“One Battle After Another” (2025): Radical Politics & Fetishized Miscegenation, Part 1

Max West writes at Logical Meme and on X at @Logicalmeme. He is the author of Normism: The Philosophy of Norm Macdonald (2021).

NOTE: Spoilers ahead.

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I.             Overview

One Battle After Another opens with a prologue set 16 years prior to the current day, which sets up the decades-long chain of events that are to follow. We see a fictional, far-Left, militant, revolutionary group called the French 75 (based on a fusion of the Weather Underground and the Black Liberation Army) engaged in the violent ‘liberation’ of the equivalent of an ICE detention facility. The establishment shot to this first sequence is the Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego (a real federal detention facility), which is denoted in a title card, and the film’s soundtrack provides the requisite swelling-strings stylization, the sort of conveyor-belt “feel sad here” cue we’re accustomed to in Hollywood’s endless production of Holocaust films featuring gaunt prisoners in concentration camps (except in the case of Mexican illegals, the body type is generally the opposite of gauntness).

In the wake of the violent January 2026 anti-ICE protests in Minnesota that further divided the nation, One Battle subsequently received a slew of Academy Award nominations, winning Best Picture, Best Director (Paul Thomas Anderson), Best Adapted Screenplay (Paul Thomas Anderson), and Best Supporting Actor (Sean Penn). These outcomes come as no real surprise, given Hollywood’s penchant for trendy political content and public virtue-signaling.

However, at its core One Battle is a White male liberal’s glorification of radical Black politics and, to an odd and striking degree, Black female hypersexuality. Anderson awkwardly enmeshes his film with a miscegenation fetish and a portrayal of militant Leftwing radicalism as having a racialized sexual dimension, of sexual ‘liberation’ being an essential component of revolutionary politics. Secondarily, the film elevates Mexican illegal immigrants to a near-sacred status. Collectively, these representations of non-White groups amount to a cringe-inducing romanticization of the Other, all of which is further amplified by a one-dimensional and mystifyingly juvenile caricature of the police and military as ‘fascist’ thugs wantonly committing summary executions and getting sexually aroused by Black women pressing loaded guns against them. It’s all so very strange.

Such characterizations are informative, however, in revealing the modern Left’s current morality play. Here lies a paranoid, conspiratorial mindset, and an emotional rendering of Black and Brown groups’ respective ‘persecutions’ in a ‘fascist’ America. In today’s Cultural Marxism, which might be more accurately called Identity Marxism, traditional Marxist conflict theory (of oppressor vs oppressed) is applied to identity groups rather than just economic classes. This post-1960s trend centers on identity politics — focusing on race, gender, and sexuality — to create a matrix of oppression, a blueprint from which one can restructure society.

Beyond its boilerplate agitprop qualities, One Battle is more interesting when looked at as just one more instance of Hollywood’s many liberal revenge fantasies against White America. One Battle does this in much the same way that films such as Jordan Peele’s Get Out (2017) or Ryan Coogler’s Sinners (2025) do.[1]

Liberal film critic Richard Brody describes One Battle as “a work of grand symbolic design” and speaks for many progressive fans of the film when he interprets Anderson’s alternate history narrative in hyperbolic terms. Anderson, he writes, “looks profoundly beyond the immediate terms of his fiction to reach powerful insights regarding the horrors of the moment” (Brody, 2025). The film attempts to juxtapose absurdist political satire (primarily of conservatism, à la Kubrick’s Dr. Strangelove) with earnest Leftist preaching and hand-wringing, but the stark contrasts in style — correlated with the respective political positions — only serves to highlight the film’s didacticism. In short, One Battle captures the contorted, paranoid psyche and moral framework of today’s Left and stands as the most influential liberal moral panic film of the past year.

II.            Age of Anxiety and The Leftist Moral Panic

It is not exactly a new nor controversial thesis to say that our culture feels unmoored. Among the Western nations, the crisis of post-industrial late modernity is real and its causes multifold. We can divide these causes into internalized and externalized factors. The external factors are objectively external (e.g., atomization & social fragmentation; mass third world immigration; feminization of culture; digital information overload; A.I.) while the internalized factors are just that: attitudes and beliefs altered within individuals and, by extension, society as a whole. From a Voegelinian perspective[2], we can see a loosely causative and almost circular relationship to these internal factors, some of which include: alienation => digital anxiety => narcissism => epistemic instability => conspiracy theorizing => gnosticism => radicalization (i.e., activist transformation of the world). The Left and the Right of course react to the external factors in vastly different ways, and so internalize their subsequent anxieties differently. With respect to how the Left reacts to these external factors — that is, how they internalize associated anxieties into their psyches (and their art) — One Battle serves as an archetypal example.

In The End of Ideology (1960), Daniel Bell argued that in prosperous democracies, the grand, transformative political ideologies of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries — the ideologies which aimed to radically reshape society (e.g., Marxism, Nazism) — no longer inspire mass commitment. Revolutionary appeals to the working class were effectively diffused by Keynesianism and an expanding welfare state. Bell and likeminded thinkers anticipated that, in the West, politics would shift toward pragmatic, incremental, piecemeal problem-solving — technical adjustments, expert-driven reforms, and pluralist negotiation — rather than sweeping ideological visions or eschatological promises of utopia. In the U.S., this has largely been true: the Leftist radical activism of the 1960s–1970s (e.g., Weather Underground, Black Panthers) faded into insignificance, eventually becoming little more than touchpoints of cultural nostalgia, much like the Hippies.

Unlike in the 1960s, among today’s influential Leftists there is no explicit call for revolution per se, at least none with any real traction, no political manifesto akin to Marx’s to rally behind and serve as a foundational organizational text. Leftist propaganda today is delivered in a more personalized and individualized form, commensurate with our social media age of curated information flows. If there is anything resembling a unifying ideology for today’s Left, it is Wokeness. This presents itself as a hazy and inexact form of moral indignation, one that collectively coalesces around Anti-Whiteness. Far more so than class, today’s Left is animated by identity politics surrounding race and gender.

In The Opium of the Intellectuals (1955), Raymond Aron argued that Leftist ideology functions like a secular religion, immune to evidence and hostile to dissent. Marxism became the “opium” of Western intellectuals, offering moral exaltation, historical certainty, and a sense of belonging while obscuring the layers and complexities of political reality. Aron argued that the Left had become a moral identity rather than a coherent political program: intellectuals equated “Left” with justice and “Right” with reactionism, fascism, racism, and the like. While Aron’s book is chiefly a dissection of French left-wing conformism and intellectual life in the 1940s–1950s, it has predictive value when evaluating the modern Left in the U.S., which has in many ways begun to parallel the trajectory of 1960s French Leftism, not so much in revolutionary ambitions (e.g., May 1968) but in the spiritual despair, nihilism and narcissism that underlies it.[3] The influential conservative philosopher Roger Scruton, who witnessed the May ’68 riots while in Paris, has described them as “a kind of adolescent insouciance, a throwing away of all customs, institutions, and achievements, for the sake of a momentary exultation which could have no lasting sense save anarchy” (Scruton, 2003).

So, might we be in the early stages of a resurgent, 1960s-style, radical activism among the Left… a Version 2.0? The Far Left has made serious inroads toward control of the Democratic Party: younger generations adept at social media (AOC, Mamdani, etc.) are shaping the Party’s intrinsic national message, which in turn changes the Party’s platform, actualized policies, and lastly and sometimes reluctantly, the stated positions of the Party’s elders themselves. (As an example, one need only look at the radical leftward change in position on illegal immigration that figures such as Joe Biden, Barack Obama, and Hilary Clinton have displayed from the mid-1990s to the present). Particularly among the young, there is also the Left’s increasing propensity and willingness to use violence to achieve political goals (Antifa rioting; George Floyd rioting, the assassination of Charlie Kirk; two assassination attempts on Donald Trump; the Left’s lionization of Luigi Mangione, who murdered UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson; numerous attempts to murder ICE agents; etc.), which comports with the political message of One Battle.[4]

III.          Weather Underground + Black Liberation Army = French 75

In One Battle, the fictional, far-Left, militant, revolutionary group called the French 75 is based on a fusion of the Weather Underground and the Black Liberation Army. The title One Battle After Another was itself taken from a Weather Underground missive written by Bernardine Dohrn in 1969. In a February 2026 interview[5], the ever-unrepentant Weather Underground terrorist (and Obama mentor) Bill Ayers effusively praises Paul Thomas Anderson’s film One Battle After Another (2025) and asserts that Anderson “obviously read everything about the Weather Underground. He obviously listened to our son Zade Dohrn’s podcast Mother Country Radicals. He obviously researched Assata Shakur and the Black Liberation Army.” Ayers argues that Anderson, in taking the now-mythic iconography of 1960s radicalism and placing it in a contemporary timeframe, un-freezes this chapter of American history from cultural nostalgia and makes it relevant for our current times, almost as a call to action.

“The title One Battle After Another,” Ayers says in an eye-opening part of the interview, “is taken from a speech Bernardine [Dohrn] gave. … The context of the speech was explaining how we can be defeated but we have to keep going,” i.e., we must fight one battle after another.[6] What Ayers is referring to isn’t a traditional speech but a revolutionary statement written by Dohrn in the October 21, 1969 edition of FIRE!, the Weather Underground’s propaganda-style publication that became associated with the terrorist group after it literally went underground.[7] The statement reads:

On Monday, October 6, a pig statue honoring the murderers of Chicago strikers was blown to bits. On Tuesday, October 7, the head of the Chicago Pig Sergeants Association said that “SDS has declared war on the Chicago Police — from here on in it’s kill or be killed.” On Wednesday, October 8 a white fighting force was born in the streets of pig city. … We came to Chicago to join the other side — to stop talking and start fighting … to destroy the motherfucker from the inside.

There were only 500 of us, but we forced Pig Daley to call in the Guard… We did what we set out to do, and in the process turned a corner. FROM HERE ON IN IT’S ONE BATTLE AFTER ANOTHER — WITH WHITE YOUTH JOINING IN THE FIGHT AND TAKING THE NECESSARY RISKS. PIG AMERIKA — BEWARE: THERE’S AN ARMY GROWING RIGHT IN YOUR GUTS, AND IT’S GOING TO HELP BRING YOU DOWN. DID THAT PIG SAY KILL OR BE KILLED?

What can we infer from this? Well, it would appear that Anderson either named his film One Battle After Another after encountering Dorhn’s rant himself or after someone in his circle of family/friends suggested the title after they had read Dohrn’s rant. In either case, it is implausible that Anderson did not know of Dohrn’s rant when deciding to name his movie. Given Anderson’s auteur status as a writer/director, and the absolute (and rare) creative control he has over his filmmaking process, it would be far too coincidental otherwise. Furthermore, any doubts can be laid to rest when we consider that Anderson’s script has the Perfidia character use a phrase from the above Dohrn rant: In her “declaration of war” to the guards of the migrant detention facility, she characterizes her violent activism as itself a natural reaction. “We’re here to right your wrongs, motherfucker. You got an army growing in your fucking guts, and you put it there.”

This, in turn, leads us to wonder if Anderson’s militant radicalism is far deeper than he publicly reveals. It’s either that or his turning a blind eye to the Weather Underground’s ideological justification for violence signals a stunning naivety. In any event, the film in no uncertain terms depicts domestic terrorism committed by militant Leftists in a sympathetic light.

It is important to remember the extent to which the Jewish-dominated Weather Underground leadership sanctioned genocidal levels of violence, when the time came. Larry Grathwohl, an FBI informant who infiltrated the highest ranks of the Weather Underground, reported how the group’s leadership estimated that, once the Revolution had succeeded in the United States, they would need to kill 25 million people. Grathwohl writes: “I want you to imagine sitting in a room with 25 people, most of whom have graduate degrees from Columbia and other well-known educational centers, and hear them figuring out the logistics for the elimination of 25 million people. … And they were dead serious” (Kengor, 2013).

It is also important to remember how the Weather Underground’s leadership believed it to ultimately be their duty to step aside and allow Blacks and Browns to be the revolutionary vanguard. Some of this sentiment was driven by frustration with the reactionism of the Nixon-era White working class, but the stronger sentiment was that this willful dispossession of leadership was a moral imperative. “We believed that the revolution led by Black and brown people was imminent,” notes one former Weather Underground member, “and it was our job to convince working-class whites to act as foot soldiers” (Reeves, 2026). Lastly, it cannot be overemphasized just how pathologically anti-White the Weather Underground was in their ideology and rhetoric, which in many ways anticipated our own Woke era’s anti-Whiteness.

Of course, none of this is on display in One Battle, just milder, coded allusions within an overall irresponsible liberal revenge fantasy of a film. “This fantasy may coincide with contemporary turmoil,” writs Armond White, “but its mixture of political absurdity, comic bloodshed, and racial farce merely exploits Millennial confusion” (White, 2025). For example, among the coded references is how, throughout the film, saying “Green Acres, Beverly Hillbillies, Hooterville Junction!” serves as a passcode for French 75 members to identify one another. Within the film, that’s as far as the reference goes, but in the 1960s, these sitcoms (with “Hooterville Junction” being a substitute for “Petticoat Junction”) were set in rural White locales, antithetical to Black urban locales, and so became a target of rage by Black militants. This exact phrase (along with other cultural references to Whites) is used in Gil Scott-Heron’s 1971 black liberation song “The Revolution Will Not Be Televised”, which can be heard in One Battle and which, lyrically, drips with resentment against Whites and their culture:

Green Acres, Beverly Hillbillies, and Hooterville Junction
Will no longer be so damn relevant
And women will not care if Dick finally got down with Jane
On Search for Tomorrow
Because black people will be in the street looking for a brighter day
The revolution will not be televised.

With various cultural references like this, Anderson doesn’t come right out and directly broadcast his radicalism, but rather provides the select viewer with a wink and a nod. The closest reveal of Anderson’s true political philosophy is via the minor character of Howard Sommerville (Paul Grimstad) who isn’t in the film very long and serves as an incongruous placeholder for Anderson to briefly articulate his own meta-level political ideology. We see Sommerville sitting alone in a café drafting the speech he’ll eventually deliver over guerrilla radio airwaves (that we hear in voiceover).

Paul Grimstad as Howard Sommerville in One Battle

We also see Sommerville engaging in Will Stancil-styled barrio activism (handing out pamphlets to Mexicans at a bus station, etc.) during this voiceover. Howard’s diatribe is comprised of standard-issue Marxism, blank-slate race denialism, open borders ‘asylum’ rhetoric, and a call for what Voegelin delineates as the activist transformation of the world:

… maybe starting to see how corrupt to the core this whole fucking charade is. This great noble experiment in self-government. Bought and sold by billionaires. The Davos crowd. Openly racist, fucking Bell Curve Nazis.

It’s bedtime for democracy, comrades … good night. So, you’re feeling, like, maybe your mind is starting to erode? Good. This is happening on the ground, through coordinated effort and strategic lines of resistance. Every day, working through dedicated teamwork, to take it directly to the capitalist overlords, who are extracting value from your life this very second.

Go ahead. What, you think this is Facebook? This is gonna happen on your Instagram? It’s gonna happen on a hashtag somewhere? I think not. And don’t forget, while you’re doing it, that this is a nation that gives asylum. Don’t think they’re separate. Don’t break them apart.

IV.         Influences & Pynchon’s Conspiratorial Mindset

Paul Thomas Anderson’s overall body of work contains an impressive array of films packed with immediacy, visual flair, and stylized mise-en-scène: Hard Eight (1996), Boogie Nights (1997), Magnolia (1999), Punch-Drunk Love (2002), There Will Be Blood (2007), The Master (2012), Inherent Vice (2014), Phantom Thread (2017), Licorice Pizza (2021), and now One Battle After Another (2025).[8] Anderson’s films are driven by intense and often damaged individuals whose inner longings collide with grand American mythologies (fame, family, capitalism), and his narratives often unfold in loosely episodic structures taking place within sprawling, operatic arcs. Among his immediate influences, Robert Altman and Martin Scorsese are most apparent. From Altman we get the ensemble storytelling, the overlapping dialogue, and the chaotic feel of fractured families, and from Scorsese we get the streetwise shot-compositions, kinetic camera movement (Anderson is also a fan of Max Ophüls in this regard), and the popular music needle drops that underscore a scene’s desired emotional effect.[9] There is also the noticeable influence of Stanley Kubrick’s precision and emotional austerity in films such as There Will Be Blood and Phantom Thread. With respect to One Battle, Anderson has cited the following as key influences in the making of the film[10]:

  • Days of Rage: America’s Radical Underground, the FBI, and the Forgotten Age of Revolutionary Violence (2015): Bryan Burrough’s seminal book details the radical underground in the 1970s, documenting a largely forgotten era of intense domestic terrorism in the U.S. He details how groups like the Weather Underground, the Black Liberation Army, and the Symbionese Liberation Army conducted thousands of bombings and killings.[11]
  • Les Misérables (1935): Anderson cites Richard Boleslawski’s 1935 film adaptation of Victor Hugo’s novel, particularly its mad, cacophonous first act that serves as the backdrop and setup for the core human conflict in the story: Inspector Javert’s (Charles Laughton) obsession with capturing ex-convict Jean Valjean (Fredric March).
  • Vanishing Point (1971): Anderson cites Richard Sarafian’s underrated mythopoetic road movie, which I have previously written about.[12] In Vanishing Point, the protagonist is determined to drive from Denver to San Francisco in record time, for an unspecified goal, and his urgency in the matter acts as a purpose-in-itself, where the ultimate telos of one’s ‘vanishing point’ – eyes fixed as far as one can see down the road — symbolizes the annihilation of being that comes with death.
  • Midnight Run (1988): Anderson absolutely loves this witty, buddy-action-comedy-road-movie starring Robert De Niro and Charles Grodin, made in the heyday of the 1980s buddy films craze (e.g., 48 Hrs. (1982), Beverly Hills Cop (1984), and Lethal Weapon (1987)). Anderson says it is both his personal favorite film and his family’s favorite film, which they watch at least twice per year.[13]

Relative to Anderson’s earlier films, with One Battle we have a more frenetic pace that reflects the confused, paranoid, and desperate mindset of today’s Left, where ‘fascism’ is everywhere — in every institution of authority, and even hidden underneath the seemingly benign, trimmed lawns of the suburbs. It is here where Anderson’s literary influences come to the forefront. The majority of Anderson’s films are based upon his own original screenplays, but in the case of There Will Be Blood, Anderson adapted his screenplay from Upton Sinclair’s socialist novel Oil! (1927), and in One Battle After Another (as with Inherent Vice) we have Anderson adapting a screenplay loosely based on the novel Vineland (1990) written by his most significant and lasting literary influence: Thomas Pynchon[14].

Pynchon is one of the founders (and giants) of postmodern fiction, a satirical genre that — through devices of irony, self-referentiality, and non-linear narrative — parodies modernist fiction just as modernist fiction parodies realist fiction. Pynchon’s oeuvre is replete with conspiracy theories, usually fanciful and ridiculous, and the conspiracies in his novels are typically layered and, despite remaining largely unseen and in the background, serve as the magnetic center of the novels’ events. Countercultural anti-hero protagonists, often burned-out pot-smoking 60s-era radicals, stumble through the novel’s plot and life in general, but then also stumble onto actual conspiracies they soon find themselves caught up in. The harrowing realities of the conspiracy, the upending of one’s conventional ways of understanding the world, take their toll on characters’ psyches, leading to an ever-worsening paranoia. In many ways, Pynchon’s novels, characterized by hidden connections and multiple interpretive levels, provide interwoven, gnostic systems of meaning to the characters and to the reader. Contours of ‘The System’ are delimited. It is most interesting, then, when Harold Bloom characterizes Pynchon’s novels as Kabbalistic.[15]

The conspiracy-theory-as-plot-device is itself greatly influenced by early American detective fiction (e.g., Hammett, Chandler), a genre that in a more straightforward literary manner involves mystery and unknown forces which the hero does not fully understand. Over the course of typically three acts, a slow and suspenseful unraveling of a conspiracy takes place. Of course, the conspiracy itself may be relatively low-level, and not necessarily part of a particular, more macro-level one, but a conspiracy nonetheless. As with the genre of classic film noir — which inherits all the essential tropes of detective fiction and was often helmed by liberal Jewish émigré directors — there is a darkened moral atmosphere to the world and a growing skepticism toward institutions. Gone is the clean moral universe of classic whodunits. Instead, justice is compromised, authority corrupted, truth rarely restores order, and the protagonist (often a grizzled and jaded private detective) uncovers guilt without being able to meaningfully correct it. The fatalism inherent in this worldview (and the arc of conspiracy theories in general) coincides with the explosive growth in the twentieth century, particularly since World War II, of both the federal government and large corporations, i.e., the prevailing dominance of the bureaucratic-administrative state and its nexus with corporate interests.[16] The institutions that effectively control us have become ever more faceless, unaccountable, and remote from the average citizen, and in One Battle this type of dark and cloaked entity — as it is imagined by the Leftist’s conspiratorial mindset — is the fictional White supremacist secret society called the Christmas Adventurers Club.

V.           Characters+

Bob Ferguson

Leonardo DiCaprio plays Bob Ferguson (aka “Ghetto” Pat Calhoun aka “Rocketman”), a former 60s radical who was an explosives expert for the film’s fictional domestic terrorist group French 75.[17] In the film’s aforementioned opening sequence, we see Bob in his earlier activist/terrorist years as he participates in ‘liberating’ a migrant detention facility. Whether intended by Anderson or not, we witness the pathetic spectacle of this out-of-place, White, ‘60s revolutionary surrounded by Black radicals and Mexican illegals, screaming insults to the DHS soldiers whom the French 75 has just placed inside the very ‘cages’ that minutes ago held illegal aliens:

We are a political organization that is free from the eyes, the ears, and most importantly, the weapons of the imperialist state, and this fascist regime! You are a political prisoner of the French 75, motherfuckers! You’ve been captured by the French 75! Fuck the police! Viva La Revolución!

Leonardo DiCaprio as Bob Ferguson (aka “Ghetto” Pat Calhoun aka “Rocketman”)

In the 16 years since the film’s opening sequence timeline, Bob has changed his identity and fled to the fictional town of Baktan Cross in Northern California, but his identity and sense of self are still inextricably linked to his past revolutionary activities and political philosophy. However, he’s now a man-bun-sporting, paranoid burn-out dressed in Jeffrey Lebowski bathrobe attire, who spends his days smoking pot, vaping, and watching Battle of Algiers. His existence now is nothing more than as a vessel of nostalgia, save for him being the (cucked) “father” of his mixed-race daughter Willa. In fact, Bob has been cucked thrice-over. First, he doesn’t realize that he’s not the biological father of Willa (though Perfidia surely does). Second, he’s been cucked by the Revolution, as Perfidia abandons him and Willa to “do the revolution.” Third, he’s been cucked by his own feminism, reflected in his inability to be a stern and responsible father to his daughter.

DiCaprio has commented on his character’s old-school hippie/libertarian streak, of the type one finds in certain Northern CA towns such as Eureka:

Bob is what I like to call a don’t tread on me, anti-establishment, hippie revolutionary who is paranoid about anything and everything. He doesn’t want to be taxed. He doesn’t want to be monitored. He’s incredibly skeptical of everyone and everything around him. He hides himself off in the middle of the woods and stays home, watches movies like The Battle of Algiers, smokes pot and drinks, but has one objective, and that’s to protect his daughter (Bowie, 2025).

Through Bob, we see a previous-generation Leftie feeling awkward around the new generation Lefties: namely Generation Pronoun & Generation Snowflake. When his daughter’s friends arrive at their home to take her to a school dance, there is this exchange:

Bob: Now, who’s the one with the lipstick? What’s that one’s name?
Willa: Bobo.
Bob: Bobo … Now, is that a he or a she or a they?
Willa: Dad, come on.
Bob: No, are they transitioning? I wanna know if…
Willa: They’re nonbinary.
Bob: Okay, I just wanna be polite…
Willa: It’s not that hard! … They/them.

Later in the film, when Bob is on the run, we see him on the phone with French 75 headquarters, trying to determine the arranged rendezvous point with his daughter. He’s talking to a whiny guy (“Comrade Josh”), but because he cannot remember the password code to the question “What time is it?,” Josh does not give him this information. Bob pleads with him to make an exception, but Josh repeatedly refuses. After Bob explodes in rage at Josh, cursing at him and threatening him, they have this exchange:

Josh: Okay, this doesn’t feel safe. You’re violating my space right now.
Bob: Violating your space?! Man, come on… What kind of revolutionary are you?! We’re not even in the same room here! We’re talking on the phone, like men!
Josh: Okay, there’s no need to shout. This is a violation of my safety. These are noise triggers.

At an important level, Bob belongs to the pantheon of the Hapless Male trope, namely the endless drumbeat of predictably inept men (almost always White) that Hollywood and Madison Ave churn out in movies, sitcoms, and TV commercials. Invariably, these bumbling and not-all-that-smart males serve as comic relief, but are eventually guided, rescued, or otherwise saved by either a Strong Woman (aka the Mary Sue trope), a non-White, or the intersection of both.[18] Even the New York Times, ever late to noticing cultural trends it did not itself create, has put One Battle into this context. In a piece entitled “Dramas Keep Showing Us Hapless Men—and Hypercompetent Women,” Diego Hadis discusses several recent movies, including One Battle, where the three male protagonists all “fit the archetype of the schlemiel: irredeemably inept, an accident of a person, the butt of some great cosmic joke” (Hadis, 2026). These clueless males are eventually teamed up with ‘hypercompetent women’:

The women they come across, on the other hand, seem ready for anything. They might see several chess moves ahead of both the protagonists and antagonists. They know how to affect the world of the movie, and they do so with ease — exactly what the actual “hero” of the story is completely unable to do. …

They are ever-present — and they are usually so capable, so confidently efficacious, that if they were the story’s focus, the movie would be over in 15 minutes. (Hadis, 2026).

In the case of One Battle:

Perfidia is the film’s driving force, directing the group’s strategy and taking Bob as a lover; her actions push the story forward even after she leaves. All through the film, though, so many of the women Bob encounters have things together in ways that put him to shame — say, the nurse doing intake at a police station after Bob is arrested in a military raid, who hands him off to another nurse, at a hospital, who calmly, unflappably leads him to freedom. Even Bob’s teenage daughter, Willa, is the responsible one, a purple belt in karate who effectively parents her own father. (Hadis, 2026).

Rather than criticizing these tired girlboss tropes for being as formulaic as the Waif-Fu trope (i.e., action movies where a 100 lb. girl handily beats up 250 lb. men), Hadis not surprisingly adopts the New York Times’ “it’s time for women to run the world” approach:

The fact that these figures are so often women may be a way of suggesting that men have had their run, and look where it has gotten us. … We should not be surprised if the coming years bring more films like these — all dreaming that there is somebody out there with whom we might throw in our lot, somebody competent enough to tell us what to do to make the world right (Hadis, 2026).

This last sentiment is very much a feminist call-to-action-for-women in One Battle’s final scene.

Perfidia Beverly Hills

Perfidia Beverly Hills (Teyana Taylor) is the Strong Black Woman trope par excellence and the leader of the French 75. And while one of the world’s most famous movie stars is in One Battle, it is Perfidia who Anderson deems the film’s main character. He notes:

I had a feeling like, Perfidia needs to feel like she’s the protagonist, the hero of the movie. You know, Leo might be in it, Sean might be in it, all these well-known actors are in it, but you see Teyana and it’s like: That’s the star of the movie. I wanted audiences to feel like, this is really a movie about a Black revolutionary (Fear, 2025).

In the film’s opening illegal-immigration-liberation scene, when she first encounters Lockjaw and has a gun pointed at him, she declares her aforementioned political mission, which Anderson has clumsily written to shoehorn in a pro-abortion sentiment:

My name is Perfidia Beverly Hills, and this is a declaration of war. We’re here to right your wrongs, motherfucker. … You didn’t count on me. You didn’t count on my fight. The message is clear: free borders, free bodies, free choices, and free from fuckin’ fear!

Teyana Taylor as Perfidia Beverly Hills

The very name ‘Perfidia’ literally means betrayal, which is apropos in this case: Ultimately, she betrays Bob by being attracted to, and having sex with, Lockjaw. She betrays the French 75 in a plea deal with authorities that involves her ratting out their names and locations. And she betrays her daughter by abandoning her. (Naturally, despite all of this irresponsibility and dysfunction, her daughter Willa still ‘relates’ to her in the film’s ending). Her middle and last name of “Beverly Hills” should not be overlooked either: this is Anderson situating one front of the revolutionary vanguard (at least nominally) within the manicured lawns of Beverly Hills, and perhaps giving Hollywood liberals a jab for not being sufficiently committed to Leftist causes and the associated ‘direct action’.

Anderson writes Perfidia as experiencing post-partum depression, and she abnegates her maternal role to her newborn infant Willa as a result, with Bob carrying the load. When Bob scolds her, reminding her that they “are a family now,” Perfidia uses her revolutionary politics to justify her abandonment of the mother role: “This is a new consciousness. I’m not your udder buddy. I’m not your mother. You want your power over me, the same reason you want your power over the world. You and your crumbling male ego will never do this revolution like me.”

Anderson no doubt based Perfidia on Assata Shakur, who joined the Black Panther Party in the late 1960s before becoming involved with the Black Liberation Army. She gained notoriety after a 1973 shootout on the New Jersey Turnpike that resulted in the death of a state trooper. She was convicted of murder in 1977 and sentenced to life in prison, but in 1979 escaped with the help of supporters. She then lived in the underground until 1984 when she was granted asylum in Cuba, where she lived until her death in 2025 at age 78. As an example of the standard hagiography heaped on Shakur by the Left, Nikole Hannah-Jones (of the ‘1619 Project’ infamy) was granted a New York Times op-ed slot to celebrate Shakur. The piece is full of gems, including this quote from Angela Davis, the more famously feted Black Female Revolutionary:

Angela Davis, the activist who was wrongly imprisoned during that same tumultuous period, told me women were the backbone of Black radical movements and “the government probably recognized more than even our own people did the power of Black women. (Hannah-Jones, 2025)

In One Battle, after a bank heist goes awry, and which involves Perfidia killing a bank guard, she is apprehended by the police. (Anderson cowardly casts a Black male to play the murdered bank guard, so as to deflect attention from the prevailing Black-on-White nature of violent crime in America). We then see an all-White gaggle of cops cheering and flipping her off while taking selfies.

Lockjaw, thoroughly smitten with her, arranges for her to get a witness protection plea deal, in exchange for beginning an illicit affair. She puts up with this for a certain duration before fleeing (ironically through an official border crossing into Mexico) for a destination that, we learn later in the film, is either Cuba or Algiers, both being locations that actual 1960s Black radicals fled to when U.S. authorities were on their tail.

Willa Ferguson

The progeny of Perfidia and (shockingly) Lockjaw, Willa (Chase Infiniti) is nonetheless raised by Bob alone, given that Perfidia abandoned the family when Willa was an infant. As the film fast-forwards sixteen years later, we see Willa now sixteen herself, receiving karate instruction from Sergio St. Carlos. Steely Dan’s “Dirty Work” is playing on the soundtrack, which lyrically signifies the degradation of Bob and Perfidia’s revolutionary romance into a domestic aftermath where Bob is the sole parent, having ‘cleaned up’ Perfidia’s mess. (Bob once imagined himself as part of History; now he’s an exhausted man left holding the child, the guilt, the secrets, and the consequences).

Chase Infiniti as Willa Ferguson

Willa is now a rather typical American teen female. She has a cell phone that she hides from Bob (who has forbidden them), They/Them friends, and Girl Power attitude. In terms of both cultural attitudes and Leftist political strategies, Willa represents the notable generation gap relative to Bob’s generation. She is described to Bob as a natural ‘leader’ by her high school history teacher, which leads Bob to cry tears of pride.

In terms of plot, Willa is the aforementioned hyper-competent female forced to deal with Bob’s rather inept ‘dumb White guy’ persona. (The father-daughter dynamic between Bob and Willa is a central aspect of One Battle, no doubt partly a function of Anderson’s own relationship with his three biracial daughters).

Signifying where her future will lead after the movie ends, and with Lockjaw and his men searching for her, Willa is offered protection by a group of young, Black, radical, pot-smoking, ghetto-speaking, machine-gun-toting nuns called the “Sisters of the Brave Beaver” (inspired by Sisters of the Valley, an actual hippie convent), the name of which is yet another of Anderson’s bizarre sexualization of radical politics. At this ‘convent’ Willa learns how to shoot. (It’s significant then that Anderson cast both Maya Rudolph and one of his daughters to play members of this Sisterhood).

Willa at the Sisters of the Brave Beaver

After narrowly averting death at the hands of both Lockjaw and the Christmas Adventurer Club’s hitman, when Bob finally finds her on a remote California desert highway, Willa (having recently learned who her biological father is) screams “Who are you?!” to Bob, who replies to her plaintively by saying “It’s your dad,” which reconciles the two of them. (There may be an undercurrent here of Anderson’s own biracial daughters possibly questioning aspects of their racial identity as well as their father’s). Of this sequence, Anderson has said: “Coming up with the situation for Willa, where she is finally able to take agency over a situation — to turn the tables, be the aggressor, take the high ground — this became very exciting for us” (Fear, 2025).

In One Battle’s final sequence, Bob and Willa are back home safe and sound. Bob decides to finally give Willa a letter that Perfidia had written to her years ago, but that Bob has kept hidden from her. “I wanted to protect you,” he tells Willa, “From all your mom’s shit, from all my shit. I suppose I wanted to be the one that you came to for help. … The cool dad that you could say anything to, even though I know that’s impossible.” Bob gives her the letter and as Willa reads it in her bedroom, we hear the letter’s content being read in voiceover by Perfidia. The letter contains some verbatim lines from an actual letter a Weather Underground member wrote to their family, as shown in the 2002 documentary The Weather Underground.[19] At the 1:16:19 marker of this documentary, we similarly hear one of these letters being read in voiceover: “Hello from the other side of the shadows. I don’t mean to shock you, but I have been contemplating writing you for a long time. … Often I wake up and find it completely inexplicable how and why I am where I am today and disconnected from my family.”

Sergio St. Carlos

A secondary character to One Battle, Sergio St. Carlos (played by Benicio del Toro) — aka “Sensei” — acts as a calm balance to Bob’s frantic and paranoid nature. “Ocean waves,” he often says as a mantra during tense moments. Sergio is both a karate sensei and a ‘coyote’ of sorts for Mexican illegals in the fictional sanctuary city of Baktan Cross. “I’ve got a little Latino Harriet Tubman situation going on at my place,” he tells Bob.[20] With Lockjaw in pursuit of both him and Willa, Bob has reached out to Sergio for help in rescuing Willa. Sergio agrees and, along the way, introduces Bob to his family as the “Gringo Zapata.”

In one rather creepy moment, as Sergio and Bob and driving through a downtown Baktan Cross that is undergoing a fiery battle between protesters, police, and Lockjaw’s forces, Sergio pauses next to a dozen or so Mexican kids on skateboards. “Bee Gee,” he says to one of them he recognizes, “what’s the word?.” With a gloating smile on his face, the kid tells Sergio “It’s fuckin’ World War III out there, yo!”

One Battle has several digs at contemporary cell phone culture, one of which is when Sergio — almost out of character — takes a selfie with Bob. In another scene, when Sergio has to rush the illegals temporarily hiding above a Mexican-operated corner store to a sanctuary church, he yells several times at a Mexican teen minding the store to get off his phone, after Sergio has told him to watch the front door. Soon after, in Sergio’s ramshackle apartment above the store, he tells one of his daughters to get off her phone. In yet another room, we see two more Mexican teen girls on a couch not talking to each other but both staring at their phones. In all these instances, there is a blank look upon each teen’s face as they are staring at their phone.

Del Toro’s most memorable line in the movie takes place after he’s distracted the police away from Bob. Both had been drinking beers earlier. When the police pull Sergio over, they ask him if he’s been drinking. “I’ve had a few,” he says. “A few what?” asks one of the cops. “Few small beers” Sergio replies.

Benicio del Toro as Sergio St. Carlos

Colonel Steven J. Lockjaw (Sean Penn)

The film’s one-dimensional villain is Colonel Steven J. Lockjaw (Sean Penn). A military man who dutifully follows orders, Lockjaw is nonetheless a corrupt military officer without scruples. He stands as a cartoonish representation of White Christian society, White supremacism, and reactionary politics — all rolled into one. He is depicted as perpetually angry and violent. His surname is, of course, meant to convey a clenched jaw and Penn portrays Lockjaw with a stilted, tight-ass gait, as well as an undercut ‘fash’ hairstyle that — when he meets with the Christmas Adventurers Club, a White supremacist secret society — is combed to be Hitler-like. (There isn’t much in the way of subtleties with One Battle). Sean Penn’s rumored years on steroids serves the role’s physicality well, although he seems to overact here (but in his defense the script probably called for an over-the-top military racist).[21]

Sean Penn as Colonel Steven J. Lockjaw

Reflecting how the Left often sees all uniformed law enforcement entities as one monolithic army of ‘fascism,’ One Battle blurs the lines between police, traditional military, and paramilitary law enforcement roles. Lockjaw is the commanding officer of a fictional paramilitary group called the “MKU” (Mankind United). While his role involves overseeing an immigration detention center on the U.S.-Mexico border, MKU functions as a distinct, specialized government organization rather than a traditional branch of the military.[22]

At one point in the film, we see what appears to be the FBI or some other element of the DOJ awarding Lockjaw with the ‘Bedford Forrest Medal of Honor’ for his work hunting down members of the French 75. (Forrest was a Confederate general during the American Civil War who later served as the first Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan).

Despite his White supremacism bona fides, Lockjaw secretly harbors a largely repressed sexual obsession with Black women, so a miscegenation element also becomes crucial to the motivations of the film’s villain. Early in the film, Lockjaw is sexually humiliated by Perfidia but depicted as enjoying it, as it leads to his sexual arousal and then his “reverse rape” (as he later describes it). This display of a conservative White alpha male enjoying sadomasochistic submission to an angry, armed Black woman (complete with a gun pointed at his crotch) serves as a caricature of Second Amendment gun rights advocates and, more importantly, as a humiliation ritual for White males. If there is one grand metanarrative to One Battle, it is as a liberal revenge fantasy against conservative White men. Lockjaw symbolizes this class, first through his depicted arrogance and coldness, then later through ritual humiliation, disfigurement, and death.

In the film’s only scene between him and Bob, we see Lockjaw use very few words to indirectly articulate his jealousy that Bob has Perfidia and not him. “You like Black girls?” he asks Bob. “I love ‘em. … I LOVE ‘EM!” One X user has aptly memed this exchange as emblematic of how poorly drawn Lockjaw is from the standpoint of character depth:

In yet another tired trope of Leftist ‘explanations’ of conservatism, the film makes implications that Lockjaw is a closeted homosexual.[23] In one exchange — after Lockjaw has abducted Willa and deploys a DNA test to prove (or disprove) that she is, in fact, his biological daughter — it’s implied that Lockjaw is a repressed homosexual:

Willa: Why is your shirt so tight?
Lockjaw: I’m not gay, if that’s what you’re saying.
Willa: I didn’t say that.
Lockjaw: I’m not a homosexual.
Willa: I did not say that … but I see the lifts in your shoes.

Such is the sort of dialogue that wins the Oscar for Best Adapted Screenplay.

In this same scene between Lockjaw and Willa, he says to her at one point, in an over-the-top display of White-against-Black racial hostility: “You shut up! JUST SHUT UP, YOU FUCKING MUTT!!”. In addition to being a racial insult, this dialogue also serves to express the Left’s absurd notion that Blacks are being held in silence by the ‘institutional racism’ of White society. One can only wonder if Anderson is conveying his own daughters’ real (or, more likely, imagined) experiences, his own fears about what his daughters may face in the future, or whether through the character of Lockjaw he’s clumsily articulating his own inner demons on his daughters’ mixed-race status.

Having determined through a DNA test which he’s administered to Willa that she is in fact his biological daughter, and hence a threat to his acceptance into the Christmas Adventurers Club, Lockjaw decides to kill her, but not before mocking and insulting her further:

I am a Christmas Adventurer! Do you know what that is? I have a higher calling. It is a higher honor than having you. I loved her, in case you were wondering. Best goddamn-looking witch I ever saw. Yeah, she was possessed. … She was insane. Like you. You have it in you. I smelled it from within her, and I can smell it from within you.

Lockjaw binds Willa’s hands and drives her out to a remote canyon location where he meets Avanti (Eric Schweig), whom from their exchange we easily infer has done this sort of contract-killing work for Lockjaw numerous times in the past. “I don’t do kids,” Avanti says, even after Lockjaw offers to double his rate. Lockjaw then tells Avanti to instead take Willa to a remote private militia actually called…. drumroll… “1776,” fully confident that they will have no compunction in killing Willa. And, in case the didactic allegory here isn’t yet clear, we have Avanti the American Indian ultimately deciding to sacrifice himself by killing all the 1776 members and saving Willa, before dying himself in the gun exchange. (We know that Avanti is Indian not only from his physiognomy, but because one of the evil 1776 members derisively refers to him as “Wagon-burner”).

In a myriad of ways, and from absolutely every angle, Lockjaw is the bogeyman that a Jewish-dominated Hollywood fear most. Thus, despite Lockjaw being a comically one-dimensional character (and Sean Penn’s performance being almost camp), what Lockjaw represents resonates with Hollywood’s political imagination. It isn’t surprising then that One Battle wins a bunch of Oscars, including Sean Penn winning for Best Supporting Actor.

End of Part 1.


[1] With the 2026 Academy Awards, Sinners laughably received the most Oscar nominations of any film in history. Coogler, who is Black and is best known for the Black Panther movies which inspired the emergent Wakanda mythos, constructs Sinners with a Black-centric orientation and a didactic plot involving White vampires who prey upon Blacks, ‘turning’ these Black victims into vampires themselves. In a racialized variation of From Dusk till Dawn (1996), the social-justice messaging in Sinners is hilariously heavy-handed.

[2] Voegelin’s The New Science of Politics: An Introduction (1952) provides a useful lens for understanding the political implications of widening conspiracy theories and totalizing ideologies. Voegelin views the ideological pathologies of modernity to be gnostic in structure. Such ideologies often claim access to special knowledge (gnōsis) which reveals the hidden truth of history, and promises that salvation can be achieved within the world rather than beyond it.

[3] We can see this despair and self-absorption in such films as the Maoist director Jean-Luc Godard’s La Chinoise (1967) and being satirized by Wes Anderson in The French Dispatch (2021).

[4] For empirical data on the Left’s growing willingness to use violence, see Rufo (2025) and Dulberg & Horder (2025).

[5] Bill Ayers interview, AirGo podcast Episode 386 (“One Battle After Another, Fascism, and Activism During the 60s”), https://youtu.be/XbB40aRz8bg?si=cqUkawiHyESaQbE7, uploaded to YouTube on February 12, 2026 by Respair Production & Media.

[6] Bernardine Dohrn (born Bernardine Rae Ohrnstein) was a leader of the Weather Underground and is the wife of Bill Ayers. Her son Zayd Ayers Dohrn also asserts that the movie title One Battle After Another comes from his mother. See Dohrn (2026).

[7] See Varon (2004), pp. 107–108. Mark Rudd, a prominent SDS leader at Columbia in 1968 who went on to become one of the original leaders of the Weatherman / Weather Underground, and who is himself Jewish, has written about the significant overrepresentation of Jews in the New Left, particularly in leadership positions (Rudd, 2005). Lichter & Rothman (1981) estimate that Jews accounted for approximately 60% of the New Left in the mid-1960s. See also MacDonald (1998, Ch. 3 “Jews and the Left”) and Rudd (2009).

[8] Magnolia (1999) was already on the pulse of where our culture has been drifting for quite some time. The randomness and contingency of life is explored through a series of rather sad and lonely characters, almost all of them male, desperately seeking love and connection. One outlet for this state of affairs is the charismatic and cultish self-help guru Frank T.J. Mackey (Tom Cruise), who preaches a misogynous ethos (ala Andrew Tate) which teaches men how to “Seduce and Destroy” and whose manosphere seminar’s intro music is Strauss’s Thus Spake Zarathustra.

[9] As with Scorsese, music is central for Anderson. In One Battle, this is accomplished through existing songs such as Steely Dan’s “Dirty Work” and Tom Petty and the Heartbreakers’ “American Girl”, as well as through original sountrack compositions. Jon Brion’s anxious, percussive experimentation and Jonny Greenwood’s jarring modernist score (solo piano doing staccato drone patterns and then dissonant passages aurally representing a character’s paranoia) deepen a scene’s psychological tension.

[10] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S8Q35vXE9bI.

[11] For a brief summary of Burrough’s book, see Van de Camp (2020).

[12] Max West, Vanishing Point (1971). https://logicalmeme.com/vanishing-point-1971/

[13] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E8WW4jJ59d4.

[14] Development of a Vineland adaptation has been a pet project of Anderson’s since the early 90s when he first read and became obsessed with the novel. Anderson’s film Inherent Vice (2014) is a relatively faithful adaptation of Pynchon’s novel of the same name, and The Master (2012) contains elements based on Pynchon’s novel V (1963), such as the protagonist being a discharged sailor who connects with a cult-like group of individuals. (See Arblaster, 2022).

[15] Bloom shares Pynchon’s liberal paranoia that White Christian Fascists lurk behind every tree and every lawn ornament, aligning him with the pronounced history of Jewish antagonism to Christianity and Gentilism. “The not unimpressive polemic of Norman Mailer — that Fascism always lurks where plastic dominates — is in Pynchon not a polemic but a total vision” (Bloom, 2003, p. 2). Jews love Pynchon, not only because of his radical Leftwing idealism but also because of these Kabbalistic-style attempts to placate a lingering paranoia and persecution complex with elaborate gnostic conspiracy theories. See, for example, Mendelson, Edward (ed.). Pynchon: A Collection of Critical Essays (1978). Pynchon is not himself Jewish but was raised both Catholic and Episcopalian.

[16] See, for example, James Burnham on the managerial–bureaucratic class and the writings of Samuel Francis and Curtis Yarvin (aka Mencius Moldbug).

[17] DiCaprio notes that his own father was a 1960s counterculture radical and bombmaker who “hung out with Abbie Hoffman.” In preparation for his role, DiCaprio cites as influences the book Days of Rage, Gillo Pontecorvo’s The Battle of Algiers (1966), Al Pacino’s nervous Sonny Wortzik character in Sidney Lumet’s Dog Day Afternoon (1975), and Lumet’s Running on Empty (1988), about a couple who are continually on the move with assumed identities, after having committed terrorist acts as part of a Weather Underground-like group. (As noted in Tom Wolfe’s fascinating Radical Chic & Mau-Mauing the Flak Catchers (1970), Lumet hosted a high-end party for the Black Panthers before Leonard Bernstein’s soiree for the Black terrorist group, the latter being the focus of Wolfe’s essay). See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q_cV9ciktoQ.

[18] The ‘White Men Are Stupid In Commercials’ account on X (@StupidWhiteAds) catalogs some of the countless TV commercials that adopt this trope.

[19] http://www.theweatherunderground.info/

[20] It was Del Toro’s idea to have Sergio be a ‘protector’ of Mexican illegals. The scenes with Del Toro were shot almost entirely in El Paso, TX, a city that is today a de facto satellite of Mexico. Anderson “adores” this city and its people. “Being in El Paso, at the center of immigration,” Anderson says, “gave us so much material and local talent to work with. It became the centerpiece of the film and certainly the best time I’ve ever had going to work” (Abramovitch, 2026). Del Toro has said that he and Anderson visited a church in El Paso that serves as a sanctuary for illegals until they get their “paperwork processed”.

[21] Like many on the Left, Anderson seems to equate extreme physical fitness with Rightwing politics and, childishly, homoeroticism. In the film’s opening sequence, many of the soldiers under Lockjaw’s command are physically buff and shown with their shirts off.

[22] MKU is likely modeled after the Border Patrol Tactical Unit (BORTAC), an elite, highly trained special operations unit within the U.S. Border Patrol Special Operations Group. Established in 1984, BORTAC provides national/international response to high-risk incidents, including counter-narcotics, hostage rescue, and riot control. One Battle’s closing credits confirm that MKU stands for Mankind United.

[23] Other notable examples of this trope include the repressed homosexual Col. Frank Fitts (Chris Cooper) in American Beauty (1999) (who also collects Nazi memorabilia to boot) and Major Weldon Penderton (Marlon Brando) in the movie Reflections in a Golden Eye (1967). Bertolucci’s The Conformist (1970) has special relevance here as well. Bertolucci was a Marxist and the visually stunning ‘Fascist aesthetics’ of The Conformist frames the protagonist Marcello’s troubled psyche. However, the narrative assumes a facile Marxism-Freudianism: Marcello’s childhood trauma from sexual abuse and consequent sexual dysfunction serve as a Freudian ‘explanation’ of his political extremism and willingness to assassinate an ‘anti-Fascist’ professor on behalf of the state. Repeatedly, we see the Left’s simplistic depictions and explanations of Rightwing political sentiment as psycho-sexual drama within the bourgeoisie.

Paul Thomas Anderson’s overall body of work contains an impressive array of films packed with immediacy, visual flair, and stylized mise-en-scène: Hard Eight (1996), Boogie Nights (1997), Magnolia (1999), Punch-Drunk Love (2002), There Will Be Blood (2007), The Master (2012), Inherent Vice (2014), Phantom Thread (2017), Licorice Pizza (2021), and now One Battle After Another (2025).[8] Anderson’s films are driven by intense and often damaged individuals whose inner longings collide with grand American mythologies (fame, family, capitalism), and his narratives often unfold in loosely episodic structures taking place within sprawling, operatic arcs. Among his immediate influences, Robert Altman and Martin Scorsese are most apparent. From Altman we get the ensemble storytelling, the overlapping dialogue, and the chaotic feel of fractured families, and from Scorsese we get the streetwise shot-compositions, kinetic camera movement (Anderson is also a fan of Max Ophüls in this regard), and the popular music needle drops that underscore a scene’s desired emotional effect.[9] There is also the noticeable influence of Stanley Kubrick’s precision and emotional austerity in films such as There Will Be Blood and Phantom Thread. With respect to One Battle, Anderson has cited the following as key influences in the making of the film[10]:

  • Days of Rage: America’s Radical Underground, the FBI, and the Forgotten Age of Revolutionary Violence (2015): Bryan Burrough’s seminal book details the radical underground in the 1970s, documenting a largely forgotten era of intense domestic terrorism in the U.S. He details how groups like the Weather Underground, the Black Liberation Army, and the Symbionese Liberation Army conducted thousands of bombings and killings.[11]
  • Les Misérables (1935): Anderson cites Richard Boleslawski’s 1935 film adaptation of Victor Hugo’s novel, particularly its mad, cacophonous first act that serves as the backdrop and setup for the core human conflict in the story: Inspector Javert’s (Charles Laughton) obsession with capturing ex-convict Jean Valjean (Fredric March).
  • Vanishing Point (1971): Anderson cites Richard Sarafian’s underrated mythopoetic road movie, which I have previously written about.[12] In Vanishing Point, the protagonist is determined to drive from Denver to San Francisco in record time, for an unspecified goal, and his urgency in the matter acts as a purpose-in-itself, where the ultimate telos of one’s ‘vanishing point’ – eyes fixed as far as one can see down the road — symbolizes the annihilation of being that comes with death.
  • Midnight Run (1988): Anderson absolutely loves this witty, buddy-action-comedy-road-movie starring Robert De Niro and Charles Grodin, made in the heyday of the 1980s buddy films craze (e.g., 48 Hrs. (1982), Beverly Hills Cop (1984), and Lethal Weapon (1987)). Anderson says it is both his personal favorite film and his family’s favorite film, which they watch at least twice per year.[13]

Relative to Anderson’s earlier films, with One Battle we have a more frenetic pace that reflects the confused, paranoid, and desperate mindset of today’s Left, where ‘fascism’ is everywhere — in every institution of authority, and even hidden underneath the seemingly benign, trimmed lawns of the suburbs. It is here where Anderson’s literary influences come to the forefront. The majority of Anderson’s films are based upon his own original screenplays, but in the case of There Will Be Blood, Anderson adapted his screenplay from Upton Sinclair’s socialist novel Oil! (1927), and in One Battle After Another (as with Inherent Vice) we have Anderson adapting a screenplay loosely based on the novel Vineland (1990) written by his most significant and lasting literary influence: Thomas Pynchon[14].

Pynchon is one of the founders (and giants) of postmodern fiction, a satirical genre that — through devices of irony, self-referentiality, and non-linear narrative — parodies modernist fiction just as modernist fiction parodies realist fiction. Pynchon’s oeuvre is replete with conspiracy theories, usually fanciful and ridiculous, and the conspiracies in his novels are typically layered and, despite remaining largely unseen and in the background, serve as the magnetic center of the novels’ events. Countercultural anti-hero protagonists, often burned-out pot-smoking 60s-era radicals, stumble through the novel’s plot and life in general, but then also stumble onto actual conspiracies they soon find themselves caught up in. The harrowing realities of the conspiracy, the upending of one’s conventional ways of understanding the world, take their toll on characters’ psyches, leading to an ever-worsening paranoia. In many ways, Pynchon’s novels, characterized by hidden connections and multiple interpretive levels, provide interwoven, gnostic systems of meaning to the characters and to the reader. Contours of ‘The System’ are delimited. It is most interesting, then, when Harold Bloom characterizes Pynchon’s novels as Kabbalistic.[15]

The conspiracy-theory-as-plot-device is itself greatly influenced by early American detective fiction (e.g., Hammett, Chandler), a genre that in a more straightforward literary manner involves mystery and unknown forces which the hero does not fully understand. Over the course of typically three acts, a slow and suspenseful unraveling of a conspiracy takes place. Of course, the conspiracy itself may be relatively low-level, and not necessarily part of a particular, more macro-level one, but a conspiracy nonetheless. As with the genre of classic film noir — which inherits all the essential tropes of detective fiction and was often helmed by liberal Jewish émigré directors — there is a darkened moral atmosphere to the world and a growing skepticism toward institutions. Gone is the clean moral universe of classic whodunits. Instead, justice is compromised, authority corrupted, truth rarely restores order, and the protagonist (often a grizzled and jaded private detective) uncovers guilt without being able to meaningfully correct it. The fatalism inherent in this worldview (and the arc of conspiracy theories in general) coincides with the explosive growth in the twentieth century, particularly since World War II, of both the federal government and large corporations, i.e., the prevailing dominance of the bureaucratic-administrative state and its nexus with corporate interests.[16] The institutions that effectively control us have become ever more faceless, unaccountable, and remote from the average citizen, and in One Battle this type of dark and cloaked entity — as it is imagined by the Leftist’s conspiratorial mindset — is the fictional White supremacist secret society called the Christmas Adventurers Club.

V.           Characters+

Bob Ferguson

Leonardo DiCaprio plays Bob Ferguson (aka “Ghetto” Pat Calhoun aka “Rocketman”), a former 60s radical who was an explosives expert for the film’s fictional domestic terrorist group French 75.[17] In the film’s aforementioned opening sequence, we see Bob in his earlier activist/terrorist years as he participates in ‘liberating’ a migrant detention facility. Whether intended by Anderson or not, we witness the pathetic spectacle of this out-of-place, White, ‘60s revolutionary surrounded by Black radicals and Mexican illegals, screaming insults to the DHS soldiers whom the French 75 has just placed inside the very ‘cages’ that minutes ago held illegal aliens:

We are a political organization that is free from the eyes, the ears, and most importantly, the weapons of the imperialist state, and this fascist regime! You are a political prisoner of the French 75, motherfuckers! You’ve been captured by the French 75! Fuck the police! Viva La Revolución!

In the 16 years since the film’s opening sequence timeline, Bob has changed his identity and fled to the fictional town of Baktan Cross in Northern California, but his identity and sense of self are still inextricably linked to his past revolutionary activities and political philosophy. However, he’s now a man-bun-sporting, paranoid burn-out dressed in Jeffrey Lebowski bathrobe attire, who spends his days smoking pot, vaping, and watching Battle of Algiers. His existence now is nothing more than as a vessel of nostalgia, save for him being the (cucked) “father” of his mixed-race daughter Willa. In fact, Bob has been cucked thrice-over. First, he doesn’t realize that he’s not the biological father of Willa (though Perfidia surely does). Second, he’s been cucked by the Revolution, as Perfidia abandons him and Willa to “do the revolution.” Third, he’s been cucked by his own feminism, reflected in his inability to be a stern and responsible father to his daughter.

DiCaprio has commented on his character’s old-school hippie/libertarian streak, of the type one finds in certain Northern CA towns such as Eureka:

Bob is what I like to call a don’t tread on me, anti-establishment, hippie revolutionary who is paranoid about anything and everything. He doesn’t want to be taxed. He doesn’t want to be monitored. He’s incredibly skeptical of everyone and everything around him. He hides himself off in the middle of the woods and stays home, watches movies like The Battle of Algiers, smokes pot and drinks, but has one objective, and that’s to protect his daughter (Bowie, 2025).

Through Bob, we see a previous-generation Leftie feeling awkward around the new generation Lefties: namely Generation Pronoun & Generation Snowflake. When his daughter’s friends arrive at their home to take her to a school dance, there is this exchange:

Bob: Now, who’s the one with the lipstick? What’s that one’s name?
Willa: Bobo.
Bob: Bobo … Now, is that a he or a she or a they?
Willa: Dad, come on.
Bob: No, are they transitioning? I wanna know if…
Willa: They’re nonbinary.
Bob: Okay, I just wanna be polite…
Willa: It’s not that hard! … They/them.

Later in the film, when Bob is on the run, we see him on the phone with French 75 headquarters, trying to determine the arranged rendezvous point with his daughter. He’s talking to a whiny guy (“Comrade Josh”), but because he cannot remember the password code to the question “What time is it?,” Josh does not give him this information. Bob pleads with him to make an exception, but Josh repeatedly refuses. After Bob explodes in rage at Josh, cursing at him and threatening him, they have this exchange:

Josh: Okay, this doesn’t feel safe. You’re violating my space right now.

Bob: Violating your space?! Man, come on… What kind of revolutionary are you?! We’re not even in the same room here! We’re talking on the phone, like men!

Josh: Okay, there’s no need to shout. This is a violation of my safety. These are noise triggers.

At an important level, Bob belongs to the pantheon of the Hapless Male trope, namely the endless drumbeat of predictably inept men (almost always White) that Hollywood and Madison Ave churn out in movies, sitcoms, and TV commercials. Invariably, these bumbling and not-all-that-smart males serve as comic relief, but are eventually guided, rescued, or otherwise saved by either a Strong Woman (aka the Mary Sue trope), a non-White, or the intersection of both.[18] Even the New York Times, ever late to noticing cultural trends it did not itself create, has put One Battle into this context. In a piece entitled “Dramas Keep Showing Us Hapless Men—and Hypercompetent Women,” Diego Hadis discusses several recent movies, including One Battle, where the three male protagonists all “fit the archetype of the schlemiel: irredeemably inept, an accident of a person, the butt of some great cosmic joke” (Hadis, 2026). These clueless males are eventually teamed up with ‘hypercompetent women’:

The women they come across, on the other hand, seem ready for anything. They might see several chess moves ahead of both the protagonists and antagonists. They know how to affect the world of the movie, and they do so with ease — exactly what the actual “hero” of the story is completely unable to do. …

They are ever-present — and they are usually so capable, so confidently efficacious, that if they were the story’s focus, the movie would be over in 15 minutes. (Hadis, 2026).

In the case of One Battle:

Perfidia is the film’s driving force, directing the group’s strategy and taking Bob as a lover; her actions push the story forward even after she leaves. All through the film, though, so many of the women Bob encounters have things together in ways that put him to shame — say, the nurse doing intake at a police station after Bob is arrested in a military raid, who hands him off to another nurse, at a hospital, who calmly, unflappably leads him to freedom. Even Bob’s teenage daughter, Willa, is the responsible one, a purple belt in karate who effectively parents her own father. (Hadis, 2026).

Rather than criticizing these tired girlboss tropes for being as formulaic as the Waif-Fu trope (i.e., action movies where a 100 lb. girl handily beats up 250 lb. men), Hadis not surprisingly adopts the New York Times’ “it’s time for women to run the world” approach:

The fact that these figures are so often women may be a way of suggesting that men have had their run, and look where it has gotten us. … We should not be surprised if the coming years bring more films like these — all dreaming that there is somebody out there with whom we might throw in our lot, somebody competent enough to tell us what to do to make the world right (Hadis, 2026).

This last sentiment is very much a feminist call-to-action-for-women in One Battle’s final scene.

Perfidia Beverly Hills

Perfidia Beverly Hills (Teyana Taylor) is the Strong Black Woman trope par excellence and the leader of the French 75. And while one of the world’s most famous movie stars is in One Battle, it is Perfidia who Anderson deems the film’s main character. He notes:

I had a feeling like, Perfidia needs to feel like she’s the protagonist, the hero of the movie. You know, Leo might be in it, Sean might be in it, all these well-known actors are in it, but you see Teyana and it’s like: That’s the star of the movie. I wanted audiences to feel like, this is really a movie about a Black revolutionary (Fear, 2025).

In the film’s opening illegal-immigration-liberation scene, when she first encounters Lockjaw and has a gun pointed at him, she declares her aforementioned political mission, which Anderson has clumsily written to shoehorn in a pro-abortion sentiment:

My name is Perfidia Beverly Hills, and this is a declaration of war. We’re here to right your wrongs, motherfucker. … You didn’t count on me. You didn’t count on my fight. The message is clear: free borders, free bodies, free choices, and free from fuckin’ fear!

Teyana Taylor as Perfidia Beverly Hills

The very name ‘Perfidia’ literally means betrayal, which is apropos in this case: Ultimately, she betrays Bob by being attracted to, and having sex with, Lockjaw. She betrays the French 75 in a plea deal with authorities that involves her ratting out their names and locations. And she betrays her daughter by abandoning her. (Naturally, despite all of this irresponsibility and dysfunction, her daughter Willa still ‘relates’ to her in the film’s ending). Her middle and last name of “Beverly Hills” should not be overlooked either: this is Anderson situating one front of the revolutionary vanguard (at least nominally) within the manicured lawns of Beverly Hills, and perhaps giving Hollywood liberals a jab for not being sufficiently committed to Leftist causes and the associated ‘direct action’.

Anderson writes Perfidia as experiencing post-partum depression, and she abnegates her maternal role to her newborn infant Willa as a result, with Bob carrying the load. When Bob scolds her, reminding her that they “are a family now,” Perfidia uses her revolutionary politics to justify her abandonment of the mother role: “This is a new consciousness. I’m not your udder buddy. I’m not your mother. You want your power over me, the same reason you want your power over the world. You and your crumbling male ego will never do this revolution like me.”

Anderson no doubt based Perfidia on Assata Shakur, who joined the Black Panther Party in the late 1960s before becoming involved with the Black Liberation Army. She gained notoriety after a 1973 shootout on the New Jersey Turnpike that resulted in the death of a state trooper. She was convicted of murder in 1977 and sentenced to life in prison, but in 1979 escaped with the help of supporters. She then lived in the underground until 1984 when she was granted asylum in Cuba, where she lived until her death in 2025 at age 78. As an example of the standard hagiography heaped on Shakur by the Left, Nikole Hannah-Jones (of the ‘1619 Project’ infamy) was granted a New York Times op-ed slot to celebrate Shakur. The piece is full of gems, including this quote from Angela Davis, the more famously feted Black Female Revolutionary:

Angela Davis, the activist who was wrongly imprisoned during that same tumultuous period, told me women were the backbone of Black radical movements and “the government probably recognized more than even our own people did the power of Black women.” (Hannah-Jones, 2025)

In One Battle, after a bank heist goes awry, and which involves Perfidia killing a bank guard, she is apprehended by the police. (Anderson cowardly casts a Black male to play the murdered bank guard, so as to deflect attention from the prevailing Black-on-White nature of violent crime in America). We then see an all-White gaggle of cops cheering and flipping her off while taking selfies.

Lockjaw, thoroughly smitten with her, arranges for her to get a witness protection plea deal, in exchange for beginning an illicit affair. She puts up with this for a certain duration before fleeing (ironically through an official border crossing into Mexico) for a destination that, we learn later in the film, is either Cuba or Algiers, both being locations that actual 1960s Black radicals fled to when U.S. authorities were on their tail.

Willa Ferguson

The progeny of Perfidia and (shockingly) Lockjaw, Willa (Chase Infiniti) is nonetheless raised by Bob alone, given that Perfidia abandoned the family when Willa was an infant. As the film fast-forwards sixteen years later, we see Willa now sixteen herself, receiving karate instruction from Sergio St. Carlos. Steely Dan’s “Dirty Work” is playing on the soundtrack, which lyrically signifies the degradation of Bob and Perfidia’s revolutionary romance into a domestic aftermath where Bob is the sole parent, having ‘cleaned up’ Perfidia’s mess. (Bob once imagined himself as part of History; now he’s an exhausted man left holding the child, the guilt, the secrets, and the consequences).

Chase Infiniti as Willa Ferguson

Willa is now a rather typical American teen female. She has a cell phone that she hides from Bob (who has forbidden them), They/Them friends, and Girl Power attitude. In terms of both cultural attitudes and Leftist political strategies, Willa represents the notable generation gap relative to Bob’s generation. She is described to Bob as a natural ‘leader’ by her high school history teacher, which leads Bob to cry tears of pride.

In terms of plot, Willa is the aforementioned hyper-competent female forced to deal with Bob’s rather inept ‘dumb White guy’ persona. (The father-daughter dynamic between Bob and Willa is a central aspect of One Battle, no doubt partly a function of Anderson’s own relationship with his three biracial daughters).

Signifying where her future will lead after the movie ends, and with Lockjaw and his men searching for her, Willa is offered protection by a group of young, Black, radical, pot-smoking, ghetto-speaking, machine-gun-toting nuns called the “Sisters of the Brave Beaver” (inspired by Sisters of the Valley, an actual hippie convent), the name of which is yet another of Anderson’s bizarre sexualization of radical politics. At this ‘convent’ Willa learns how to shoot. (It’s significant then that Anderson cast both Maya Rudolph and one of his daughters to play members of this Sisterhood).

Willa at the Sisters of the Brave Beaver

After narrowly averting death at the hands of both Lockjaw and the Christmas Adventurer Club’s hitman, when Bob finally finds her on a remote California desert highway, Willa (having recently learned who her biological father is) screams “Who are you?!” to Bob, who replies to her plaintively by saying “It’s your dad,” which reconciles the two of them. (There may be an undercurrent here of Anderson’s own biracial daughters possibly questioning aspects of their racial identity as well as their father’s). Of this sequence, Anderson has said: “Coming up with the situation for Willa, where she is finally able to take agency over a situation — to turn the tables, be the aggressor, take the high ground — this became very exciting for us” (Fear, 2025).

In One Battle’s final sequence, Bob and Willa are back home safe and sound. Bob decides to finally give Willa a letter that Perfidia had written to her years ago, but that Bob has kept hidden from her. “I wanted to protect you,” he tells Willa, “From all your mom’s shit, from all my shit. I suppose I wanted to be the one that you came to for help. … The cool dad that you could say anything to, even though I know that’s impossible.” Bob gives her the letter and as Willa reads it in her bedroom, we hear the letter’s content being read in voiceover by Perfidia. The letter contains some verbatim lines from an actual letter a Weather Underground member wrote to their family, as shown in the 2002 documentary The Weather Underground.[19] At the 1:16:19 marker of this documentary, we similarly hear one of these letters being read in voiceover: “Hello from the other side of the shadows. I don’t mean to shock you, but I have been contemplating writing you for a long time. … Often I wake up and find it completely inexplicable how and why I am where I am today and disconnected from my family.”

Sergio St. Carlos

A secondary character to One Battle, Sergio St. Carlos (played by Benicio del Toro) — aka “Sensei” — acts as a calm balance to Bob’s frantic and paranoid nature. “Ocean waves,” he often says as a mantra during tense moments. Sergio is both a karate sensei and a ‘coyote’ of sorts for Mexican illegals in the fictional sanctuary city of Baktan Cross. “I’ve got a little Latino Harriet Tubman situation going on at my place,” he tells Bob.[20] With Lockjaw in pursuit of both him and Willa, Bob has reached out to Sergio for help in rescuing Willa. Sergio agrees and, along the way, introduces Bob to his family as the “Gringo Zapata.”

In one rather creepy moment, as Sergio and Bob and driving through a downtown Baktan Cross that is undergoing a fiery battle between protesters, police, and Lockjaw’s forces, Sergio pauses next to a dozen or so Mexican kids on skateboards. “Bee Gee,” he says to one of them he recognizes, “what’s the word?.” With a gloating smile on his face, the kid tells Sergio “It’s fuckin’ World War III out there, yo!”

One Battle has several digs at contemporary cell phone culture, one of which is when Sergio — almost out of character — takes a selfie with Bob. In another scene, when Sergio has to rush the illegals temporarily hiding above a Mexican-operated corner store to a sanctuary church, he yells several times at a Mexican teen minding the store to get off his phone, after Sergio has told him to watch the front door. Soon after, in Sergio’s ramshackle apartment above the store, he tells one of his daughters to get off her phone. In yet another room, we see two more Mexican teen girls on a couch not talking to each other but both staring at their phones. In all these instances, there is a blank look upon each teen’s face as they are staring at their phone.

Del Toro’s most memorable line in the movie takes place after he’s distracted the police away from Bob. Both had been drinking beers earlier. When the police pull Sergio over, they ask him if he’s been drinking. “I’ve had a few,” he says. “A few what?” asks one of the cops. “Few small beers” Sergio replies.

Benicio del Toro as Sergio St. Carlos

Colonel Steven J. Lockjaw (Sean Penn)

The film’s one-dimensional villain is Colonel Steven J. Lockjaw (Sean Penn). A military man who dutifully follows orders, Lockjaw is nonetheless a corrupt military officer without scruples. He stands as a cartoonish representation of White Christian society, White supremacism, and reactionary politics — all rolled into one. He is depicted as perpetually angry and violent. His surname is, of course, meant to convey a clenched jaw and Penn portrays Lockjaw with a stilted, tight-ass gait, as well as an undercut ‘fash’ hairstyle that — when he meets with the Christmas Adventurers Club, a White supremacist secret society — is combed to be Hitler-like. (There isn’t much in the way of subtleties with One Battle). Sean Penn’s rumored years on steroids serves the role’s physicality well, although he seems to overact here (but in his defense the script probably called for an over-the-top military racist).[21]

Sean Penn as Colonel Steven J. Lockjaw

Reflecting how the Left often sees all uniformed law enforcement entities as one monolithic army of ‘fascism,’ One Battle blurs the lines between police, traditional military, and paramilitary law enforcement roles. Lockjaw is the commanding officer of a fictional paramilitary group called the “MKU” (Mankind United). While his role involves overseeing an immigration detention center on the U.S.-Mexico border, MKU functions as a distinct, specialized government organization rather than a traditional branch of the military.[22]

At one point in the film, we see what appears to be the FBI or some other element of the DOJ awarding Lockjaw with the ‘Bedford Forrest Medal of Honor’ for his work hunting down members of the French 75. (Forrest was a Confederate general during the American Civil War who later served as the first Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan).

Despite his White supremacism bona fides, Lockjaw secretly harbors a largely repressed sexual obsession with Black women, so a miscegenation element also becomes crucial to the motivations of the film’s villain. Early in the film, Lockjaw is sexually humiliated by Perfidia but depicted as enjoying it, as it leads to his sexual arousal and then his “reverse rape” (as he later describes it). This display of a conservative White alpha male enjoying sadomasochistic submission to an angry, armed Black woman (complete with a gun pointed at his crotch) serves as a caricature of Second Amendment gun rights advocates and, more importantly, as a humiliation ritual for White males. If there is one grand metanarrative to One Battle, it is as a liberal revenge fantasy against conservative White men. Lockjaw symbolizes this class, first through his depicted arrogance and coldness, then later through ritual humiliation, disfigurement, and death.

In the film’s only scene between him and Bob, we see Lockjaw use very few words to indirectly articulate his jealousy that Bob has Perfidia and not him. “You like Black girls?” he asks Bob. “I love ‘em. … I LOVE ‘EM!” One X user has aptly memed this exchange as emblematic of how poorly drawn Lockjaw is from the standpoint of character depth:

In yet another tired trope of Leftist ‘explanations’ of conservatism, the film makes implications that Lockjaw is a closeted homosexual.[23] In one exchange — after Lockjaw has abducted Willa and deploys a DNA test to prove (or disprove) that she is, in fact, his biological daughter — it’s implied that Lockjaw is a repressed homosexual:

Willa: Why is your shirt so tight?
Lockjaw: I’m not gay, if that’s what you’re saying.
Willa: I didn’t say that.
Lockjaw: I’m not a homosexual.
Willa: I did not say that … but I see the lifts in your shoes.

Such is the sort of dialogue that wins the Oscar for Best Adapted Screenplay.

In this same scene between Lockjaw and Willa, he says to her at one point, in an over-the-top display of White-against-Black racial hostility: “You shut up! JUST SHUT UP, YOU FUCKING MUTT!!”. In addition to being a racial insult, this dialogue also serves to express the Left’s absurd notion that Blacks are being held in silence by the ‘institutional racism’ of White society. One can only wonder if Anderson is conveying his own daughters’ real (or, more likely, imagined) experiences, his own fears about what his daughters may face in the future, or whether through the character of Lockjaw he’s clumsily articulating his own inner demons on his daughters’ mixed-race status.

Having determined through a DNA test which he’s administered to Willa that she is in fact his biological daughter, and hence a threat to his acceptance into the Christmas Adventurers Club, Lockjaw decides to kill her, but not before mocking and insulting her further:

I am a Christmas Adventurer! Do you know what that is? I have a higher calling. It is a higher honor than having you. I loved her, in case you were wondering. Best goddamn-looking witch I ever saw. Yeah, she was possessed. … She was insane. Like you. You have it in you. I smelled it from within her, and I can smell it from within you.

Lockjaw binds Willa’s hands and drives her out to a remote canyon location where he meets Avanti (Eric Schweig), whom from their exchange we easily infer has done this sort of contract-killing work for Lockjaw numerous times in the past. “I don’t do kids,” Avanti says, even after Lockjaw offers to double his rate. Lockjaw then tells Avanti to instead take Willa to a remote private militia actually called…. drumroll… “1776,” fully confident that they will have no compunction in killing Willa. And, in case the didactic allegory here isn’t yet clear, we have Avanti the American Indian ultimately deciding to sacrifice himself by killing all the 1776 members and saving Willa, before dying himself in the gun exchange. (We know that Avanti is Indian not only from his physiognomy, but because one of the evil 1776 members derisively refers to him as “Wagon-burner”).

In a myriad of ways, and from absolutely every angle, Lockjaw is the bogeyman that a Jewish-dominated Hollywood fear most. Thus, despite Lockjaw being a comically one-dimensional character (and Sean Penn’s performance being almost camp), what Lockjaw represents resonates with Hollywood’s political imagination. It isn’t surprising then that One Battle wins a bunch of Oscars, including Sean Penn winning for Best Supporting Actor.

Go to Part 2.

[1] With the 2026 Academy Awards, Sinners laughably received the most Oscar nominations of any film in history. Coogler, who is Black and is best known for the Black Panther movies which inspired the emergent Wakanda mythos, constructs Sinners with a Black-centric orientation and a didactic plot involving White vampires who prey upon Blacks, ‘turning’ these Black victims into vampires themselves. In a racialized variation of From Dusk till Dawn (1996), the social-justice messaging in Sinners is hilariously heavy-handed.

[2] Voegelin’s The New Science of Politics: An Introduction (1952) provides a useful lens for understanding the political implications of widening conspiracy theories and totalizing ideologies. Voegelin views the ideological pathologies of modernity to be gnostic in structure. Such ideologies often claim access to special knowledge (gnōsis) which reveals the hidden truth of history, and promises that salvation can be achieved within the world rather than beyond it.

[3] We can see this despair and self-absorption in such films as the Maoist director Jean-Luc Godard’s La Chinoise (1967) and being satirized by Wes Anderson in The French Dispatch (2021).

[4] For empirical data on the Left’s growing willingness to use violence, see Rufo (2025) and Dulberg & Horder (2025).

[5] Bill Ayers interview, AirGo podcast Episode 386 (“One Battle After Another, Fascism, and Activism During the 60s”), https://youtu.be/XbB40aRz8bg?si=cqUkawiHyESaQbE7, uploaded to YouTube on February 12, 2026 by Respair Production & Media.

[6] Bernardine Dohrn (born Bernardine Rae Ohrnstein) was a leader of the Weather Underground and is the wife of Bill Ayers. Her son Zayd Ayers Dohrn also asserts that the movie title One Battle After Another comes from his mother. See Dohrn (2026).

[7] See Varon (2004), pp. 107–108. Mark Rudd, a prominent SDS leader at Columbia in 1968 who went on to become one of the original leaders of the Weatherman / Weather Underground, and who is himself Jewish, has written about the significant overrepresentation of Jews in the New Left, particularly in leadership positions (Rudd, 2005). Lichter & Rothman (1981) estimate that Jews accounted for approximately 60% of the New Left in the mid-1960s. See also MacDonald (1998, Ch. 3 “Jews and the Left”) and Rudd (2009).

[8] Magnolia (1999) was already on the pulse of where our culture has been drifting for quite some time. The randomness and contingency of life is explored through a series of rather sad and lonely characters, almost all of them male, desperately seeking love and connection. One outlet for this state of affairs is the charismatic and cultish self-help guru Frank T.J. Mackey (Tom Cruise), who preaches a misogynous ethos (ala Andrew Tate) which teaches men how to “Seduce and Destroy” and whose manosphere seminar’s intro music is Strauss’s Thus Spake Zarathustra.

[9] As with Scorsese, music is central for Anderson. In One Battle, this is accomplished through existing songs such as Steely Dan’s “Dirty Work” and Tom Petty and the Heartbreakers’ “American Girl”, as well as through original sountrack compositions. Jon Brion’s anxious, percussive experimentation and Jonny Greenwood’s jarring modernist score (solo piano doing staccato drone patterns and then dissonant passages aurally representing a character’s paranoia) deepen a scene’s psychological tension.

[10] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S8Q35vXE9bI.

[11] For a brief summary of Burrough’s book, see Van de Camp (2020).

[12] Max West, Vanishing Point (1971). https://logicalmeme.com/vanishing-point-1971/

[13] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E8WW4jJ59d4.

[14] Development of a Vineland adaptation has been a pet project of Anderson’s since the early 90s when he first read and became obsessed with the novel. Anderson’s film Inherent Vice (2014) is a relatively faithful adaptation of Pynchon’s novel of the same name, and The Master (2012) contains elements based on Pynchon’s novel V (1963), such as the protagonist being a discharged sailor who connects with a cult-like group of individuals. (See Arblaster, 2022).

[15] Bloom shares Pynchon’s liberal paranoia that White Christian Fascists lurk behind every tree and every lawn ornament, aligning him with the pronounced history of Jewish antagonism to Christianity and Gentilism. “The not unimpressive polemic of Norman Mailer — that Fascism always lurks where plastic dominates — is in Pynchon not a polemic but a total vision” (Bloom, 2003, p. 2). Jews love Pynchon, not only because of his radical Leftwing idealism but also because of these Kabbalistic-style attempts to placate a lingering paranoia and persecution complex with elaborate gnostic conspiracy theories. See, for example, Mendelson, Edward (ed.). Pynchon: A Collection of Critical Essays (1978). Pynchon is not himself Jewish but was raised both Catholic and Episcopalian.

[16] See, for example, James Burnham on the managerial–bureaucratic class and the writings of Samuel Francis and Curtis Yarvin (aka Mencius Moldbug).

[17] DiCaprio notes that his own father was a 1960s counterculture radical and bombmaker who “hung out with Abbie Hoffman.” In preparation for his role, DiCaprio cites as influences the book Days of Rage, Gillo Pontecorvo’s The Battle of Algiers (1966), Al Pacino’s nervous Sonny Wortzik character in Sidney Lumet’s Dog Day Afternoon (1975), and Lumet’s Running on Empty (1988), about a couple who are continually on the move with assumed identities, after having committed terrorist acts as part of a Weather Underground-like group. (As noted in Tom Wolfe’s fascinating Radical Chic & Mau-Mauing the Flak Catchers (1970), Lumet hosted a high-end party for the Black Panthers before Leonard Bernstein’s soiree for the Black terrorist group, the latter being the focus of Wolfe’s essay). See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q_cV9ciktoQ.

[18] The ‘White Men Are Stupid In Commercials’ account on X (@StupidWhiteAds) catalogs some of the countless TV commercials that adopt this trope.

[19] http://www.theweatherunderground.info/

[20] It was Del Toro’s idea to have Sergio be a ‘protector’ of Mexican illegals. The scenes with Del Toro were shot almost entirely in El Paso, TX, a city that is today a de facto satellite of Mexico. Anderson “adores” this city and its people. “Being in El Paso, at the center of immigration,” Anderson says, “gave us so much material and local talent to work with. It became the centerpiece of the film and certainly the best time I’ve ever had going to work” (Abramovitch, 2026). Del Toro has said that he and Anderson visited a church in El Paso that serves as a sanctuary for illegals until they get their “paperwork processed”.

[21] Like many on the Left, Anderson seems to equate extreme physical fitness with Rightwing politics and, childishly, homoeroticism. In the film’s opening sequence, many of the soldiers under Lockjaw’s command are physically buff and shown with their shirts off.

[22] MKU is likely modeled after the Border Patrol Tactical Unit (BORTAC), an elite, highly trained special operations unit within the U.S. Border Patrol Special Operations Group. Established in 1984, BORTAC provides national/international response to high-risk incidents, including counter-narcotics, hostage rescue, and riot control. One Battle’s closing credits confirm that MKU stands for Mankind United.

[23] Other notable examples of this trope include the repressed homosexual Col. Frank Fitts (Chris Cooper) in American Beauty (1999) (who also collects Nazi memorabilia to boot) and Major Weldon Penderton (Marlon Brando) in the movie Reflections in a Golden Eye (1967). Bertolucci’s The Conformist (1970) has special relevance here as well. Bertolucci was a Marxist and the visually stunning ‘Fascist aesthetics’ of The Conformist frames the protagonist Marcello’s troubled psyche. However, the narrative assumes a facile Marxism-Freudianism: Marcello’s childhood trauma from sexual abuse and consequent sexual dysfunction serve as a Freudian ‘explanation’ of his political extremism and willingness to assassinate an ‘anti-Fascist’ professor on behalf of the state. Repeatedly, we see the Left’s simplistic depictions and explanations of Rightwing political sentiment as psycho-sexual drama within the bourgeoisie.

What’s Worst for Whites? The Jewish Principle That Explains Stabby Somalis and the Mud-Flood

Its night-life. That’s what London used to be known for. Nowadays, London is known for its knife-life. In October 2025, a White man called Wayne Broadhurst was stabbed to death in London by an Afghan Muslim. His murder was completely ignored by Britain’s political elite and provoked no anguished commentary in the mainstream media. In April 2026, two Jewish men have been stabbed but not killed in London by someone reported to be a Somali Muslim. Britain’s political elite have immediately responded with outrage and the mainstream media are full of anguished commentary about poor persecuted Jews. The Jewish law minister Sarah Sackman has portentously intoned that “An attack on British Jews is an attack on Britain itself.”

A Hebrew hammers the White West: Jews hate Christianity because it represents White Europe (image from the Guardian)

In fact, an attack on Jews is an attack on dedicated enemies of Britain. And Sackman knows that perfectly well. Her close colleague Lord Hermer, Britain’s “anti-fascist” Jewish attorney-general, enthusiastically participated in lawfare against British soldiers that was later exposed as based entirely on lies. Hermer and Sackman are still overseeing lawfare against soldiers in the Special Forces. In other words, they hate Britain and have always sought to undermine the welfare of British Whites.

There’s an irony in the knife-attack on the two Jews in London that will go completely unremarked in the mainstream. The attack was created by Jews themselves, because they are directly responsible for the flooding of Western nations with alien and unassimilable groups like Somalis, Afghans and Pakistanis. Those three groups are both non-White and Muslim, so what’s not to like for Jews?

White costumes for an anti-White legal elite: Sarah Sackman, Shabana Mahmood and Richard Hermer (image from Wikipedia)

As enemies of Britain, Jews have imported non-White Muslims as footsoldiers in the Jewish war against the White West. In other words, Jews imported Muslims to harm the White and historically Christian majority whose ancestors they blame for millennia of undeserved persecution. And you don’t have to take my word for that. No, take the word of Jews themselves. Here’s the Jewish “peace activist” Uri Avnery explaining why Jews love Muslim immigration:

As is well known, under Muslim rule the Jews of Spain enjoyed a bloom the like of which the Jews did not enjoy anywhere else until almost our time. Poets like Yehuda Halevy wrote in Arabic, as did the great Maimonides. In Muslim Spain, Jews were ministers, poets, scientists. In Muslim Toledo, Christian, Jewish and Muslim scholars worked together and translated the ancient Greek philosophical and scientific texts. That was, indeed, the Golden Age. How would this have been possible, had the Prophet decreed the “spreading of the faith by the sword”?

What happened afterwards is even more telling. When the Catholics re-conquered Spain from the Muslims, they instituted a reign of religious terror. The Jews and the Muslims were presented with a cruel choice: to become Christians, to be massacred or to leave. And where did the hundreds of thousand of Jews, who refused to abandon their faith, escape? Almost all of them were received with open arms in the Muslim countries. The Sephardi (“Spanish”) Jews settled all over the Muslim world, from Morocco in the west to Iraq in the east, from Bulgaria (then part of the Ottoman Empire) in the north to Sudan in the south. Nowhere were they persecuted. They knew nothing like the tortures of the Inquisition, the flames of the auto-da-fe, the pogroms, the terrible mass-expulsions that took place in almost all Christian countries, up to the Holocaust. […]

Every honest Jew who knows the history of his people cannot but feel a deep sense of gratitude to Islam, which has protected the Jews for fifty generations, while the Christian world persecuted the Jews and tried many times “by the sword” to get them to abandon their faith. (“Muhammad’s Sword,” Scoop, 23rd October 2006)

Avnery’s pro-Muslim, anti-Christian attitudes have been completely mainstream among Jews for many decades:

But the central Jewish role in Muslim migration will not be discussed in the anguished commentary about that stabby Somali in London. Whilst slathering Jews with sympathy and sycophancy, the mainstream media will not ask why Britain has so many Somalis. That very interesting question has a very simple answer. Britain has so many Somalis thanks to the little-known Barbara Roche, an intensely ethnocentric Jew who served as minister of immigration under the dedicated shabbos-goy Tony Blair:

A Semitic supporter of stabby Somalis: the migration-maven Barbara Roche unfolds the “British story of migration” in 2011

The most incredible revelations [about New Labour’s conspiracy to open Britain’s borders] concern Barbara Roche, a little-known MP who was immigration minister between 1999 and 2001. During this period, she quietly adopted policies — with Mr Blair’s approval — that changed the face of the UK. […] Like [Jack] Straw, Blair was careful never publicly to mention the rising number of immigrants from India and Pakistan who could now enter Britain. Nor did he consider how to provide housing, schools and healthcare for an additional 300,000 people arriving a year.

Least of all did either of them question whether the immigrants would have any effect on the lives of the British working class. (Nine years later, a report by the Migration Advisory Committee found that 23 British workers had been displaced for every 100 foreign-born workers employed here.)

Could this chicanery get any worse? It did — with the appointment of Barbara Roche as Junior Immigration Minister. Blair’s only instruction to her was to deport bogus asylum seekers. But Roche wasn’t playing. In her first conversation with a senior immigration official, she was candid: ‘I think asylum seekers should be allowed to stay. Removal takes too long, and it’s emotional.’ Even the word ‘bogus,’ she maintained, created a negative feeling.

‘It was clear Roche wanted more immigrants to come to Britain,’ recalled Stephen Boys-Smith, the new head of the immigration directorate. ‘She didn’t see her job as controlling entry, but by looking at the wider picture “in a holistic way” she wanted us to see the benefit of a multicultural society.’ Jack Straw never openly contradicted Roche — it simply wasn’t worth the risk of alienating the Labour Party. So she set to work on a speech, in which she outlined the advantages of reducing controls to immigration and portrayed asylum seekers as skilled labour. She didn’t discuss what she was going to say with Straw. […]

‘Well done, Barbara,’ Blair told Roche soon [after the speech]. Despite its controversial content, her speech passed relatively unnoticed. But migrants quickly grasped its importance and passed the news on to their friends and family across the world. Labour was letting more people in, they told them, and — unlike other European countries — Britain would provide benefits and state housing. […]

One of Roche’s legacies was hundreds more migrants camped in squalor in Sangatte, outside Calais, where they tried to smuggle themselves onto lorries. News about the new liberalism — and in particular the welfare benefits — now began attracting Somalis who’d previously settled in other EU countries. Although there was no historic or cultural link between Somalia and Britain, more than 200,000 came. Since most were untrained and would be dependent on welfare, the Home Office could have refused them entry. But they were granted ‘exceptional leave to remain’. (Conman Blair’s cynical conspiracy to deceive the British people and let in 2million migrants against the rules, The Daily Mail, 26th February 2016)

The man arrested for stabbing the two Jews in London is reported to be a 45-year-old “born in Somalia who came to the UK ‘lawfully as a child.’” In other words, he’s one of the Somalis imported into Britain without any kind of democratic mandate or any kind of consent by the White majority. Since his arrival, he has enriched Britain in a typically Somali way: he has a “history of serious violence and mental health issues.”

Two sides of the same Cohen

Barbara Roche flooded Britain with low-IQ, high-criminality Somalis like him because she thought it would be good for Jews. She didn’t want to help Somalis: she wanted to harm Whites. In short, she wanted revenge on Whites. And again, you don’t have to take my word for that. No, take the word of Roche herself. In 2001, she told a Guardian interview that her “parents were part Spanish, Portuguese, Polish and Russian [Jews], and she had entered politics — she still emphasises this today — to combat anti-semitism and xenophobia in general.” In one speech in 2000 she was clearly gloating about her ability to open Britain’s borders and harm the White majority. She was the proud descendant of Jews who had been insulted more than a century ago by a xenophobic White Briton. Note how she begins this section of her speech with a blatant lie:

Britain has always been a nation of migrants. There were in practice almost no immigration controls prior to the beginning of the 20th century. The 1905 Aliens Act was a direct response to Jewish immigration and it is difficult to deny that it was motivated in part by anti-Semitism. Major [William] Evans-Gordon, an MP, speaking in support of the legislation, said: “It is the poorest and least fit of these people who move, and it is the residuum of these again who come to and are let in this country[…] Hon[ourable] Members [of Parliament] opposite do not live in daily terror of being turned into the street to make room for an unsavoury Pole [i.e. Polish Jew].”

I expect Major Evans Gordon would be spinning in his grave if he knew that their descendant would not only be Immigration Minister but would be standing before you today making this speech. (“UK migration in a global economy,” Draft Speech by Barbara Roche MP, Immigration Minister, London, 11th September 2000)

Roche’s Jewish lie about Britain being a “nation of migrants” echoed an older Jewish lie about America being a “nation of immigrants.” But Jews don’t smoke their own supply: those lies aren’t peddled in Israel, whose firmly closed borders and determinedly Judeocentric laws reflect the true meaning of “nation.” The word comes from the Latin verb nasci, meaning “to be born,” because a nation is bonded by blood, by shared ancestry, religion, culture and language. In that sense, Britain, America, France, Australia and many other Western countries have ceased to be true nations, because they have been flooded with alien and unassimilable non-Whites by their treacherous, Jewish-controlled elites. Israeli politics is governed by the principle of “What’s best for Jews?” Western politics is governed by the principle of “What’s worst for Whites?” But those two principles are in fact two sides of the same Cohen: Jews like Barbara Roche believe that what’s worst for Whites is simultaneously what’s best for Jews.

22 Dead Goyim vs Two Dead Jews: the mud-flood matters only when it harms Jews

That explains why Jews have imported millions of Muslims and other non-Whites into the West against the will of the White majority. Even as they imported those “natural allies,” Jews demonized White opposition as racist and xenophobic, drafting and imposing harsh laws to suppress White resistance and intimidate Whites into silence. Non-Whites have been murdering, raping and exploiting Whites for decades, but that was seen by Jews as a feature, not a bug, of non-White migration. Now that their “natural allies” are turning on them too, Jews are posing as innocent victims and demanding more power and privilege. They’re also pumping out risible lies. Here is the proudly homosexual and intensely ethnocentric Jew Jonathan Sacerdoti addressing gullible goyim in the cuckservative Spectator:

Jews represent the freedoms and values of the West, not because we exist freely thanks to them, but because many of those values are actually ours, embraced and adopted by Christianity and wider secular society. That is why these enemies of civilisation hate us so much, and why their attacks on us are actually just one small part of their broader attacks on the entire West. (“Why Can’t the West Defend Jews?”, The Spectator, 15th December 2025)

Jonathan Sacerdoti, a proudly homosexual and intensely ethnocentric Jew

In fact, the true “values” of Jews are ethnocentrism and authoritarianism. That’s why Jews have attacked and undermined Western “freedoms” like free speech, free enquiry and free association. The hugely celebrated — and highly over-rated — Jewish philosopher Baruch Spinoza would have been murdered for blasphemy by his fellow Jews if he had been unable to seek refuge among gentiles in seventeenth-century Holland. In the twenty-first century, Holland is like the rest of the West: Whites there have the freedom to consume the most revolting forms of pornography, but not the freedom to investigate and speak the truth about racial differences. Realism about race is “hate speech,” you see. And who invented the concept of “hate speech”? That very interesting question was answered more than seventy years ago by a clear-sighted Catholic priest called Father Leonard Feeney:

SHOULD HATE BE OUTLAWED?

Most Americans, hearing this question, would answer promptly, “Yes, by all means, hate should be outlawed!” Their eagerness to reply can be accounted for all too easily. During the last decade and a half, they have been pounded with a propaganda barrage calculated to leave them in a state of dazed affability toward the whole world. Those advertising techniques that are normally used to encourage Americans to be choosy in matters of soap and toothpaste are now being enlisted to persuade them that there is no such thing as a superior product in matters of culture and creed. On billboards, on bus and subway posters, in newspapers and magazines, through radio and television broadcasts, Americans are being assured and reassured, both subtly and boldly, that “Bigotry is fascism … Only Brotherhood can save our nation … We must be tolerant of all!”

The long-range effects of this campaign are even now evident. It is producing the “spineless citizen”: the man who has no cultural sensibilities; who is incapable of indignation; whose sole mental activity is merely an extension of what he reads in the newspaper or sees on the television screen; who faces moral disaster in his neighborhood, political disaster in his country, and an impending world catastrophe with a blank and smiling countenance. He has only understanding for the enemies of his country. He has nothing but kind sentiments for those who would destroy his home and family. He has an earnest sympathy for anyone who would obliterate his faith. He is universally tolerant. He is totally unprejudiced. If he has any principles, he keeps them well concealed, lest in advocating them he should seem to indicate that contrary principles might be inferior. He is, to the extent of his abilities, exactly like the next citizen, who, he trusts, is trying to be exactly like him: a faceless, characterless putty-man. […]

As surely and securely as the Jews have been behind Freemasonry, or Secularism, or Communism, they are behind the “anti-hate” drive. Not that this movement represents the fruition of Talmudic doctrine. The Jews are advocating tolerance only for its destructive value — destructive, that is, of the Catholic Church. On their part, they still keep alive their racial rancors and antipathies. Their Talmud, for example, still teaches that Christ was a brazen impostor, and gives an unprintably blasphemous account of his parentage and birth. And as the Christmas season just past should have taught us, the Jews, for all their Brotherhood talk, have not in the least abandoned their resolute program to make all acknowledgments of Christmas disappear from the public and social life of the nation.

The secret of the Jews’ success is, of course, that they can practice such private hate while promoting public “love,” and not be accused of inconsistency. For, as always, they are running the show mainly from behind the scenes. They get their message across by means of co-operative Gentiles. And there are probably more such Gentiles now available — both the willing kind and the kind willing to be duped — than ever before in history. As a further good fortune, the Jewish directors of America’s entertainment industry can now guarantee that one Brotherhood spokesman, well-placed (e.g., behind a microphone or before a television camera), is able to influence Americans by the millions.

And the Jews’ campaign is succeeding. We have every reason to be alarmed at its success. American Catholics, even those not actively taking part in the tolerance talk, are now kept in line by the omnipresent threat of being accused of hate, bigotry, and intolerance. (“Should Hate Be Outlawed?”, The Point, edited by Fr Leonard Feeney, July 1955)

In 1955 the Catholic Father Feeney was exactly like the Catholic Michael E. Jones in 2026. Father Feeney correctly recognized that Jews hate the Catholic Church, but he did not understand that Jews hate the Church because she is White, not because she is Christian. The great Catholic writer Hilaire Belloc might not have made the same mistake. As he once said: “Europe is the Faith and the Faith is Europe.” That’s why Belloc would have utterly opposed immigration into Europe by Muslims and other non-Whites. He would also have been utterly unsurprised to see Jews organizing such immigration, propagandizing for it, and punishing White resistance to it.

Belloc would also have been unsurprised to see Jews cynically play the victim when their own policies rebounded on them. That stabby Somali in London who attacked Jews will now be exploited by Jews to increase Jewish power and posture about Jewish victimhood. He didn’t kill anyone, but he will receive far more attention than Mohammed Ismail, the Somali who murdered three Whites in Sheffield in 1960, and than Mohamed Noor Iidow (sic), the Somali who raped a White woman to death in London in 2021.

As in America, so in Australia: a few of the Jews who worked to end the White Australia policy

Right across the West, countless Whites have been murdered, raped, beaten, robbed and otherwise harmed by the mud-flood of mass migration overseen by Jews. But, as noted, the  harm done to Whites is a feature, not a bug, of the mud-flood. And now that the mud-flood is belatedly harming its creators, Jews are playing the victim and wailing that “Jews don’t feel safe anywhere,” that “Jews live in fear in 21st-century Britain,” that “Britain’s Jews no longer feel at home,” that “Ireland’s Jews have never felt lonelier.” But none of this wailing is accompanied by any honesty or self-criticism. Jews don’t excel at honesty and self-criticism. Instead, they excel at self-pity. Here’s Jonathan Sacerdoti again:

Britain’s Jews are quietly preparing to leave the country

I sat in the synagogue where I grew up last night, waiting to interview Colonel Richard Kemp, the retired senior officer of the British Army who served for nearly three decades across Northern Ireland, the Balkans, the Middle East, and Afghanistan. Our conversation would end a service marking the transition between Israel’s Memorial Day for its fallen and its Independence Day. A British Jew and a British Colonel, in a room full of emotion, pride, and more than a little apprehension, after a week in which multiple arson attacks on Jewish-linked sites have taken place in London. There was an uncomfortable sense of the fall of Rome in the air. […]

At the dinner afterwards, intended to celebrate Israel’s independence, the tone across the room was not celebratory in any simple sense. The conversations were sober, even heavy. People spoke to me openly about decline, about Britain, about the condition of Jewish life here. And, strikingly, they spoke about contingency plans. Where they might go. When they might leave. What threshold would trigger that decision. What was most unsettling was not necessarily the content of these discussions, but their assumption. They spoke as if departure were not hypothetical, but eventually necessary.

I could have built a life in Israel. I can see it clearly enough to know it would have been a good life. Many British Jews share that sense: Israel is not merely a refuge of last resort, an ‘insurance policy’ against catastrophe. Over its decades of existence, it has become something far more substantial. It is a functioning, dynamic country with its own culture, strengths, and tensions. It is a real alternative life, not just a theoretical escape from danger. […] And yet most of us chose Britain. Not by accident, but deliberately. This is the path we continued, the society we invested in, the place where our lives took shape. Britain has offered opportunity, stability, and a sense of belonging that is not easily relinquished. It is our home. We want it to be our refuge. (“Britain’s Jews are quietly preparing to leave the country,” The Spectator, 22nd April 2026

Yes, those Jews “deliberately” chose to live in Britain. And deliberately chose to flood Britain with Muslims and other “natural allies.” And deliberately chose to demonize Whites as racists and xenophobes for resisting that mud-flood. After all, don’t forget that “Welcome the Stranger” is an unshakeable Jewish value! But the mud-flood has now begun to harm Jews too, so they’re “quietly preparing” to flee to Israel, where that unshakeable Jewish value of “Welcome the Stranger” has mysteriously failed to apply for so many decades. In fact, there are only three unshakeable Jewish values. I mentioned two of them above: ethnocentrism and authoritarianism. Here’s the third: hypocrisy. Unfortunately for Jews, Hebrew hypocrisy is becoming more and more obvious to more and more goyim.

New Harvard Study Replicates Based Researcher’s Findings on Selection for Intelligence in Europeans but Doesn’t Cite Him. Why Not?

Woke academia despises para-academia. Para-academia, after all, challenges the dogmas that many of them rely on to feel that they are morally superior to others and so allay their own insecurities. Such people are, further, heavily invested in Woke academia — their status and even livelihood depends on it — so any challenge to it is extremely dangerous. Therefore, members of para-academia must be suppressed at all costs.

It is difficult to over-emphasise just how strong the Woke grip on academia is. It is so strong that we can essentially make a binary division between “mainstream academia” — that is, almost all universities in Western countries — and para-academia; the scientists and other scholars whose work dares to challenge Woke dogmas. Members of the two groups interact to some extent, as there are still some genuine scientists — who follow data wherever it goes — within mainstream academia and they sometimes collaborate with those outside it. But, often, the truth-seekers who are involved in para-academia — promoting their work on Substack and the like — are considered so toxic that normal scholarly standards are simply eschewed. This happened in April 2026 in what I will call the “Piffer Controversy.”

Davide Piffer is an Italian evolutionary scientist. He researches all manner of “taboo” areas, such as the genetics of race differences in intelligence. One of his studies, for example, has shown that the correlation between national IQs and the prevalence in countries of alleles that are associated with intelligence is 0.9. This finding pretty much proves that genetic differences overwhelmingly explain the IQ differences between countries and, by extension, between ethnic groups and races.

Piffer has pioneered the field of archaeo-genetics. This involves examining samples of ancient genomes and looking for the presence of specific alleles and looking for the extent of alleles that are associated with salient psychological traits such as intelligence, educational attainment, pro-social personality, depression or schizophrenia. In a study in 2024, Piffer demonstrated that European populations had, since the advent of agriculture, been under strong selection for mental stability and intelligence. “What a fascinating finding!” you might think. Mainstream scholars have criticised his methods but, even if these are problematic, Piffer had the original idea of interrogating ancient genomes in this way. Unlike the kinds of people who remain in mainstream academia — where you have to balance originality with conformity in order rise up the hierarchy of the guild — someone like Piffer suffers from no such restrictions and has, therefore, unsurprisingly, come up with a highly original idea.

Move forward two years to 2026 and a team involving David Reich of Harvard University have published a study in Nature — “Ancient DNA reveals pervasive directional selection across West Eurasia” hailed as ground-breaking and highly original, in which they have shown pretty much exactly what Piffer demonstrated in 2024, albeit using a slightly different methodology. Is Piffer — who, without question, originated the idea of the latest study and got there first — cited or acknowledged in the Nature study? Absolutely not.

Piffer has vociferously complained about this deviation from normal scholarly standards on Twitter and even written to the study’s lead author to demand to know what is going on. Surprisingly, the author responded to Piffer. He admitted to knowing about Piffer’s earlier study but claimed that they didn’t cite it because they thought Piffer’s methodology was faulty. Of course, it couldn’t have been that faulty because it led to pretty much the same results.

“Why would the Reich team behave like this?” you might ask. There are a number of reasons. Woke academia despises para-academia. Para-academia, after all, challenges the dogmas that many of them rely on to feel that they are morally superior to others and so allay their own insecurities. Such people are, further, heavily invested in Woke academia — their status and even livelihood depends on it — so any challenge to it is extremely dangerous. Therefore, members of para-academia must be suppressed at all costs.

This happens in a number of ways. The double-blind anonymous peer-review process of scientific studies is corrupt. A Woke-influenced editor may simply reject a study that challenges Woke dogmas without having it peer-reviewed or even reject it because of the anti-Woke reputation of the authors. If he has some scruples, he may send it out for peer-review, but make sure that one of the two reviewers is very Woke and will definitely reject the study. The psychologist and transsexuality expert Ray Blanchard has called this “Queer Review.” The editor then sides with the negative reviewer and rejects the study.

Even if the study is accepted, you may find interesting details in the reviews. A peer-reviewer once told me not to cite directly relevant work by J. Philippe Rushton because he was “racist.” Another recommended not citing anything from Mankind Quarterly — one of the few academic journals with no Woke influence — because of the journal’s “racist” reputation. Sometimes, these will be conditions of acceptance, not recommendations. And even after the study is published, the publisher may withdraw the paper on spurious grounds — post-publication Queer Review — if enough Woke people get upset about it.

Citing Piffer would potentially have caused “controversy” for Reich and his team, just as The Bell Curve was attacked for its “tainted sources” which included articles published in Mankind Quarterly. These sources were argued to be a problem because, in essence, the studies wouldn’t have been peer-reviewed by proto-Woke dogmatics. If Piffer’s work had been acknowledged in the Nature study, it could’ve been used to smear the research as “racist” and “eugenic.” It is, after all, proving the genetics influencing salient psychological traits and showing that they were strongly selected for among Whites. This is the most charitable possible explanation of the authors’ actions. The Woke-influenced media dared not touch Reich et al.’s important findings; instead going with the finding that ginger hair had been selected for across time.

As I argued in my book The Past is a Future Country, Western academia appears to be in the same situation as it was in the early to mid-nineteenth century. The universities, places of scientific creativity and originality, are the homes to genius-types: autistic, anti-social and, as a result, obsessed with truth above all else. They become prestigious and so attractive to normal intelligent people. These people are socially skilled and conformist: they notice the dominant set of values, understand the benefits of conformity and have what personality psychologists have called the “effortful control” to force themselves to adopt the dominant set of values and then competitively signal them.

They, naturally take over, drive out the genius-types, and turn the university into a branch of that era’s Church. The universities stop producing original research, which is instead found among gentleman scholars, enthusiastic amateurs or in alternative institutions. When English universities were branches of the Church of England (until reforms in 1870), these were the dissenting academies, which focused, unlike the universities, on science. Oxygen was discovered by a lecturer at such an academy.

We have reached this point once again. A dissenter has discovered something very important and it is difficult for the conformists to publicly accept this.

Proudhon’s Forbidden Notebook: The Truth About Jewish Power

Mikhail Bakunin was by no means an isolated voice in the 19th-century anarchist movement when it came to calling out Jewish influence. His contemporary and fellow pioneer of anarchist thought, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, possessed a critique of equal intensity and arguably greater scope

Proudhon is widely celebrated as the “father of anarchism,” a pioneering socialist philosopher whose critiques of property and the state shaped generations of radical thought. Yet buried within his voluminous writings and private notebooks lies a virulent strain of antisemitism so extreme that some scholars have labeled him a harbinger of fascism.

Pierre-Joseph Proudhon was born on January 15, 1809, in Besançon, France, to a working-class family. His father was a cooper and tavern keeper, and the family lived in dire poverty. Despite his family’s poverty, Proudhon won a scholarship to the college in Besançon and educated himself further through his work as a printer, teaching himself Latin — and later Greek and Hebrew — to better typeset the books he worked on. His hardscrabble peasant origins deeply shaped his worldview. He idealized a society of self-sufficient small craftsmen and farmers free from exploitation.

Proudhon became the first person to publicly identify as an “anarchist” in 1840. His most famous slogan, “Property is theft!,” appeared in his first major work, What Is Property? Or, an Inquiry into the Principle of Right and Government. He was not advocating for total abolition of personal possessions but rather distinguished between illegitimate propriété — private ownership allowing exploitation of others — and legitimate possession, meaning direct use-ownership by workers.

Proudhon’s major contributions to political philosophy included mutualism, an economic system based on workers’ cooperatives, mutual credit, and free exchange that rejected both capitalism and state socialism. He also developed a theory of federalism, envisioning decentralized, self-governing communes in a voluntary federation that would replace both the state and private monopoly.

Proudhon served in the French Parliament after the Revolution of 1848 and engaged in famous polemical exchanges with Karl Marx. Proudhon’s The System of Economic Contradictions, or The Philosophy of Poverty appeared in 1846, and Marx’s The Poverty of Philosophy in 1847 was a direct rebuttal. This dispute contributed to the historic split between the anarchist and Marxist wings of the labor movement. Mikhail Bakunin, Peter Kropotkin, Emma Goldman, and Benjamin Tucker all drew heavily from Proudhon’s ideas.

However, to fully understand the totality of Proudhon’s worldview, one must look beyond his public polemics and into his personal manuscripts. The most notorious statement of Proudhon’s antisemitism comes from his private notebook, dated December 26, 1847, published posthumously as part of his Carnets in 1960 and 1961. The passage reads in full:

Write an article against this race that poisons everything by sticking its nose into everything without ever mixing with any other people. Demand its expulsion from France with the exception of those individuals married to French women. Abolish synagogues and not admit them to any employment. Finally, pursue the abolition of this religion. It’s not without cause that the Christians called them deicides. The Jew is the enemy of humankind. They must be sent back to Asia or be exterminated. H. Heine, A. Weill, and others are nothing but secret spies; Rothschild, Crémieux, Marx, Fould, wicked, bilious, envious, bitter, etc. etc., beings who hate us. The Jew must disappear by steel or by fire or by expulsion. Tolerate the elderly who no longer have children. Work to be done — What the peoples of the Middle Ages hated instinctively, I hate upon reflection and irrevocably. The hatred of the Jew, like the hatred of the English, should be our first article of political faith.

Proudhon’s hatred was as personal as it was political, shifting focus in the same December 26, 1847 entry to target specific Jewish individuals. Heinrich Heine, the celebrated German-Jewish poet and writer, and A. Weill, a writer and journalist, were both called “nothing but secret spies.” Rothschild, Crémieux, Marx, and Fould were grouped together and collectively condemned as “wicked, bilious, envious, bitter… beings who hate us.” Adolphe Crémieux was a prominent Jewish lawyer who later served as French Minister of Justice. Benoît Fould was a French banker and politician of Jewish origin. Karl Marx, of Jewish descent though baptized Christian, was included in this company.

Calling Heine and Weill “secret spies” had a specific personal context — Proudhon suspected they had informed on his German associate Karl Grün, who had been disseminating Proudhon’s ideas among German intellectuals in Paris, leading to Grün’s expulsion from France. That broader pattern is borne out by the public record. Antisemitic themes recur across his major published works.

In Césarisme et Christianisme from 1860, Proudhon wrote: “The Jew is by temperament an anti-producer, neither farmer nor industrialist, not even a real trader. He is always a fraudulent and parasitic middleman, who operates, in business as in philosophy, by fabrication, counterfeiting, and shady dealing. He knows only the rise and fall, the risks of transport, the uncertainties of the harvest, the hazards of supply and demand. His policy in economics is all negative, it’s the wrong principle. Satan, Ahriman, incarnated in the race of Shem.”

In De la Justice dans la Révolution et dans l’Église from 1858, Proudhon accused Jews of “having rendered the bourgeoisie, high or low, similar to them, all over Europe.” In France et Rhin, published posthumously in 1867, he complained that France was “invaded by the English, Germans, Belgians, Jews,” and other foreigners.

Interestingly, Proudhon’s public posture of hostility towards Jews existed alongside a series of personal encounters that suggest a complex social life. Proudhon and Karl Marx met in Paris between late September 1844 and February 1845, during Marx’s exile there. The two engaged in extended intellectual discussions, which Marx himself described as “lengthy debates often lasting all night.”

Marx wrote Proudhon a letter on May 5, 1846 — by then from Brussels, after his expulsion from France — inviting him to join a correspondence network of socialists, addressing him warmly as a peer. Their relationship later collapsed when Marx savaged Proudhon’s work. Though Marx had Jewish heritage from a rabbinical family on both sides, Proudhon listed him among those he condemned in the 1847 notebook entry.

Proudhon was closely associated with Alphonse Toussenel, a French socialist and disciple of Charles Fourier who authored Les Juifs, Rois de l’ÉpoqueThe Jews, Kings of the Era — in 1845, one of the most prominent antisemitic works of 19th-century France. A more explosive second edition appeared in 1847, the same year as Proudhon’s December 26 notebook entry, and scholars have noted the two men’s antisemitism was mutually reinforcing. Adolphe Crémieux, the prominent Jewish lawyer and politician who would later serve as French Minister of Justice, was named and condemned by Proudhon alongside Rothschild in that same entry.

The pattern of these denunciations did not escape later scholarly attention. J. Salwyn Schapiro, a Jewish-American historian writing in the American Historical Review in July 1945, was the most influential early academic to highlight Proudhon’s antisemitic content. In his article “Pierre Joseph Proudhon, Harbinger of Fascism,” he called Proudhon’s antisemitism “the acid test of racialism” and grouped it alongside his other prejudices — misogyny, racism toward Black people, and support for the Confederacy — to argue Proudhon was a proto-fascist.

Frédéric Krier, a historian whose 2009 work Sozialismus für Kleinbürger: Pierre Joseph Proudhon — Wegbereiter des Dritten Reiches remains the most exhaustive scholarly study connecting Proudhon to Nazi ideology, identified Proudhon’s antisemitism as pervasive throughout his thought. Krier drew intellectual-historical continuities between Proudhon’s moralistic critique of “interest” — meaning usury — and the Nazi antisemitic demand for the “breaking of interest slavery.” He also argued Proudhon was a 19th-century variant of the Christian Gnostic heretic Marcion, whose anti-Jewish theological streak ran throughout his anti-theism.

The devolution of modern anarchism into a mere collection of foot soldiers for the Jewish-dominated status quo is a tragic betrayal of its revolutionary heritage. Reverting from the intellectual rigor of Bakunin and Proudhon to the establishment-friendly gatekeeping of contemporary “anarchists” (antifa typically label themselves anarchists) serves only the Jewish masters of the current order. Proudhon’s willingness to place the question of Jewish power at the very center of his political critique serves as a vital blueprint for the contemporary dissident. It is only by discarding the taboos that muzzle inquiry that we can hope to understand and challenge the Jewish forces shaping our world.

 

Statement on the SPLC indictment

My personal opinion is that the indictment is greatly overestimated in the minds of our adherents.

The indictment is thin soup.  It charges the SPLC with technical (and shaky, weak) violations of bank regulations.  The “crimes” seem highly improbable.  Since when have donors been entitled to a line-by-line breakdown of the activities of the group getting the donation?

Hasn’t it been pretty much common knowledge that the SPLC plants agents in organizations it targets and bribes officers and members of such organizations to steal information so the SPLC can use it to damage the professional careers of members of such organizations?

The SPLC will probably raise several hundred million dollars to defend itself against flimsy charges that will likely be dismissed by the judge.

The indictment will be a financial bonanza for the SPLC.

The indictment conceals the identity of the sleaze-balls who took the bribes which indicates IMO the desire of the government to pull its punches.

It is highly unlikely that we will ever learn the identities of the plants and the bribed informants.

The indictment also fuels cuckservatives’ misleading narrative by claiming that by bribing members of these organizations to provide the SPLC with information with which to harm the careers of adherents, the SPLC was “financing hate.”

In a sane society (not one like ours) the SPLC would be a laughing stock.  The SPLC is a parody of the liberals’ parody of Senator Joseph McCarthy.  For 3 generations liberals have ridiculed McCarthy for “guilt by association.”

The SPLC practices guilt by association on meth (it calls it “links” so as to avoid triggering memories in the atrophied brains of liberals).

The “links” used by the SPLC to smear its targets include geographic guilt by association (“Eric Rudolph comes from an area of North Carolina once known for “racism”), audience guilt by association (“Mr. Smith spoke at Berkeley University and a known neo-Nazi sat in the audience”) and even quotation guilt by association (“Jones denies that he is a Nazi but SPLC research proves that something he wrote was quoted in a Nazi publication”).

The SPLC’s mode of thinking mirrors that of schizophrenics.  Normal people’s brains do not hatch screwball ideas that a shared geographic location, the presence of someone in an audience listening to a speaker or something someone wrote being quoted by someone else as establishing any rational connection.

Schizophrenics think and talk that way.  So does the SPLC.

We should focus on exposing the intrinsic silliness of the SPLC and take a more sober view of this indictment.

Slavery and Colonialism. Are Whites Responsible for the Stagnation of Africa and Blacks in general?

One lie makes more noise than a hundred truths.
Georges Bernanos

Let’s be clear from the start: no White person should feel guilty about colonialism and the horrors of slavery. The “decolonials,” the Islamo-leftists, and the Repentance terrorists have lied about the history of these events in order to neutralize with guilt the racial consciousness and survival instinct of the White race, which they are determined to eradicate from the surface of the earth.

Unfortunately, this dirty work of guilt-tripping is often carried out by self-hating Whites, at first sight sincere and well-intentioned, but ill-informed and sometimes motivated by a powerful need to Whitewash a bad reputation or make social and/or financial gains by signaling their virtue to the “progressive” crowd that values emotion instead of reason.[1] As says eminent virologist and Nobel laureate Frank Macfarlane Burnet:

These hypocritical displays of love always accompany “a race for power.” To “save” someone, to whine about their fate, to be moved by the misfortunes of others, is to increase one’s own social value, and thus, to acquire respectability, notoriety, and power.[2]

Racial minorities in general also have a vested interest in blaming Whites for all their ills. As the American evolutionary psychologist Dr. Kevin MacDonald has shown, from a strictly evolutionary point of view, the all-out denigration of the White majority gives minorities a definite competitive advantage.[3] Since, in the present circumstances, individualism, pathological compassion, suicidal and punitive altruism are among the greatest handicaps of Whites, the pack of racial predators most adept at smelling the prey mortally wounded by guilt and noble sentiments has no difficulty in imposing itself:

White people are high trust, high empathy and have guilt cultures rather than shame cultures (as do the vast majority of the world), which means they feel moral guilt which is susceptible to being defined in terms of principles (“races are social constructs” and egalitarianism) that can be captured and used against them.[4]

The picture would not be complete without naming the shadowy network of international financiers and Big Business who finance and promote the useful idiots of this war on Whites.[5] Jewish currency speculator George Soros comes to mind but, as shown by the Epstein files, there are other shadowy Jewish billionaires, that are never mentioned anywhere.[6] The ultimate goal of this subset of organized Jewry is to create a worldwide collectivist society of consumers easy to manipulate and control; a society where the notion of belonging to a country or a race will be obsolete; a society where no one will have any identity, other than that of consumer. This future is described as a “global utopia” for the ruling Jewish elite and its non-Jewish vassals, a nightmare for the millions of rootless, acculturated post-national nomads.[7]

In this light, here are the main arguments that Africans and Blacks in general use to gain social benefits or to justify their social marginalization and economic stagnation, both in their adopted country and in their country of origin:

Africa considers that it has been marginalized by historical evolution, says the vice president of Senegal. Its impoverishment is the cumulative result of 300 years of slavery, 100 years of colonization, and, since independence, economic domination, which translates into the exploitation of its resources and the labour of its people at prices that are in a perpetual historical downward trend.[8]

In short, if today’s Africa is going nowhere, it’s mainly because the White slave nations emptied it of its lifeblood before building their industrial revolutions on the profits of slavery and then plundering the continent through colonial exploitation.[9] This is, of course, a fantasy. We will see why, by analyzing the painful questions of slavery and colonialism, highly passionate and explosive subjects that stir up not only Black hatred of Whites, but also, and more important, White hatred of Whites.

Truth About Slavery

The long-standing “ebony trade” was not a diabolical invention of Europe and Whites. When the European slave trade began in the 16th century, it was in fact the Blacks themselves who captured other Blacks to sell them to White slave traders. The latter, with some exceptions, never went inland. They came to the West Coast of Africa (Niger Delta) to buy their slaves from African professionals specialized in this brokerage traffic. “The European slave trade, according to African history specialist, Bernard Lugan, was not an innovation brought in from outside, but the evolution of a trade that had always existed.”[10]

Furthermore, the European slave trade had no negative effect on the demographic development of the African continent. The regions where this trade was most flourishing, Ghana, Dahomey, Togo, and Cameroon, are currently the most densely populated countries in Africa.[11] The current emigration to Western countries of Africans who are relatively well-off compared to their compatriots is far more economically and socially damaging to African countries than slavery ever was.

Moreover, the industrial revolutions of White slave countries were not helped by the profits made by this trade. “Common sense and elementary historical culture allow us to affirm that the Industrial Revolution of developed countries was made possible by their human knowhow, their iron and their coal,” asserts Bernard Lugan in his book, Afrique, l’histoire à l’endroit (Africa, History Upright).[12]

As corroborated by researcher Pétré-Grenouilleau, the contribution of slave capital to the formation of British national income, for example, rarely exceeded 1%, averaging around 0.11%.[13] Furthermore, in the slave states of the southern United States, there was not even an Industrial Revolution, unlike in the northern states, which had few Black slaves.[14]

Before demanding reparations, Blacks should know that in the United States, a large number of Blacks were themselves Black slave owners. A free Black man named Antony Johnson owned the first legally recognized slave, John Casor, owned by a Black. By 1860, the number of Black slaves owned by free Blacks was nearly 20,000. Thousands of free Blacks that owned Black slaves even joined the Southern Army in the Civil War to preserve the practice of slavery, which they refused to abandon, like their African brethren.[15]

Blacks should also know that many of the slaves in the South were White slaves who were kidnapped out of their homes in Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. Entire White families were also ensnared for generations into debt slavery. The wealth used to finance the construction of American infrastructure was not extracted from Black slaves but from White yeomen and White slaves through taxation, usury, debt slavery, and classic slavery. In fact, those same oppressed, dispossessed White classes are the ones who built the majority of American infrastructure. Black slaves were treated significantly better than White slaves. They picked cotton for their masters in the first century or two of America, then were weaponized as violent golems against White yeomen right up to the present.[16]

The “progressives” are good at burying the Arab-Muslim slave trade, which was far more important and deadly than the European slave trade, because it is vital for the needs of the cause that Whites alone be responsible for this trade. This trade, which began in the 8th century and ended more than 75 years after the abolition of the European slave trade in 1848, caused much more demographic and economic damage to certain African countries than the European trade, because the Arabs literally “emptied” the regions that served as their reservoir of slaves.[17]

White haters also ignore the Arab-Muslim slave trade of White Christians that took place throughout much of European history. Between the 16thtand 18th centuries, for example, Ohio University history professor Robert Davis estimates that more than a million White slaves were captured on the coasts of Europe and on ships pirated by the North African countries (Maghreb).[18] The mainstream media also obscure the fact that the Arab-Muslim slave trade was a major source of wealth for many of these countries.

The media legacy also ignores the inter-European trade in White Christians. It already existed in the time of the Greeks and Romans, and continued throughout Europe until at least the French Revolution. According to historian B. S. Bachrach, in the ninth century, slave traders in the city of Lyon, France, for example, kidnapped and castrated Christian youths for the Muslim market in Spain, with the blessing of the elites and King Louis the Pious, who profited from this illegal trade not only in Frankish territory, but throughout Christendom.[19]

Jewish Role in Slavery

Finally, the forgers of history forget to mention that, like the inter-European trade of White Christians, the European slave trade was a Jewish specialty. The vast majority of slave traders who were not Arabs or Blacks were in fact Jews. They owned the slave ships; the crews and auction brokers were predominantly Jewish, as were a disproportionate number of slave owners, especially in the West Indies, Brazil, and South America. The headquarters of this very lucrative trade were in New Port Rhode Island, which is also the site of the first synagogue in the Western hemisphere. Trading in this human misery was halted on Saturdays to observe the sabbath.[20], [21]

Yet, in the anti-White propaganda film Amistad, director Steven Spielberg, had the typically Jewish nerve (chutzpah) to blame White Christians alone for the European slave trade. As French author Renaud Camus says, what better way, in a doublethink matter, to provide oneself, on the back of Whites, “with a good name and with absolute protection against all criticism: how could anyone criticize virtue, goodness, generosity, equality, fraternity between people from all walks of life?”[22]

This is also a good way for liberals to inflame Blacks by portraying them as being abused and persecuted by White bigots. Such propaganda in the end is obviously designed to arouse racial hatred against Whites not only among Black Americans, but more importantly, among Whites.[23]

To recapitulate, there have been several types of slave trade, in order of antiquity:

  • – inter-African Black slave trade by Blacks (the oldest) ;
  • – inter-European slave trade of Whites by Jews and Arabs;
  • – Arab-Muslim slave trade of Whites by Arabs;
  • – Arab-Muslim slave trade of Blacks by Arabs and Blacks;
  • – European slave trade of Blacks by Jews and Blacks;
  • – Jewish slave trade of Chinese.

And this is without mentioning that indigenous tribes from all continents, Maoris, Amerindians, Africans, and Aborigines also practiced slavery.[24] The only excuse present-day academics have for perpetuating the myth of the noble savage is a willfully blind Europhobia.[25]

Seen from today’s perspective, the universal phenomenon of slavery was an abomination, and the buyers were as responsible as the sellers. But just as it is absurd to judge the past with the values and knowledge of the present, it is also absurd to hold people of today responsible for the acts their ancestors committed when they were not even born. Guilt is not genetically transmitted; a son is not responsible for his father’s crimes; asking for reparations two hundred years after the fact, and only from Whites, makes no sense. The law is not retroactive. Let us not forget either that this trade was abolished for moral reasons by the Whites themselves, to the great displeasure of their African partners who did not at all understand the meaning of this decision.[26]

Many have not yet understood because slavery is still commonplace in Africa and in Israel. Since its destruction by NATO for so-called humanitarian reasons, Libya, for example, has become a hub for this highly lucrative trade. Future slaves are captured by Arab and African merchants as they cross the Sahara on their way to Europe. Chained and put up for sale, or worked to death, their attempt to reach Europe ends badly, to the total indifference of the media. [27] In Israel, where slavery is a God-given right inscribed in the Torah, thousands of women from Ukraine and other Eastern European countries are victims of the sex trade. Migrant workers are forced to sleep in the fields they tend while their bosses hold their passports hostage. Ethiopian women escaping the war-stricken Tigray region are shipped off to Jordan and forced into full-time servitude.[28]

Truth About Colonialism

It is also false to claim, as the Senegalese-born Boucar Diouf does, that the industrialized nations got rich by “pumping” the very substance of the colonies.[29] This preposterous idea, which is widely promoted by the school, media, and Hollywood propaganda that is currently rampant in all Western countries, has crystallized around a book by the West Indian Marxist Frantz Fanon, which the globalists have summarized in a phrase designed to capture the imagination: “The rich man’s cow eats the poor man’s grain.” According to Bernard Lugan, this indictment of the West constitutes the essence of the globalists’ anti-colonialist doctrine.[30]

If the colonialists imported raw materials from their colonies, they did not steal them. In exchange, they built ports, cities, hospitals and roads; they brought new tools and new agricultural plants; they opened up new spaces for cultivation, and all this at a loss because, in the words of Lugan, “the colonial market was useless and cumbersome.”[31]

All the humanist enterprises of the socialist left — the one that today has the nerve to accuse the right of the misdeeds of colonization when it was opposed to it — were, from the European point of view, a monumental failure. In fact, colonial production was excessively expensive for the colonizers, not only because it was bought at a non-competitive price, but also because, by entering into direct competition with metropolitan production, it contributed to the ruin of entire sectors of the economy of the colonizing countries.[32]

In truth, colonization was rather a blessing for the colonized. None of them had invented the sail, the pulley, the wheel, and anything other but a rudimentary form of agriculture. Engineers, agronomists, and doctors greatly improved the social and health conditions of the local populations, so that Africa today is the fastest growing continent in terms of population; soldiers brought peace, missionaries and administrators put an end to famines, constant fighting for territory, mass killings, cannibalism, sacrificial murders, and slavery.[33] In fact, as in the case of the Maori, for example, it was often the colonized who asked the colonizers to assume jurisdiction of the land to save them from constant warfare.[34] To give you an idea of what the English found when they arrived in Africa, here is a partial account addressed to Mr. Walter S. Rogers of the Institute of Current World Affairs:

Dear Mr. Rogers

[…] All of southern Nigeria was a land of oppression, terror and fiendish cruelty, of slave raids, slavery juju, human sacrifice and cannibalism. […] Hundreds of people were tortured to death regularly in Benin’s juju rituals. These blood-stained rituals. These blood-stained orgies went on for centuries, and were only halted in 1897 when the British captured the city. One man who entered the city in the British expedition gave this description:

“Altars covered with streams of dried human blood, the stench of which was awful… huge pits, forty to fifty feet deep, were found filled with human bodies, dead and dying, and a few wretched victims were rescued alive; … everywhere sacrificial trees on which there were the corpses of the latest victims; … everywhere, on each path, were newly sacrificed corpses . On the principal sacrificial tree, facing the main gate of the King’s compound, there were two crucified bodies…”

It is said that the crucifixion idea was all that remained of a Portuguese attempt early in the sixteenth century to convert Benin from juju to Christianity. A Portuguese seafarer had visited Benin in 1485, the first White man known to have done so. Missionaries were sent out later, but the mission eventually had to be recalled because so many missionaries died. Fetish worship and juju rites returned and, in time, Christianity’s only permanent contribution was to give Benin the crucifixion idea for its mass ritualistic murders.[35]

Another book just as misleading as those by Frantz Fanon and Chinua Achebe mentioned above is King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror, and Heroism in Colonial Africa by the Jewish-American journalist Adam Hochschild. According to Bruce Gilley, professor of political science at Portland State University, this book—currently used in many schools—is

a vast hoax, full of distortions and errors both numerous and grave […]. Some people might view “King Hochschild’s Hoax,” as we might call it, as an empowering fable for modern Africans at the expense of the White man. But its debilitating effects on Africa, and on the Congo in particular, make the opposite more nearly the case. It is a callous and negligent chicote[36] lash on the backs of all Black Africans, narcissistic guilt porn for White liberals at the expense of the African. The Congolese lawyer Marcel Yabili calls it “the greatest falsification in modern history,” a compliment of sorts, I suppose. […] The photographs of people with severed hands were victims of gangrene, tribal vendettas, or cannibalism having nothing to do with rubber.[37]

Finally, it should be noted that colonization—or, more broadly, conquest, imperial expansion, and the imposition of domination over other peoples—is not a phenomenon exclusive to Europeans. Like slavery, it is a constant in human history, practiced by nearly all-powerful civilizations at one time or another, often in the form of military conquests, the settlement of populations, the imposition of language, religion, or culture, and economic or demographic exploitation—e.g., the Greater Israel project.[38]

Here are a few examples:

  • Several African kingdoms and empires, such as the Kingdom of Aksum (1st–7th centuries) and Kongo (14th–19th centuries, present-day Angola, Congo, DRC), as well as the Empires of Ghana (approx. 8th–11th centuries) and Mali (13th–15th centuries), practiced forms of imperialism: territorial conquests, the imposition of tributes, the administration of conquered peoples, control of trade routes, and sometimes gradual Arabization or Islamization, or even the displacement of populations.[39]
  • The Arabs colonized North Africa (the Maghreb: Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco), the Levant (Syria, Palestine, and Lebanon), Egypt, Mesopotamia (Iraq), present-day Pakistan, Persia (Iran), and Spain, from 711 to around 1492—a period spanning more than 700 years. These expansions took about a century to form an empire stretching from Spain to the Indus River, with Arab garrison towns and a gradual Islamization/Arabization of the local populations.[40]
  • Under Genghis Khan and his successors, the Mongols established the largest contiguous empire in history, stretching from China to Eastern Europe (as far as Hungary and Poland). They conquered China (ending the Jin and Song dynasties), Korea, Central Asia (Khwarezm), Persia, Iraq, and parts of Russia and the Caucasus. The conquests were often extremely destructive (sacking of cities, mass massacres), followed by imperial administration, population displacements, and the imposition of a tribute system. Millions of people were killed or displaced, and entire cultures were upended.[41]
  • The Ottoman Turks, originally from Anatolia, conquered and ruled for centuries: the Balkans (Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria, Hungary, etc.), where they imposed their administration, the devshirme system (forced recruitment of Christian children for the Janissaries), and fiscal and cultural domination.[42]
  • The Chinese (the Qin, Han, Tang, Ming, and Qing dynasties) engaged in continuous expansion to the south, west, and north, establishing Han settlements in regions such as Xinjiang, Tibet, Inner Mongolia, and Yunnan. The Han often imposed their culture, administration, and language on the conquered or assimilated peoples.[43]
  • Japan colonized Taiwan (1895), Korea (1910), parts of China (Manchukuo), and the Pacific Islands. It engaged in settlement colonization, exploitation, and cultural assimilation, often through brutal policies.[44]
  • Jewish Zionists have been colonizing Palestine for the past one hundred years in a most cruel and sadistic matter. They engage in theft of land, torture, mutilations, rape, expulsions, and genocide by bombing, starvation, and snipper assassinations of mostly women and children.
  • In short, powerful entities—whether African, Arab, Mongol, Turkish, Chinese, Persian, or Jewish—have almost all engaged in forms of territorial expansion, domination, and, at times, the cultural transformation of the peoples they conquered. Europeans did so on a large scale beginning in the 15th century thanks to their technological advantage in maritime affairs, but they did not invent either war of conquest or imperialism. It is a universal human dynamic linked to the pursuit of resources, power, and security.

It was an obscure Jewish Zionist lawyer from Poland, Raphael Lemkin (1900-1959), who sought, out of hatred for Whites, to demonize and criminalize Europeans as colonialists. Early European and modern colonialism was central to his conception of genocide and the United Nations convention on genocide (1948). Because of Lemkin’s anti-White bias, the European as a colonialist is systematically indicted as “genocidal,” deplores scholar Kerry R. Bolton in his book, The Tyranny of Human Rights. As a matter of fact, any form whatsoever of European expansion is “intrinsically genocidal,” including the age of discovery.[45] Why is European colonialism “implicitly genocidal?” asks Bolton. Is it genocidal

when suppressing indigenous bloodlust, but the wholesale intervention of the UN and its various agencies, often in partnership with global corporations that have a profit motive behind the façade, lauded as “humanitarian work”? The only consistency as usual is that of Europhobia. Prior to European colonialism, the nations of the Americas, Australia, New Guinea, New Zealand, and other non-European lands did not have any conception of race unity, of themselves as a single ethnic bloc, but rather as tribes often contending to the death. Why does UN intervention in Africa become a humanitarian necessity that is somehow of higher morality than the intervention of European colonialism? The answer is that it serves a miscreant aim behind a moral façade.[46]

The Reason for the Stagnation of Blacks and Africa

According to high-level scientists such as William Shockley (Nobel prize winner), Frank Ellis, James Watson and Francis Crick (Nobel prize winners), Chris Brand, Andrew Fraser, Nicholas Kollerstrom, Greg Clydesdale, J. Philip Rushton, Ricardo Duchesne, Charles Murray, Kerry R. Bolton, Richard Lynn, Tatu Vanhanen, and many others, if colored people in general are stagnating it is not because of slavery or colonialism, but mainly because of their low average intelligence quotient (IQ).[47], [48], [49]

With the advent of Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) technology, it is now possible to accurately predict IQ and to demonstrate racial differences in IQ, thereby vindicating all the above scientists who have been ritually slanderd and expelled from their field for defending the genetic origin of IQ and of race.[50]

The GNP of a country is directly proportional to the average IQ of its people. Below an average IQ of 100 like that of Whites, it becomes difficult, if not impossible, to create, manage, and be competitive in a modern society like ours. According to Richard Lynn and Tatu Vanhanen, the average IQ of people in sub-Saharan Africa is about 70, while the average IQ of people in the Maghreb, north of the Sahara, is about 85. Asian countries with average IQs of 108, which have also experienced colonization and slavery, such as South Korea, Hong Kong, Singapore, Malaysia, and Taiwan, are among the most developed countries in the world. Without massive outside help in all matters, Israel, because of its average IQ of 94, could not survive as a modern entity. [51], [52], [53]

Ultimately, as Arthur Kemp states in his book The War Against Whites, there is no basis for the claims of Blacks and African countries allegedly affected by slavery and colonization. The entire reparations and slavery industry is based on lies spread by several nefarious sections of society intent on denigrating for financial, ideological, racial, and psychotic reasons the achievements of Whites. In the end, “this attack is driven by a hatred of Whites, and not by logic or any historical or moral argument, ” asserts Arthur Kemp.[54]


1] Virtue signaling, which is the expression or promotion of viewpoints and emotions that are especially valued within a social group allows the speaker (politician or activist of some kind) to morally supplant his fellow human beings and increase his popularity among a certain crowd that values emotion instead of reason. For a good take on the psychopathic personalities of the narcissistic left see Kerry Bolton, PhD, The Psychotic Left. From Jacobin France to the Occupy Movement, Black House Publishing, 2017.

[2] Citation from Laurent Obertone, La France interdite : La Vérité sur l’immigration, Ring, 2018, p. 378.

[3] Kevin MacDonald, PhD, The Culture of Critique: An Evolutionary Analysis of Jewish Involvement in Twentieth-Century Intellectual and Political Movements, Antelope Hill Publishing, 2025.

[4] merchantHelios@poa.st, Interesting thoughts from/lit/ on why so much western media is blatantly anti-White.

[5] Kerry Bolton, PhD, Revolution from Above. Manufacturing ‘Descent’ in the New World Order, Arktos, 2011.

[6] Nick Fuentes, “What They’re NOT Telling You About Epstein,” Rumble, 2026.

[7] Gearóid Ó COLMÁIN, “Rothschild’s ‘Slaughter Ships.’ Coercive Engineered Migration: Zionism’s War on Europe (Part 4 of 11),”Dissident Voice, 2016. Cited by Scott HOWARD, The Open Society Playbook, Antelope Hill Publishing, p. 223.

[8] Bernard Lugan, Afrique, l’histoire à l’endroit, Perrin, 1989, p. 25.

[9] Ibid., p. 134.

[10] Ibid., p. 136.

[11] Ibid., p. 252.

[12] Bernard Lugan, Mythes et manipulations de l’histoire africaine : Mensonges et repentance, Afrique réelle, 2012, p. 74.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Larry E. Tise, Proslavery: A History of the Defense of Slavery in America, 1701-1840, The University of Georgia Press, 1987.

[15] Philip S. Foner, History of Black Americans: From Africa to the Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom, Oxford University Press. Cited by Arthur Kemp in The War Against Whites: The Racial Psychology Behind the Anti-White Hatred Sweeping the West, Ostara Publications, 2020, pp. 163-169.

[16] Michael Hoffman, They Were White and They Were Slaves: The Untold History of the Enslavement of Whites in Early America, Independent History; 4th edition, May 31, 1993.

[17] Tidiane N’Diaye, Le Génocide voilé, Gallimard, 2017, p. 11.

[18] Robert Davis, Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters: White Slavery in the Mediterranean, The Barbary Coast, and Italy, 1500-1800, Palgrave Macmillan, 2003.

[19] Andrew Joyce, “Agobard of Lyon and The Origins of the Hostile Elite,” The Occidental Observer, 2017.

[20] The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews, prepared by the Historical Research Department of the Nation of Islam, Latimer Associates, 1991.

[21] Walter White, Who Brought the Slaves to America? White Publishing, 1966. Cited by David Duke in Jewish Suprematism: My Awakening to the Jewish Question, Free Speech Press, 2002.

[22] Douglas Mercer, The Great Replacement, Countercurrents. This is a Renaud Camus quote. The NEPAD explained, République du Sénégal.

[23] Hervé Ryssen, Satan in Hollywood. Anti-Christian Propaganda in film, The Barnes Review, 2016.

[24] Bruce Gilley, The Case for Colonialism, New England Review Press, 2023.

[25] Kerry R. Bolton, The Tyranny of Human Rights. From Jacobinism to the United Nations, Antelope Publishers, 2022, p. 77.

[26] Arthur Kemp, work cited, p. 158.

[27] Nora Adin Fares, ‘Never-ending humiliation’: Recalling horrors in Libya’s migration centres, Aljazeera, March 24 2024.

[28] Shanna Fuld, “Modern Slavery in Israel. The Women victims of human trafficking” The Jerusalem Post, April 8, 2023.

[29] Alexandre Cormier-Denis, « Grand remplacement : réponse à Boucar Diouf et Guillaume Wagner », Nomos-TV, 2019.

[30] Bernard Lugan, Afrique, l’histoire à l’endroit, Perrin, 1989, p. 249.

[31] Bernard Lugan, « L’empire colonial a-t-il enrichi la France ? », work cited, chapter X, 2012, p. 99-104.

[32] Kerry Bolton, The Tyranny of Human Rights. From Jacobinism to the United Nations, Antelope Publishers, 2022, p. 77.

[33] Bruce Gilley, The Case for Colonialism, New English review Press, 2023.

[34] Kerry Bolton, The Parihaka Cuklt, Black House Publishing, 2012.

[35] Notes on Nigeria, Institute of Current World Affairs: https://www.icwa.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/09/DER-42.pdf

[36] Wikipedia: A chicote is a whip made of knotted or braided leather straps, traditionally crafted from hippopotamus, rhinoceros, or buffalo hide. It is particularly associated with the Belgian colonial era in the Congo (the Independent State of the Congo under Leopold II, then a Belgian colony), where it was used to punish forced laborers, prisoners, or “natives” who failed to meet quotas (particularly for rubber).

[37] Bruce Gilley, “The Congo Hoax,” The American Conservative, Apr 17, 2023.

[38] GROK AI on X.

[39] Bernard Lugan, Quand les Africains colonisaient l’Afrique, Éditions du Rocher, 2026. This book explores the forgotten history of millennia-old internal colonization within Africa, which predates the European conquest.

[40] Ibid.

[41] GROK AI on X.

[42] Ibid.

[43] Ibid.

[44] Ibid.

[45] Kerry Bolton, work cited, p. 76.

[46] Ibid., p. 84-85.

[47] Ibid., p. 365 to 381.

[48] Collectif, QI et races : Le Cauchemar des multiculturalistes devant le réel, avec un texte d’Henry Garrett et une présentation des recherches d’Arthur Jensen, J. Philippe Rushton, de Richard J. Herrnstein, de Charles Murray, de Richard Lynn, de Tatu Vanhanen and others, Akribea, 2019.

[49] Charles Murray, Human Diversity: The Biology of Gender, Race, and Class, Twelve, 2020.

[50] Spencer J. Quinn, “The Vindication of James Watson,” The Unz Review, April 13, 2023.

[51] Richard Lynn and Tatu Vanhanen, IQ and the Wealth of Nations, Praeger/Greenwood, 2002.

[52] Richard Lynn and Tatu Vanhanen, Human Intelligence, Political Science, Sociology, Economics, Washington Summit Publishers, 2006.

[53] IQ compared by countries, WorldData info.

[54] Arthur Kemp, work cited, p. 176.

Will Colombia Get a Fanatically Pro-Zionist President?

Colombia may soon join the growing ranks of Latin American nations led by fanatically pro-Zionist presidents who view alignment with Israel as a ticket to Washington’s good graces.

Abelardo de la Espriella, the right-wing Colombian presidential candidate known as “El Tigre,” has made his pro-Israel stance a central pillar of his 2026 campaign. Currently placing second in several polls with approximately 27 to 28 percent support, the criminal defense lawyer turned political outsider has pledged to move Colombia’s embassy to Jerusalem, restore diplomatic ties with Israel severed by the Petro government in 2024, and forge a strategic alliance with both Israel and the United States to combat narcoterrorism.

De la Espriella’s pro-Zionist signaling is part of a growing trend of Latin American leaders—most notably Javier Milei in Argentina—showcasing their support for Israel to stay in the good graces of Washington. Should he win the Colombian presidency, it will further reinforce this pattern across the region.

Abelardo Gabriel de la Espriella Otero was born on July 31, 1978, in Bogotá and grew up in Montería in the Córdoba department of northern Colombia. He studied law at Sergio Arboleda University and later earned a specialization in administrative law from Del Rosario University. In 2012, he obtained a master’s degree in law from Nebrija University in Spain.

He founded his law firm, De La Espriella Lawyers, in 2002, with offices in Colombia and the United States. His professional reputation was built on high-profile criminal defense cases, representing celebrities, politicians, and controversial businessmen. He holds dual Colombian-Italian nationality.

De la Espriella spent nearly two decades cultivating a public profile as a media commentator, opinion columnist, and television personality before formally entering politics. At the end of 2024, he launched his political movement, Defensores de la Patria (Defenders of the Homeland), describing it as “the voice of citizens tired of insecurity, corruption, and the complacency of the elites.”

In November 2025, De la Espriella held a mass rally at the Movistar Arena in Bogotá, drawing more than 15,000 supporters. The event featured video messages and appearances from Rep. María Elvira Salazar (R-FL), Argentine political analyst Agustín Laje, and Spanish MEP Alvise Pérez of Se Acabó La Fiesta.

He has been compared repeatedly to Nayib Bukele of El Salvador, Javier Milei of Argentina, and Donald Trump of the United States, a comparison he embraces. In January 2026, he traveled to Madrid to meet Santiago Abascal, leader of Spain’s VOX party, and signed the Carta de Madrid to formally join the Foro de Madrid, an international network of conservative and right-wing populist political leaders. His running mate is José Manuel Restrepo, who served first as Minister of Commerce and then as Minister of Finance under President Iván Duque.

Alongside these political alliances, De la Espriella has staked out a strongly pro-Israel foreign policy platform that doubles as a critique of the sitting administration. De la Espriella’s pro-Israel position stands in contrast to President Gustavo Petro’s anti-Israel posture and as a model for Colombia’s own so-called counterterrorism strategy. His core positions include moving the Colombian Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, following the precedents set by the United States under Trump and Argentina under Milei. He has vowed to fully restore the diplomatic ties that Petro severed on May 1, 2024, calling this an “urgent necessity” for Colombia.

De la Espriella has described a tripartite alliance between Colombia, Israel, and the United States as the central axis of his foreign and security policy. He told Reuters that in his first 90 days in office he would pursue close military and police ties with the United States and Israel. He has repeatedly cited Israel as a global reference point for counterterrorism, intelligence, and defense technology.

When Petro broke ties with Israel, Colombia was negatively affected in military intelligence cooperation and maintenance of its Israeli-manufactured Kfir fighter jets, which had formed part of the Colombian Air Force for 36 years. De la Espriella has pledged to restore this cooperation.

In a November 2025 statement following his meeting with Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar, De la Espriella declared his position in unambiguous terms. “In my government, I will move the embassy to Jerusalem, because only by strengthening relations and learning from nations that have successfully confronted terrorism will we be able to find the keys to defeating our own ills.” He further stated: “A strategic alliance with the State of Israel and with the Government of the United States will not only make us stronger, but will place us on the right side of history.”

He reinforced this commitment months later in a direct appeal to Colombia’s Jewish community. On April 1, 2026, De la Espriella tweeted his thanks to the Colombian Jewish community:

“Thank you to the Colombian Jewish community for the warm welcome and support you provided us. We will renew a strategic alliance with the State of Israel to confront narcoterrorism with determination. Alongside José Manuel Restrepo, we will defend the Judeo-Christian principles that form the foundation of Western civilization. We deeply recognize and value the Jewish community: their resilience, their legacy, and their steadfastness in the face of adversity serve as an example for nations that do not give up. In my government, Colombia will take a clear step in its foreign policy: we will establish our embassy in Jerusalem and strengthen a direct, firm, and strategic relationship with Israel.”

Beyond public statements and rally appearances, De la Espriella has secured direct engagement with Colombia’s organized Jewish leadership. The most significant formal connection came on March 25, 2026, when he and his vice-presidential running mate José Manuel Restrepo held a formal meeting with the Confederación de Comunidades Judías de Colombia (CCJC), the main umbrella organization of the Jewish community in Colombia, led by executive director Marcos Peckel. At the meeting, De la Espriella pledged to stand by the Jewish community, saying he was ready to defend the Jewish people. Restrepo delivered an explicit statement of support: “I will never hesitate to defend our Jewish people, who are our brother people, the people of God.”

The CCJC has a well-documented history of opposing Petro’s anti-Israel policies. Director Marcos Peckel urged Petro to restore relations in October 2025, calling for the country to “renew dialogue in this new phase of peacebuilding in the region.” Peckel is also a commissioner to combat antisemitism at the Latin American Jewish Congress and a member of the Executive Committee of the World Jewish Congress since 2013.

De la Espriella’s campaign has also engaged with Kehilat Yovel, a messianic Jewish congregation in Bogotá led by Pastor Raúl Rubio, which serves as one of the most prominent pro-Israel civil society organizations in Colombia. Kehilat Yovel is the main Colombian partner of the Combat Antisemitism Movement (CAM), an international pro-Israel NGO, and has co-organized major pro-Israel rallies in Colombia.

These civil society alignments complement a growing pattern of direct engagement with Israeli state officials. The most direct connection between De la Espriella and the Israeli government is his two-hour meeting with Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar on November 25, 2025, during Sa’ar’s Latin American tour.

De la Espriella publicly shared a photo of the meeting on his X account and described it as “a cordial conversation of more than two hours, in which I was able to convey the urgent necessity for Colombia to strengthen ties of friendship and cooperation with Israel.”

The relationship De la Espriella seeks to restore has deep historical roots. Colombia and Israel established diplomatic relations in 1957, though Colombia had recognized Israel as early as 1949. The relationship has been characterized by significant defense and intelligence cooperation, most notably the Israeli-manufactured Kfir fighter jets that have formed the backbone of the Colombian Air Force for over 36 years.

Israel Aerospace Industries upgraded Colombia’s Kfir fleet to its latest C-60 standard as recently as 2017, under a multi-year contract awarded in 2007 worth more than $150 million. Colombia has served, more notoriously, as a training ground where Israeli mercenaries like Yair Klein could expand their security operations and create substantial turmoil.

Under Petro, Colombia severed diplomatic relations with Israel in May 2024, banned coal exports to Israel by decree in August 2024, and expelled Israeli diplomats in October 2025. In August 2025, Petro signed Presidential Directive No. 07, institutionalizing pro-Palestinian policies across all Colombian state agencies, a move roundly condemned by the CCJC and international Jewish organizations.

De la Espriella has pledged to undo each of these measures. What he proposes in their place goes well beyond restoration of the pre-Petro status quo. An electoral victory for Abelardo de la Espriella would mark the formal integration of Colombia into the Isaac Accords framework, effectively tethering the nation’s security and intelligence apparatus to the long-term strategic objectives of Tel Aviv.

By positioning himself as a reliable regional proxy, De la Espriella ensures that Colombia follows the trajectory set by Argentina, subordinating national sovereignty to the dictates of an expansive Judeo-American security umbrella designed to cement Jewish supremacy across the Western Hemisphere.