court.

So these revelations are especially suited to provide a deep insight into the Jewish mentality and secret Jewish networks, into the profound hatred and Jewish contempt.

Therewith Simanovich has become precisely a model example for the Jewish modes of operation.

Aron Simanovich was born in 1872 and comes from Jewish circles that are not affluent. He trained as a jeweller and soon conducted a business of his own in Kyiv. In 1902, he decided to move to Petersburg since life in the provinces offered him too few prospects of profit.

For these reasons he used the favorable family relations that his wife’s family offered him. She came from a Jewish rural entrepreneurial family of which already many family members had settled in Petersburg thanks to the support of the minister Count Witte[10] and his wife, Countess Mathilde, the daughter of a Jewish businessman.

The way was immediately cleared for him and the establishment of the first commercial relations was made possible by these Jewish racial comrades. The first stage of his rise had been reached.

Life in the provinces, which he despised, was therewith terminated. On this period he writes full of scorn for the goyim:

There I had to, like other Jews, tolerate all possible harassments and humiliations directed at me. But that provided me also a wide experience in communication with police and other state officials. Already in the province I associated myself with numerous acquaintances in these circles and attained a certain mastery in the art of dealing with and bribing state officials. These experiences were of very great value for my future activity.

His business in Petersburg developed excellently, but alongside it he retained his subsidiary in Kyiv. His increased income enabled him to lead a life that he had longed for already for a long time. According to his own confession, he gladly, and often, frequented clubs and cabarets, the racecourses, in order to find acceptance in the so-called better social circles.

But the final goal remained to ruthlessly exploit these newly forged social relations in a commercial way. Simanovich reports on this:

Passion for gambling is, as is well-known, a power that easily unites men and causes social and national differences to be forgotten. The lust for pleasure makes those who have fallen victim to it not very choosy in their circle of acquaintances and in the way in which they procure means for their costly passions. I soon found myself at ease in this world and was able to exploit the relations established therein for the expansion of my commercial undertakings.

In this way he came into contact with different personalities of the imperial court, for example, with the princely brothers Wittgenstein who, as officers, belonged to the imperial bodyguard and, further, with the court steward of the Tsar, the Frenchman Poincet.

With Poincet he founded a gaming club that was disguised as a chess club. He enlisted there the two Wittgenstein princes who were in constant financial need.

Therewith he had made different influential personalities of the court obliged to him and came ever closer to his real goal of attaining influence and power. At the same time, he obtained a deeper insight into the daily life at court and the commercial ignorance and awkwardness of the courtly circle. He learnt who was in need of money and then tried to make the acquaintance of these personalities and offered to them his financial support in the form of loans. Alongside this he conducted also all sorts of other financial businesses with other people who similarly found themselves in financial distress. But whereas he collected his usurious interests ruthlessly from these people who were not very influential, he was careful with members of the courtly circle. From these he demanded significantly lower interest and did not harass these debtors in any way.

In this way he made personalities who occupied prominent social positions and who could therefore be of great significance to him dependent on him. At the same time, he informed them of his financial businesses and did not also forget to make them clients of his jewellery business.

Of great value to Simanovich was his acquaintance with the two above-mentioned Wittgenstein princes whom he had made fully dependent on him through their enrollment in his gaming club. Through their intermediation he now became acquainted with personalities who had direct access to the Tsar and the Tsarina and on whose acquaintance therefore the Jew Simanovich placed a special value.

These were the influential lady-in-wating of the Tsarina, Princess Orbeliani, the personal friend and lady-in-waiting of the Tsarina, Anna Vyrubova, as well as the ladies-in-waiting Miss Nikitina and Princess Astaman-Galizina.

In the same way, from the entourage of the Tsar he made the acquaintance of the Caucasian princes Ucha Dadiani and Alek Amilakvari as well as of the entire officer corps of the imperial bodyguard. Therewith he had at the same time obtained access to the imperial palace, and in a short time he knew the entire court personnel.

When the Russo-Japanese War broke out, he hurried to the theater of war, naturally not as a soldier but as the owner of a travelling casino. But this war enabled him to earn a lot of money through the exploitation of officers behind the frontlines or of officers on furlough from the front. In this way, in spite of the unfortunate course of the war for Russia, he returned a rich man to Petersburg, where, supported by his ill-gotten wealth, he conducted his jewellery trade and his usury businesses in a significantly expanded form.

He became more and more a money-lender for young Russian aristocrats who found themselves in financial need. His trade in precious stones with court circles increased constantly. About this Simanovich reports boastfully:

In Princess Orbeliani’s house thus I entered first before the ladies-in-waiting as a jeweller, salesman and a connoisseur of precious stones. Soon I became indispensable to them. My pockets were always filled with jewels. I succeeded in winning the trust and benevolence of persons in high positions and I was made privy to many secrets of courtly life. Soon I was on firm ground. My self-confidence grew, especially when I noticed that my relations with the court circles impressed many people. My requests and wishes found consideration in influential government circles. There were many who wished to please me and gladly rendered services to me. For my part I sought to be useful to these people.

Always the same image that the Jew offers in princely courts! At first he seeks to gain entry through sycophantic obsequiousness or hypocritical cajolery, then he forms bonds through small or large gifts, or directly through the corruption of influential personalities, in order to finally develop the acquaintance of the ruling princes.

In this way too did Simanovich proceed at the Russian court. Through Princess Orbeliani he became acquainted with the Tsarina Alexandra, who asked him for advice regarding some jewels. Later the Tsarina repeatedly gave him commissions which he carried out with special care. Therewith Simanovich had achieved his goal: he was now the ‘court jeweller’. But with genuine Jewish contempt he reports on his business then:

I knew her (that is, the Tsarina’s) frugality and set the prices of the jewels that she bought from me especially low. When she had bought something from me, she checked thereafter with the court jeweller Fabergé if the price was reasonable. If the court jeweller wondered at the low price, she was extraordinarily pleased. For me, naturally, the favor of the Empress was the main thing. Often she bought jewels on instalment payments. I gladly complied with her and thereby pleased her especially. Even persons from her circle wanted concessions from me in the purchase of jewels. They sought as far as possible to gain advantages through me and I gladly cooperated. My intention was indeed to make myself loved by the people and I succeeded in that. The same people then took care to show that they were grateful for my services.

All these contacts the Jew Simanovich had achieved even though anti-Semitism was predominant in the Russian court and in the then leading Russian circles! But the racial rejection of Jewry was fully unknown there. If a Jew or Jewess had himself or herself baptised, they were indeed acceptable at court! Besides, people were also of the opinion that there were ‘respectable Jews’ and the sinuous, cunning Jew Simanovich was included among these.

However, even the sphere of influence that Simanovich had picked out for himself especially suited his activity, which served only Jewish goals. The social life consumed enormous amounts of money, and corruption therefore penetrated the highest circles.

Internal policy was fully disunited and disjointed, political assassinations were the order of the day. Russia seemed already at that time to be marching towards an uncertain future since crass egoism ruled and all communal feeling was lacking.

Then there occurred in Simanovich’s life an event that allowed him to intervene with all force in the question of the entire Jewry in Russia.

In 1905, Simanovich learned that in Kyiv, where his family had remained, a Jewish pogrom had broken out. He travelled there immediately and found his shop plundered. His business manager and a number of his relatives had been killed. Even his life and that of his family were threatened. But he succeeded in fleeing. He travelled immediately with his family to Berlin to calm his fears.

Simanovich remained at that time for a long while in Berlin and took the decision to work for the emancipation of Jewry with all means.

When therefore he returned to Petersburg, he sought out Rasputin, with whom he had become acquainted, as mentioned above, already some years ago. He sought him out with the secret intention of using his already significant influence in court circles for Jewry. For, he had recognised how important precisely the influence of the starets[11] could be for him. He therefore pursued this acquaintance and met Rasputin often at Princess Orbeliani’s and at the lady-in-waiting Vyrubova’s. But only after Rasputin’s break with his earlier benefactors belonging to the Union of the Russian People did closer relations develop between the two men.

Ch. 7: Simanovich becomes Rasputin’s private secretary

In the first years of his Petersburg sojourn Rasputin lived only off the irregular contributions of the Tsar; for he had no sense at all for the financial side of life and did not like to occupy himself with financial matters. As a carefree man he cared very little about the future; his private life therefore proceeded without any order even though the imperial court took care of him.

But Simanovich had soon noticed Rasputin’s awkwardness in daily life matters. He therefore offered his help to the starets, which the latter gladly accepted. Simanovich therefore took charge of the care for his material welfare and Rasputin was glad that he was free of this care. Therewith the Jew had decisively stepped in. Rasputin showed that he was grateful to Simanovich for this help and in a short time the two became friends. On this Simanovich writes, in the chapter entitled ‘My friendship with Rasputin’, in the following manner:

Soon I became indispensable to him. I took care of all his small daily needs. My worldly experience and my knowledge of the conditions of the big city impressed him. I helped him to orient himself in Petersburg. Many things were naturally new and strange to him and he became used to turning to my advice in all his affairs. In this way I became his secretary, his administrator and his guardian. Finally, Rasputin did not take any serious step without my advice.  I was privy to all his affairs and secrets. If Rasputin became insubordinate, I often shouted at him and he behaved like a schoolboy who had broken something. Of this nothing was known in public; it was only known that through Rasputin I was able to obtain almost everything from the Tsar, the Tsarina, the ministers and the majority of the other power-holding persons.

It is important to bear in mind these confessions of the Jew Simanovich that he has written down in his book Rasputin, the All-Powerful Peasant, right at the beginning of his ‘friendship’ with Rasputin. For they fully expose the secret of the further activity of Rasputin at the Russian imperial court.

The Jewish secretary of Rasputin therewith admits quite openly that he had Rasputin unconditionally in his power so that the latter undertook no transaction of any significance without the advice of his secretary. Further, the Jew boastfully declares that he even triumphed over Rasputin’s will and forced his will upon him.

Is it still possible at all to speak here of the “all-powerful” or “omnipotent peasant”? No! Simanovich, who had clearly recognised the present and future significance of Rasputin for Jewry, had made use of the awkwardness of the starets in matters of daily life and made him constantly bound to himself. In this he had only one goal in mind: to employ the respect that Rasputin enjoyed with the imperial couple totally for the interests of Jewry.

However, it must be admitted that Simanovich went about it so skillfully that his decisive influence on Rasputin remained hidden to the public. But for that reason, it is our duty today to point more clearly to the unhealthy, subversive role of this Jew.

It was not Rasputin who was the secret, dark force that stood behind the Tsar and the Tsarina but Simanovich, Rasputin’s Jewish secretary, as the representative of the interests of the entirety of international Jewry.

That Simanovich did not become the advisor and secretary of Rasputin as a result of being accidentally approved by the Tsar is clear. He acted on higher orders.

When, after the collapse of the Tsarist regime, an investigative commission was set up, the former director of the entire police department declared, among other things, the following:

Simanovich did not hide his national Jewish mentality, granted help unselfishly to his religious comrades and sought to bring about a change in the government policy regarding the Jewish question.

At the beginning of his activity as Rasputin’s secretary, Simanovich naturally behaved very carefully. It was important however to slowly free Rasputin at first from his earlier advisors and friends so that he was fully dependent on his new private secretary. At first, therefore, Simanovich restricted himself to caring for Rasputin’s physical welfare and to facilitating his stay in Petersburg as much as possible.

Ch. 8: Rasputin’s lifestyle

If, in the first years of his stay in Petersburg, Rasputin had led a calm, regular life, he allowed himself to be induced to change later and to devote himself abundantly to wine. He found pleasure especially in strong madeira. This preference Simanovich supported in great measure. This is proven by, among others, the reports of the agents of the Russian secret police, the “okhrana,” who watched Rasputin constantly. Thus a detective for example reports in the following manner:

14 March. Simanovich, Rasputin’s secretary, came with a crate containing six bottles of wine, caviar and cheese.

But Simanovich also knew Rasputin’s preference for carousing, music, dance and especially for women. He writes on this apologetically: “A man of exuberant, passionate temperament, he needed strong, deeply stimulating experiences.”

In another place he reports:

Rasputin, himself a passionate libertine, stood in the best relations with all the well-known courtesans of the capital. The mistresses of the Grand Dukes, the ministers, the financial men, were friends with him. He knew therefore all the scandal stories, the relations of influential men, the nocturnal secrets of high society, and he was able to exploit this information for the expansion of his influence in high governmental circles. … The courtesans had at that time an especially great influence and pre-Revolutionary Petersburg manifested in this field by some most remarkable figures.

Often it occurred that Rasputin invited these female friends to nocturnal orgies in an elegant restaurant that consumed great amounts of money. For wine flowed here in streams and, furthermore, Rasputin gave gifts to all his female friends. As a rule, there was gypsy music played here and Rasputin, a passionate dancer, danced Russian dances.

The women present, however, used this favourable occasion either to extract money for themselves or to turn to Rasputin on behalf of their friends or relatives.

Simanovich knews these passions of his master only too well, indeed he promoted them, to make Rasputin ever more obedient and to increasingly enchain him to himself.

It is naturally clear that this lifestyle of the starets consumed enormous amounts of money. But these amounts Simanovich constantly procured. For, first of all, Simanovich had seen to it that, by order of the Tsar, 5000 roubles per month were allotted to Rasputin from the funds of the Ministry of the Interior; and secondly, he procured means from special sources about which he writes: “So I procured money for Rasputin from special sources that I will never betray in order not to harm religious comrades.”

So Jews primarily financed the carousels and orgies of Rasputin!

That Simanovich did not come off too badly socially through these services is clear. For, the circle of Rasputin grew ever larger, and his influence became increasingly greater, especially after another healing of the Tsarevich was ascribed to him in October 1912.

For, on a boat ride, the heir apparent pressed his thigh against the side of the boat and hurt himself. This caused a strong internal bleeding that threatened the boy’s life most seriously. A dangerous infection set in in the groin. His temperature rose constantly, so that the doctors treating him described the condition of the heir as hopeless.

From October 8, daily information was given to the press on the condition of the Tsarevich. At the same time, rogation services for his healing were held in all churches of the Russian Empire. But his condition became increasingly worse so that already people reckoned with Alexei’s death.

In her distress the Tsarina called for her friend Vyrubova and made her telegraph Rasputin, who was at that time in his home village. The telegram was sent on 12 October at 11.30 in the night, and reached Pokrovskoye the next day in the afternoon. Rasputin went immediately into his room and offered a prayer there. After an hour, he sent the Tsarina the following telegram: ‘Do not be perturbed; the illness is not so dangerous as it seems. The heir apparent will remain alive, the doctors should not frighten him.’

This answer reached the imperial couple on 14 October and, on the 15th, the temperature of the patient suddenly fell quite considerably. After two days there appeared already a decisive improvement in his health; the heir apparent was saved!

In November, the Tsar’s family returned to Petersburg.

In gratitude for the rescue of their son the royal couple ordered Rasputin too to Petersburg. Beyond that the Tsarina wished — since she was strongly convinced of the favorable influence of Rasputin on the health of the heir apparent — now for his constant presence at the imperial court.

Thereby the starets had made himself indispensable at the court. Even the information on his change of lifestyle that was brought to the imperial couple could not change anything. The Tsarina declared that they were malevolent calumnies and clung only so much more closely to the supposed saviour of her son, in whom she saw a saint.

But the rumour of this new healing of the Tsarevich spread with lightning speed and raised the respectability and the reputation of the starets uncommonly.

Ch. 16: Rasputin and the Jewish Question

Like every Russian, Rasputin at first shunned Jewry.  All the attempts of his Jewish secretary — whom he at first considered only as the administrator of his commercial interests — to interest him in Jewish affairs he dismissed with a certain inner aversion.

Moreover, he did not make any bones of his anti-Jewish attitude to Simanovich. He also related to him often that the Tsar complained about the Jews, that his ministers presented him detailed reports on the Jewish danger, instructed him on the subversive, corrupting activity of Jewry and the revolutionary movements of the Jewish youth.

In his judgement of Jewry, Rasputin at that time still stood under the influence of the Tsar and certain anti-Jewish circles at the imperial court and in the Russian Orthodox Church.

Simanovich observed this attitude of the starets with great anxiety and was therefore determined to make of the anti-Jewish Rasputin — slowly but surely — an advocate of the Jews. For, he required Rasputin’s help for the final accomplishment of his goals.

He was therefore determined to prevent by all means any public move on the part of Rasputin into the camp of the anti-Semites. He sought at first to gradually neutralise the influence of the Tsar and the Tsarina in this regard.

In this context, the following utterance of Simanovich is very remarkable:

The representatives of Jewish society, which was informed of this dangerous situation, were extremely afraid and made it my duty to do everything to prevent Rasputin’s conversion to anti-Semitism. We were completely clear about the fact that such a turn could have frightful consequences.

Furthermore, Rasputin was at the height of his power and repute at that time, while Nicholas II, at the same time, became a member of the ‘Union of the Russian people’ which instituted Jewish pogroms everywhere in Russia.

Simanovich had clearly recognised what was at stake and carried out with determination — supported by the leading Jewish circles of Russia — his efforts to win Rasputin for Jewry. Indeed, he would have been Rasputin’s private secretary in vain if he had not clearly recognised his characteristics and acted according to them. He therefore proceeded in a quite deliberate manner.

First, he brought Rasputin into contact with rich Jewish racial comrades, for example, with the Jewish millionaires Ginzburg, Soloveitchik, Manus and Kaminka.

Further, Simanovich was able to often arrange that the rich Jew Ginzburg visited Rasputin precisely when petitioners were present who could only be helped with money. Ginzburg readily had all his cash taken by Rasputin which the latter distributed immediately to the supplicants present with the words: “A rich man has come who wishes to distribute his money among the poor.”

On other occasions, Rasputin requested the rich Jews who were present to give a couple of hundred rubles to the poor. But, according to the declarations of Simanovich, Rasputin never asked for money from these Jewish millionaires for his own needs.

Furthermore, it made a great impression on Rasputin that, from this time on, through the mediation of Simanovich, he could send poor people to the aforementioned Jewish millionaires with a paper on which the concerned millionaire was requested to help the supplicant.

That these requests of Rasputin were fulfilled is obvious, for these instances of assistance were to convince Rasputin of the humanitarianism and readiness to help of Jewry with regard to indigent Russian people.

At the same time, another goal too was fulfilled: these Jewish alms-givers were publicized in all the Russian outlets as noble benefactors.

Since Simanovich knew further how easy it was to awaken feelings of compassion in Rasputin for poor and persecuted men, he strove to present especially blatant cases of Jewish supplicants to the starets himself. Therewith he succeeded in gradually awakening his compassion for the Jewish people.

Now the point had been reached when Simanovich could move to winning Rasputin decisively for Jewry.

The leading Jewish circles had, in the meantime, developed the most complete trust in Simanovich and commissioned him, on account of his relations with leading governmental circles, to solve the Jewish question in a comprehensive manner.

A series of meetings of the representatives of Russian Jewry with Simanovich took place and he was commissioned to “strive for and, if possible, implement the emancipation of the Jewish population.”

Simanovich’s liaison man in these contacts was the Jewish millionaire and war profiteer Moses Ginzburg, who had amassed his wealth during the Russo-Japanese War in Port Arthur.[12] But Simanovich now pressed forward to action since, in his opinion, the situation of the Jews aroused the greatest fears.

Simanovich reports with great pride on his dealings with his Jewish confidant Ginzburg. These discussions however are so indicative of the further modus operandi of Simanovich — who, since this time, considered himself, rightly, as the Jewish commissioner — that they are cited here verbatim from Simanovich’s book. Here Simanovich states:

Now the moment is favorable since we have excellent relations in St. Petersburg. We must exploit these relations not only for the improvement of the situation of the individual Jew but also in the interests of the entire Jewish population. Jewish society has decided to activate all their contacts, means and forces to implement the emancipation of the Jews. There will be no shortage of money. The Jews have decided to grant a large sum of money to anyone who would be supportive of them in their efforts. I could, if I brought about Jewish emancipation, become the richest man in Russia and, besides, my name would be entered in the Jewish ‘Pinkes’ (memorial books).[13]

“You have excellent contacts,” Ginsburg declared, “and you have entry into places that up to now were never accessible to Jews. Get the aid of Rasputin, with whom you have such good relations. Rasputin listens to you and the Tsar listens to Rasputin. It would be a shame to let go such a good opportunity. I have come to the conviction that Rasputin can accomplish everything that he wishes. He is capable of swaying all the ministers. We cannot tolerate that Nikolai Nikolaevich and his accomplices kill and plunder the unfortunate Jews in the field of war operations and that the Jews in all of Russia are severely oppressed. You will receive from us everything that you need for your goals. If you become a victim of your efforts then the entire Jewish people will go down with you.

This commission of the entire Jewry of Russia to Simanovich has provided clear light for our further investigation. From this time on, Rasputin’s secretary acts only as the representative of Jewry and his entire activity serves only Jewish interests.

Simanovich then promised the commissioner of the Russian Jews that he would dedicate himself entirely to the fight for the rights and the interests of the Jewish people and began at once to present proposals.

As the most urgent measure he proposed to arrange a meeting of the Jewish representatives with Rasputin so that the former could become acquainted at first hand with Rasputin’s attitude to the Jewish question. The proposal was accepted, Simanovich went to Rasputin and explained to him that all his Jewish acquaintances hoped for his support in the fight for the emancipation of the Jews. Rasputin said he was ready to appear at a meeting with the representatives of Jewry. But the participation in this meeting of the leading Jews of Russia was of crucial significance for Rasputin.

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[1] This work has been translated into English by Delin Colón as Rasputin: The Memoirs of his Secretary, 2013.

[2] John of Kronstadt (1829—1909) was a Russian Orthodox archpriest and, after the Russian Revolution of 1905, a supporter of the monarchist, anti-Communist and anti-Jewish Black Hundreds movement as well as an honorary member of the ‘Union of the Russian people.

[3] Hermogenes (1858-1918) was Bishop of Saratov and Tsaritsyn in 1903 and, from 1917, Bishop of Tobolsk and Siberia. He was a supporter of the Black Hundreds and the Union of the Russian People. He befriended Rasputin when the latter visited Petersburg in 1905 but became estranged from him around 1911.

[4] Sergei Trufanov, the Hieromonk Iliodor (1880-1952), was a monk and priest of the Russian Orthodox Church who was defrocked in 1912. He published a biography of Rasputin called The Mad Monk of Russia: Life, Memoirs and Confessions of Sergei Mikhailovich Trufanoff (New York, 1918).

[5] The Union of the Russian People was a nationalist political party which lasted from 1905 to 1917. Its paramilitary forces were constituted by the Black Hundreds.

[6] Marie Raspoutine, Le roman de ma vie (Paris, 1930).

[7] Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich (1856–1929) was a Russian general during the First World War and in 1924 was made the leader of the anti-Soviet monarchist movement in exile.

[8] Grand Duke Peter Nikolaevich (1864–1931) was, like his wife, interested in occult doctrines; the Grand Duchess Militza introduced, first, a French healer called Nizier Philippe to the Tsarina, and then Rasputin.

[9] Nikola I, Petrović-Njegoš (1841–1921) was the last monarch of Montenegro. Five of his daughters were married to princes and kings.

[10] Count Sergei Witte (1849–1915) was appointed the first Prime Minister of the Russian Empire in 1905 after the Russian Revolution of that year.

[11] Elder, a monastic leader of the Russian Orthodox Church.

[12] The Russo-Japanese War was fought during 1904 and 1905. The Battle of Port Arthur (Manchuria) In February 1904 marked the beginning of this war.

[13] A Memorbuch, or Memorial Book of the Jews, commemorates various Jewish martyrs and lists the countries in which Jews have  been persecuted.