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Caste Masculinity: Sports and the War on White Manhood

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The Greek orator and statesman Pericles has given us the following aphorism. “We do not say that a man who takes no interest in politics is a man who minds his own business; we say that he has no business here at all.” This has been reduced many times in the wider vernacular, especially as, “While you may not have an interest in politics, politics has an interest in you.”

Regardless of how the principle is stated, it is obviously true. It is also certainly true for sports as much as for politics. There are certain elements on the dissident right that believe sports are merely a diversion that should be shunned, especially as a mass spectator event (except for Nascar and other implicitly-White sports). Others believe that there is something in the European soul that craves mock-combat that relies on a mixture of skill, aggression, and heart — activities like wrestling that celebrate and hone the martial virtues.

A people cannot pin their entire hopes on feats of athletic prowess (victory must be claimed inside and outside of the ring), but symbols are important and are certainly being used by our enemies to wage ceaseless cultural war against us. A recent egregious example was HBO’s promo of a Cinco de Mayo showdown between Mexican boxing phenom Saul “Canelo” Alvarez and Julio Caesar Chavez Jr., in which the two fighters race toward each other, smashing a wall en route to their faceoff in Las Vegas. The ad is an obvious and-none-too-subtle dig at the border wall proposed by Donald Trump, and a variation on the progressive non-sequitur that the only way to enjoy other cultures is to obliterate the rule-of-law in America. Only this time instead of being lectured that we must forgo our vital interests in having plentiful Mexican cuisine, the message sent by HBO and Oscar De La Hoya’s Golden Boy Promotions is that we can’t watch a boxing match between two Mexican nationals without ceding our sovereignty in exchange for the night of entertainment.

Sports media, of course, is like the rest of the media complex: rife with Jews highly antagonistic toward White America and its prerogatives. Richard Schaefer may no longer be with Golden Boy, and while the Golden Boy himself, former world champion Oscar De La Hoya, may have even bragged about beating one of the biggest Jews to come out of Harvard, he still knows how to play the Shabbos goy game and must know that his “wall” ad warms the cockles of the hearts of all the right people. Read more

“Envying the cruel falcon”: The Anti-Liberal Poetry of Robinson Jeffers Part Two of Two

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This America settles in the mould of its vulgarity, heavily thickening to empire “Shine, Perishing Republic”

Go to Part One.

Modern man’s spiritual and physical weakness, in the understanding of Jeffers, is not just a cause for despair, but is mortally dangerous. In “The Purse-Seine” (1938) the poet recalls watching sardines being gathered in by fishermen at night, and is reminded of this again one evening while looking over a city from a mountain-top. Like the sardines, he imagines the masses of weak and dependent people below being gathered in and controlled by an all-powerful government:

Lately I was looking from a night mountain-top
On a wide city, the colored splendor, galaxies of light:
how could I help but recall the seine-net
Gathering the luminous fish? I cannot tell you how
beautiful the city appeared, and a little terrible.
I thought, We have geared the machines and locked all together
into inter-dependence; we have built the great cities; now
There is no escape. We have gathered vast populations incapable
of free survival, insulated
From the strong earth, each person in himself helpless, on all
dependent. The circle is closed, and the net
Is being hauled in. They hardly feel the cords drawing, yet
they shine already. The inevitable mass-disasters
Will not come in our time nor in our children’s, but we
and our children
Must watch the net draw narrower, government take all
Powers — or revolution, and the new government
Take more than all, add to kept bodies kept souls — or anarchy,
the mass-disasters.

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“Envying the cruel falcon”: The Anti-Liberal Poetry of Robinson Jeffers, Part One of Two

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Only the most ardent followers of the right wing nationalists, the lunatic fringe, and the most ardent of Roosevelt haters could, after reading The Double Axe, welcome the return of Robinson Jeffers.
                              St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 1948

In two previous essays I explored the nature of academic ethno-activism in the deconstruction of the cultural legacy of the Modernist poets Ezra Pound and T.S. Eliot. Such deconstructions, which are ongoing, target the posthumous legacies of creative thinkers deemed by the current dispensation to have held quasi-Fascistic socio-political views. The essays on Eliot and Pound were intended as broad overviews of this process of deconstruction, emphasizing the scale of successive critiques and, to some extent, illuminating the psychology of those behind them. Analysis of the actual poetic content produced by those creatives was peripheral. This was partly because, although they have been subjected to withering criticism with the ultimate intention of consigning them to distant memory, neither Pound nor Eliot have yet disappeared entirely from view, and their works continue to be widely sold in bookshops, studied in colleges, and read in libraries. Thus, while Pound and Eliot are being “phased out” culturally, or held up as examples of “bigoted old White men,” the depth and intensity of their fame have meant that they continue to put up a spirited resistance to being forgotten.

Robinson Jeffers (1887–1962), the subject of this essay, has found this task much more difficult. Despite once adorning the cover of TIME magazine (April 4, 1932), Jeffers’s fall from grace began earlier, and has been more complete. Studied only rarely in colleges and almost entirely exiled from bookshops and popular discussion, Jeffers and his poetry are a niche literary interest at best. Even within our circles, aside from a single lecture by Jonathan Bowden (which takes the form of a brief cultural biography and glosses over the content of Jeffers’s poetry), he remains largely ignored or unknown. In part to rectify this, the focus of the present essay will be mainly on the poet’s biography and content, with the deconstructive element relegated to the background.

There are a number of reasons for Jeffers’s descent from the heights of popularity, and these reasons make both the man and his work an interesting study. Within a decade of his appearance on the front cover of TIME, Jeffers found himself pilloried as an isolationist opposed to American involvement in World War II, and even as a “fascist sympathizer” who produced “unpatriotic verse.” Jeffers had attracted increasing interest, and then suspicion, from liberals who reacted with horror to his scathing rebukes of, and deep pessimism towards, their schemes for “human improvement.” A close inspection of the reclusive Jeffers’s works revealed a man railing against the decadence of the inter-war period. Piercing that maelstrom of cultural degeneration, his poetry was a furious cry against cherished concepts like “equality,” “progressivism,” and “social justice.” In Jeffers’s unflinching vision, God and Nature were intertwined, inseparable. Man was “nature dreaming,” and the further Man distanced himself from Nature, natural instinct, and natural law, the further Man descended into weakness and decay. Violence, of a noble, natural kind, is glorified in Jeffers’s poetry, as is normal, healthy, and natural sexuality. Read more

Dresden

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A visit to Dresden provides proof positive that Germans, staggering under a monumental weight of white guilt, lead the way in the suicide of the west.

On a recent visit to Germany I was quickly disabused of my notion that atonement for the sins of the fathers would be perhaps subject to some kind of statute of limitations. Surely, generations after the cataclysm of the Second World War, Germans would be entitled to feel at least some diminution of the guilt attached to their country’s supposed single-handed initiation of a world war (no, make that total blame for two world wars) and the alleged attempted genocide of a charmingly innocent racial/religious group.

But no, this peculiar brand of evil appears to have leached into the very DNA of the Germans. It is as though babies born in Germany of White mothers arrive with indelibly blood-stained hands. Like children born into religions, they are born into guilt.  Ironically, the efforts of Hitler and the entire apparatus of the Third Reich in tirelessly identifying who were Germans and who were not has made it ridiculously easy to determine who to pin the everlasting blame on — those who are unable to identify as anyone other than a German. Non-German citizens of Germany need not be concerned.

What has led me to so unshakable a conviction? In a word, Dresden — more specifically, the murder of Dresden over two apocalyptic days in February 1945. This is a subject which has fascinated and appalled me since long ago reading The Destruction of Dresden by David Irving. It is this book from which most of the facts and figures relating to the atrocity given here come, as well as from Thomas Goodrich’s Hellstorm: The Death of Nazi Germany, 1944–1947. One cannot read these two books without being forced to conclude that the holocaust that consumed Dresden was a war crime reaching a level of evil on a par with those committed against Hiroshima, Nagasaki and Tokyo. But guilt in these atrocities has never been expressed, let alone admitted, nor will ever be admitted. Platitudes and rationalizations are offered instead. Read more

Dunkirk Backstory: Jewish Traitors, Communist Spies, and the Internment of Oswald Mosley’s Blackshirts

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The success of Christopher Nolan’s powerful film Dunkirk shows there is still an insatiable appetite amongst the British public for stories about World War II.  This is partly fueled by the gradual opening of wartime archives which has led to a seemingly never-ending stream of titles about wartime espionage. But there are some fascinating stories which mysteriously no-one wants to pursue.

One such was revealed by Christopher Andrew, the official historian of Britain’s security service MI5, in 2009, when he said in his magisterial history, that at the end of the war there was a ban on the service recruiting any more Jews to its ranks because of fears they would be disloyal. This informal ban stood for thirty years. It was a startling revelation, but produced little further comment.

That Jews have a special talent for international espionage is hardly news. Their role as a diaspora population coupled with their insistence that they be recognized as full citizens of whatever territory they happen to be occupying gives them unique advantage. But it is a quality that can be a two-edged sword for the host population.

For a good example we need to travel back in time to 1942 to a sprawling Regency house in Oxford’s Woodstock Road where a puzzled policeman is staring high up at a radio transmitter cable that has been slung between the big house and an adjacent former coachman’s cottage. It strikes the policeman as unusual in wartime when there was a strict ban on private radio transmitters. He reported this to MI5 and added that ‘you might think this worthy of further inquiry.’ The file shows that someone in MI5 has marked the paragraph of special interest. Yet no further action was taken.

It’s understandable why the police would want to tread carefully, as that Regency house was occupied by a very important person in British public life. For the previous six years Neville Laski QC had been President of the Board of Deputies of British Jews. In this role he had been much concerned with gaining admission to Britain for thousands of German Jewish refugees and was enthusiastically assisted by his wife Sissie, the daughter of a rabbi and the sister of a prominent member of the Communist Party. It was probably at a temporary refugee shelter in London that Sissie met Ursula and Len Beurton and it might have been out of sympathy for this intelligent young family’s predicament that the Laskis’ offered them the cottage at a low rent.

But Ursula Beurton was very far from being just another poor refugee. Her real name was Ursula Ruth Kuczynski and she had been born in Berlin into a well-off Jewish family of academics of pronounced left-wing sympathies. She had joined the Communist Party in the early thirties, been trained as a radio wireless operator in Moscow and then criss-crossed Europe for the party under the codename of ‘Sonya’. In 1938 she returned to Moscow to be secretly awarded the Order of the Red Banner, promoted to colonel and then sent to Britain to pose as a refugee. Read more

Kulturkampf

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As a woman in the South, it’s not often that I am threatened with being beaten up. But, it happened last night, and the person who threatened me was a White guy.

After finishing up business late in the day, I stopped at a coffee shop to use the wifi.

The place was busy; I took the last available seat in a large chair. Customers came and went. One woman was wearing light flowery layers of fabric from her head to the floor, her face mostly visible. Her husband tended to their drinks as she stood looking away from everyone. It was an unusual sight and got quietly noticed by the customers.

“What do you think about that?” I asked a big White guy down the row from me. “We don’t go for that. I don’t like it,” he said.

The younger guy next to him, also White, was quite talkative, offering opinions on various topics. He veered into immigration, so, I asked him to explain his stance on the immigration issue. “I don’t have a problem with them,” he said, “it’s the system. They need to change the H1 visa system.”

“Can you define the system that is bringing in millions of undocumented and illegal aliens? Who is in charge of that system?” I asked.

He repeated that he didn’t have a problem with any immigrants himself, but that the system needs to be better.

I said, “Millions of illegals don’t care about visas and paperwork; they just walk right in. We have no documentation on them. Millions of undocumented aliens are being forced in on us.”

He emitted a panicked laugh but increased the ante, “You don’t know your history. You need to read some history.’

I do know about Mohammed, though. I didn’t think this guy did. He had said he has a 9-year-old daughter, the same marrying age of Aisha. So, I asked him, “What if a Muslim guy wanted to marry your daughter?”

“I’m fine with that. I’m not racist!” he grinned.

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The tyranny of the courts: The case of Omar Khadr

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Trump supporters are still reeling from the ability of the courts to paralyze his presidency. This is due to a thoroughly biased courts and legal system, filled with liberal lawyers and judges — churned out by ideologically corrupt law schools and universities — who arrogantly impose their tyranny. They sanctimoniously trot out the holy Constitution to say that Trumps’ executive orders are ‘”unconstitutional,” which simply means that liberals disagree with them. They invoke the Constitution as though it were a law of physics: unambiguous, objectively and eternally true. Any reader will know that the constitution is a joke, whose interpretation can change radically depending on who sits on the bench or who tilts the ideological balance of the Supreme Court.

A recent story from Canada puts this in its plainest terms. It is the case of Omar Khadr, a former Al Qaeda fighter who sued the Canadian government for “conspiring with the U.S. in abusing his rights.” The Canadian government recently decided to settle with Khadr for over 10 million Canadian dollars (over 8 million U.S. dollars), although it is entirely mysterious what the responsibility of the Canadian government actually is.

‘Canadian’ Omar Khadr was captured in Afghanistan in 2002 while fighting with the Taliban. (source: Wikipedia)

Here is the story: Khadr is a Canadian citizen and Al Qaeda fighter who was captured in Afghanistan in 2002 during a firefight in which U.S. troops were injured and killed. He was then detained in Guantanamo for about ten years and pleaded guilty, among other things, to “murder in violation of the laws of war.” During that time, he was interrogated on a number of occasions by Canadian intelligence officers doing a normal job of collecting information on one of their citizens accused of terrorism, especially given the fact that he would eventually be transferred back to Canada.

In 2010, Canada’s Supreme Court ruled that these interrogations “offended the most basic Canadian standards of the treatment of detained youth suspects” and that the involvement of Canadian officials in the interrogations violated his rights under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. This Charter is holy scripture in Canada, comparable to the U.S. Constitution or the Civil Rights Act of 1964. It is relentlessly invoked by Canadian liberal activists to justify their endless demands when it comes to protected groups like racial minorities or homosexuals.

This ruling is ludicrous: Khadr was detained by U.S. military authorities in Guantanamo and it is therefore very hard to blame the Canadian government for that. Moreover, videos of these interrogations exist and were even featured in a propaganda film made by human rights activists—called You Don’t Like the Truth: Four Days Inside Guantanamo—in 2010. This film contains nothing convincing: some of those boring and uneventful interrogations interspersed with interviews of Khadr’s lawyer, cellmates, relatives, and human rights activists complaining (sometimes rightfully) about the conditions of his detention in Guantanamo by U.S. military authorities. But the case for implicating the Canadian government and forcing taxpayers to make a multimillionaire of Khadr is as flimsy as it can be. The legal argument presented by Khadr’s lawyers is twisted and circumlocutory to an extent that only a member of a fashionable minority benefitting from the full support of the politically correct press, activist lawyers and biased courts could possibly sell it. Only the most conspiratorial liberal mind could see a responsibility lying with the Canadian government. Read more