Jewish Support for Multiculturalism

Beneath the mask of the Human Rights industry: Prominent British Jews Advocate Increases in Refugees

As a former member of the Communist Party, Sir Stephen Sedley is an unlikely champion for human rights. Nevertheless it is an industry that has been good to him, so it was not surprising that his signature appeared on a letter  in The Times calling for Britain to admit thousands more “Syrian refugees.” (Sedley is a prominent posturer among those discussed in Tobias Langdon’s “They posture, you pay.”)

The retired court of appeal judge was one of more than 300 distinguished judges, senior lawyers and academics who demanded that Britain admit far more refugees than the 20,000 a year, currently planned. Sir Stephen himself says that “as a wealthy and prosperous country we should be doing more than we are.”

He is used to having his views heard with respect, but even he must have been surprised at the anger of the pushback from an exasperated public. For it was soon pointed out that many from this privileged, unelected group were overwhelmingly drawn from “human rights” industry chambers and law firms that have grown fat off defending asylum seekers in taxpayer-funded deportation cases that are dragged out for years. Not only would these lawyers profit from any further influx, but, living in their fancy neighborhoods, their families would never have to cope with the resulting overcrowded schools or hospitals.

But there is another aspect of that letter that has hitherto gone unmentioned — many signatories were drawn from the same clique of Jewish activist judges and lawyers who have been, for decades now, complicit in the opening of Britain’s borders and allowing a tsunami of foreign aliens to flood into the country.  At the top of the The Times letter, there is the most distinguished tier — the 12 retired judges. Of this group at least five — possibly seven — are Jewish. Moreover, it’s not as though these Jews are outliers from mainstream Jewish opinion. As noted in the previous link, the most important Jewish organization and the largest Jewish newspaper in the UK are also pushing for even higher levels of immigration. Hence, it is entirely appropriate to look at the ethnic commitments and political associations of these prominent Jewish figures. Think of it as a series of case studies illustrative of a wider phenomenon. Read more

Paul Krugman on the glorious coming demise of White political power

In this 2014 interview (beginning ~6:00) Paul Krugman, commenting on the “craziness” of American politics, says (more or less verbatim): A lot of the craziness comes from cultural/ethnic issues—rural White Americans who feel they are losing their country, and they are right. They are losing their country. In the end, the power they now have will go away, but it’s a very difficult and dangerous time until then. The future is represented by Mayor Bill DeBlasio of New York, “but Ted Cruz of Texas is still out there.”

This I think sums up elite/left opinion in America (after all, Krugman writes for the New York Times) and the West generally. The bad old days are nearly behind us with people like Bill De Blasio and his mixed-race family firmly ensconced in positions of power and presiding over super-diverse New York City. They are the wave of the future. The road ahead will be manageable, although dangerous and difficult. The key to the non-crazy future as envisioned by Krugman is to lessen White power. (Another example: Joe Klein writing in Time that it is necessary to import millions of non-Whites as a cure for “our poisonous biracial era.”) Read more

The SS Empire Windrush: The Jewish Origins of Multicultural Britain

‘Will you find out who is responsible for this extraordinary action?’
Oliver Stanley, M.P., June 1948.

The SS Empire Windrush holds a special place of infamy in the minds of British Nationalists. When the ship arrived at Tilbury docks from Jamaica in June 1948, carrying 417 Black immigrants, it represented more than just a turning point in the history of those ancient isles. In some respects it signalled the beginning of mass, organized non-White immigration into northwest Europe. Back in November, TOO published my research on the role of Jews in limiting free speech and manipulating ‘race relations’ in Britain in order to achieve Jewish goals and protect Jewish interests. I’ve recently been revisiting some of my past essays, delving deeper and expanding each of them in an effort that I hope will result in the publication of a book-length manuscript on aspects of Jewish influence. During this process, I’ve been particularly compelled to research further into the role of Jews in Britain’s immigration and racial questions. What I present in this essay is a survey of some interesting facts, which I hope to document and integrate further as my work on the volume proceeds.

One of the things that struck me most when I began looking into the origins of multicultural Britain was the hazy and confused background to the arrival of that notorious ship. First though, I might point out one of history’s bizarre ironies —  the vessel that would signal the end of racial homogeneity in Britain started life as a Nazi cruise liner. The ship began its career in 1930 as the MV Monte Rosa. Until the outbreak of war it was used as part of the German Kraft durch Freude (‘Strength through Joy’) program. ‘Strength through Joy’ enabled more than 25 million Germans of all classes to enjoy subsidized travel and numerous other leisure pursuits, thereby enhancing the sense of community and racial togetherness. Racial solidarity, rather than class position, was emphasized by drawing lots for the allocation of cabins on vessels like the Monte Rosa, rather than providing superior accommodation only for those who could afford a certain rate. Until the outbreak of war, the vessel was employed in conveying NSDAP members on South American cruises. In 1939 the ship was allocated for military purposes, acting as a troopship for the invasion of Norway in 1940. In 1944, the Monte Rosa served in the Baltic Sea, rescuing Germans trapped in Latvia, East Prussia and Danzig by the advance of the Red Army.

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The Jewish hidden hand behind Muslim ethnic antagonism in the UK

You could fill the pages of TOO with examples of hostile Jewish strategies designed to advance the cause of White dispossession, but here are two case studies from the UK which are particularly instructive.

One involves an organisation which has been exposed for false or exaggerated claims about White violence towards Muslims. The second involves the concealment of the ethnic dimension of grooming gangs which targeted White girls. In both cases it is the role of the Jewish hidden hand in exploiting these ethnic conflicts that is interesting.

TellMama  — Mama stands for ‘Measuring Anti-Muslim Attacks’ — styles itself as Britain’s foremost anti-Muslim hate organisation and has received hundreds of thousands of pounds from the government to “monitor and combat hate crimes” against Muslims.

Initially it was a government project set up by the Conservatives in 2012 with a fairly overt remit to demonise any White reaction to Muslim predation. It seems to have been the brainchild of a Muslim “social entrepreneur” called Fiyaz Mughal who figured out there is big money in setting up sock-puppet outfits that peddle the government line.

Tell Mama shot to national prominence in the wake of the murder of Lee Rigby on 22 May, 2013 when the off-duty Fusilier was hacked to death by Muslims in a busy street in south east London. Read more

Towards ‘Kosher Nationalism’? (2): On Jewish Intellectual Power Struggles

Part 1.

I do not think there is a conscious Jewish endgame[1] but I would like to suggest a pattern, whether caused by Jewish culture, social position (especially, being a minority) or psychological predisposition, in the behavior of many Jewish intellectuals and their power struggles. It goes something like this:

  • The young intellectual settles into an ideological system, which is, consciously or unconsciously, a rationalization of his ethnic interests in that particular time and place.
  • The intellectual will then powerfully and eloquently argue for this intellectual system, ruthlessly criticizing and ridiculing alternative systems (after all, all systems and societies have flaws). If he triumphs, he attains prestige and cultural power for both himself and, indirectly, his community.
  • The intellectual will enter into pitched battles with other Jewish intellectuals if they have sharply opposing systems, typically challenging the ideology of Jews from a previous generation or different social milieu. The most eloquent critics of a particular Jewish ideology are often rival or successor Jews. (For example, Alan Dershowitz on the previous generation’s Communism or the current ongoing struggles between liberal Jews like Paul Krugman and Glenn Greenwald and overtly ethnocentric Jews such as American neoconservatives and Israeli nationalists).

In this context, an ideology is a system of rules and values which is turned into a kind of “cultural programming” for any given society. The society’s trajectory will be powerfully influenced by the particular rules, values, norms, taboos and so on that it has internalized. Ideology determines what is normal behavior, who is moral, and who are pariahs.

As the historian Paul Johnson has noted:

For 1,500 years Jewish society had been designed to produce intellectuals… Jewish society was geared to support them… Rich merchants married sages’ daughters; …Quite suddenly, around the year 1800, this ancient and highly efficient social machine for the production of intellectuals began to shift its output. Instead of pouring all its products into the closed circuit of rabbinical studies, …it unleashed a significant and evergrowing proportion of them into secular life. This was an event of shattering importance in world history.[2]

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Towards ‘Kosher Nationalism’? (1): The Unstable Jewish-Gentile Dialectic

 

I have been somewhat puzzled by recent developments in the French media, namely, the emergence of the so-called “nouveaux réactionnaires (new reactionaries) advocating restriction of (overwhelmingly African/Muslim) immigration and a defense of French identity. “None of the neo-reactionnaires – not even Camus – claims allegiance to the FN [French National Front],” the BBC helpfully notes. “Many of them are Jewish.”

That would be an understatement. Four of the five listed in the article are Jewish: Éric Zemmour, Alain Finkielkraut, Élisabeth Lévy and Gil Mihaely (an Israeli dual national), all of whom strongly identifying as Jews. The only non-Jew mentioned is Renaud Camus, who has been blackballed for years for criticizing Muslim immigration (he coined the term Grand Remplacement or “Great Displacement”) and for once noting that a radio show on France Culture was entirely run by Jews. All of this is a bit of a théâtre juif (Jewish theater) as Alain Soral might say.

We have this strange phenomenon where Jews are on television promoting FN talking points on Islam and immigration. Simultaneously, the FN is still informally excluded from making political alliances with mainstream parties. There has also been backlash from parts of the Jewish community against the new reactionaries, and in particular against Zemmour, who has lost one of three media jobs. Read more

Jews, Multiculturalism, and the War on Free Speech: A TOO Case File

One of the most important functions that TOO has played in recent years has been to catalogue Jewish efforts to promote multiculturalism and muzzle with extremely repressive legal measures any speech critical of multiculturalism and the Jewish role in relentlessly pushing it. At the beginning of this year, Brenton Sanderson offered stunning further insight into the Jewish war on White Australia, remarking that “in addition to opening the floodgates to mass non-White immigration, a key part of this Jewish campaign to radically reengineer Australian society in their own interests has been to shut down speech critical of this immigration and multiculturalism — and particularly of the role of Jews in foisting these disastrous policies on a resentful White Australian population.”

Sanderson indicated the primary methods by which organized Jewry developed and employed their influence on both fronts, for example, through the formation of “think-tanks” and the dissemination of “reports,” which were then carried into government. The influence of unelected Jews in this process is not only breath-taking in scope, but also exposes the fiction that we live in democratic societies. For example, Sanderson noted that

under the chairmanship (and behind the scenes influence) of the Jewish activist Walter Lippmann, the influential Committee on Community Relations delivered a report to the Australian Parliament in 1975 which placed “multiculturalism” at the heart of Australian government policy. It recommended that Australian social policy be formulated on the basis of four key elements. One of these recommendations, as summarised by the Jewish academic Andrew Markus, was that: “legislation was required to outlaw racial discrimination and uphold and promote rights through the establishment of a human rights commission. In response to this and the Committee’s other recommendations, which were essentially Lippmann’s recommendations, “multiculturalism” was adopted as official government policy in Australia in the 1970s, and extended under the Fraser [1975–1983] and Hawke governments [1983-1991] in the 1980s. Thus, in order to achieve the goals of multiculturalism, Jewish activists were determined from the beginning to bar and punish any speech that was critical of non-White immigration and multiculturalism. The new politically correct speech code was soon enforced by the weight of law with the enactment of racial and religious vilification laws that criminalized dissenting speech.

At the outset of my series of essays on the Jewish effort to raise Spinoza to almost cosmic importance in the intellectual history of the West, I indicated the importance of acknowledging patterns, trends and commonalities in how Jews, as a group, approach a given task. In the case of Spinoza, I linked Jewish efforts to exaggerate his legacy with broader Jewish efforts to perpetuate the notion of ‘Jewish genius.’ I took extra care to point to the precise processes, stages and methods involved. Read more