Donald Trump

Trump’s Statement on Muslim Exclusion

 

Trump panic, complete with Hitler salute

Trump panic, complete with “Hitler salute

Once again, Donald Trump is ahead of the curve and taking all the oxygen out of the room for the other Republican candidates. His statement “calling for a total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States until our country’s representatives can figure out what is going on” is completely at odds with the West’s commitment to multiculturalism and diversity, the “we’re all the same” mantra, and the ideology that the nations of the West are proposition nations committed only to abstract ideas like “freedom” and “democracy” with no ethnic or religious connotations. Hence the outraged reactions of the media and the political class from left to right, with even “far right” Dick Cheney, a prime stalking horse of the liberals, claiming that it “goes against everything we stand for and believe in.”

Cheney is right of course if he is referring to elite attitudes, and his statements are a great example of how mainstream elites from left to right really have the same basic ideology when it comes to the most critical issue any society must deal with—the future composition of its population  and the legitimate interests of the native population in retaining their culture and ethnic predominance. Trump has doubled down on saying immigration-related things that have been kept out of public discourse for decades. First we had the statements on criminal Mexicans and the promise to build the wall, ending birthright citizenship and making US immigration (and trade) policy benefit US workers. But Trump’s December 7 statement goes even further, singling out a particular group for exclusion in a way that even his statements on Mexicans didn’t approach (especially given his “big, beautiful door” comments meant to soften his stance). Read more

Why so much Jewish fear and loathing of Donald Trump?

Also at VDARE.com.

There has been extraordinary, almost unhinged anxiety among some Jews about Donald Trump’s campaign for the GOP Presidential nomination. It has no solid basis, but unfortunately it does speak to their profound neurosis and alienation from the historic American nation.

It’s worth asking how, from the general Jewish point of view, Trump departs from the ideal presidential candidate. This ideal candidate is (1) predictably and fanatically pro-Israel; (2) predictably liberal/Left on social issues, particularly anything related to immigration and multiculturalism; and (3) in need of big campaign money contingent on satisfying (1) and (2). Jeb Bush, who was the early favorite of Sheldon Adelson and theRepublican Jewish Coalition, filled the bill quite well. But Bush now seems to be fading, with Adelson leaning toward Marco Rubio—he of the Gang of Eight Amnesty/Immigration Surge bill and saying all the right things about Israel and the Middle East.

Trump could hardly be more acceptable on Israel, given his statement that “We love Israel. We will fight for Israel 100 percent, 1,000 percent. It will be there forever.” [When it comes to Jewish ties, no GOP candidate trumps Trump, by Uri Heilman, Times of Israel, August 8, 2015] On the other hand, he does not come across as an ideal neoconservative candidate, having stated that he would not have invaded Iraq (strongly promoted by Israel, the neocons, and the Israel Lobby), opposes using US force for “nation-building,” another favorite neocon policy and one of the rationales for the Iraq invasion, and for his recent statements on Syria—that Putin’s support for Assad makes more sense than the US policy (“we don’t even know who we’re backing”)[Trump on Putin Controlling Syria: ‘OK, Fine,’ Him Fighting ISIS ‘Wonderful Thing,’ ‘Very Little Downside’, Breitbart.com, September 29, 2015 Read more

Donald Trump’s Rise Sparks Widespread Angst Among Jewish Republicans

An article in The Forward again shows the true colors of the Republican Jewish Coalition: Liberal politics, abhorrence of White identity, and a powerful loyalty to Israel (Josh Nathan-Kazis, Donald Trump’s Rise Sparks Widespread Angst Among Jewish Republicans).

At a recent board meeting of the Republican Jewish Coalition, the big donors and high-powered operatives in the room went around the table to make sure they had someone supporting each potential Republican nominee.

Jeb Bush backers were easy to find. Supporters of Marco Rubio, too, were plentiful. Ted Cruz had friends there, as did Scott Walker, and even George Pataki and Lindsey Graham. The Republican Jewish elite have spread themselves wide across the GOP firmament.

Obviously it’s a good strategy to cultivate all the possibilities, just as the Israel Lobby has traditionally cultivated both sides of the aisle.

Yet Donald Trump, who has topped 20% to lead all other Republicans in recent presidential primary polls, and who also leads the pack in both Iowa and New Hampshire, is a different story. An RJC member who was present at the board meeting said he could not recall if Trump had backers there. What is clear is that, despite his surge in the polls, the anti-immigration hard-liner has strikingly little support among prominent Republican Jewish donors, activists and consultants.

Many Republican Jewish leaders remain unwilling to speak about Trump. …

Jewish Republicans’ critiques of Trump, when they can be convinced to air them, fall into two categories. Most echo the concerns of the Republican establishment, deriding the real estate developer and former reality show star who is advocating selective tax increases on the wealthy as unserious. They worry that he will drive away nontraditional Republican voters. Others, however, have deeper concerns.

Right. A tax on hedge fund profits, as Trump proposes, would be a serious blow to the RJC.

“There are a lot of folks who are, to be charitable, into white identity politics, and to be uncharitable are outright racists, who are supporting Trump,” said Nathan Wurtzel, a Republican political consultant and principal at The Catalyst Group, who is Jewish. “It’s very off-putting and disturbing.”

 

Read more

Chemi Shalev: American Jews must oppose Trump’s immigration policy

Haaretz columnist, Chemi Shalev, complains that Jewish organizations have not been up in arms about Donald Trump’s proposed immigration policy. The reason Jewish organizations must act is because over 90 years ago the US passed an immigration restriction bill that shut off the flow of Eastern European Jews to America.

The basic logic here is that the 1924 Immigration Restriction Act was the Original Sin of White America. The attempt on the part of Americans to fashion their immigration policy to retain an ethnic status quo as of 1890 was so horrifically evil that Jewish organizations have a duty to once again bring all the pressure they can muster to allow in every last immigrant who wants to come to America. Needless to say, Israel’s immigration policy — clearly engineered to retain Jewish ethnic dominance — is not at issue for Shalev.

I won’t dispute Shalev’s point that the main concern of White America in 1924 was the influx of Jews, but of course he fails to contextualize this concern properly. As I noted elsewhere, there was an

explicit concern about lack of assimilability. Although the bias toward Northern Europeans did indeed discriminate against Southern and Eastern Europeans, it was obvious from the debates that the main concern was Eastern European Jewish immigrants, large percentages of whom were radicals (see here, p. 271 ff) and none of whom identified with the people or culture of Christian, Northern European America. Support for immigration restriction was centered in rural America, particularly in the South and West; as John Higham noted, “Jews, as a result of their intellectual energy and economic resources, constituted an advance guard of the new peoples who had no feeling for the traditions of rural America” (Send These to Me: Immigrants in Urban America, rev. ed. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984, 168–169). Lack of rapport with the traditional people and culture of America was apparent among the New York Intellectuals and among Jewish radicals who were entirely mainstream in the Jewish community. In the immigration debates of 1924 Representative Knud Wefald of Minnesota emphasized lack of sympathy with traditional American culture:

I for one am not afraid of the radical ideas that some might bring with them. Ideas you cannot keep out anyway, but the leadership of our intellectual life in many of its phases has come into the hands of these clever newcomers who have no sympathy with our old-time American ideals nor with those of northern Europe, who detect our weaknesses and pander to them and get wealthy through the disservices they render us.

Our whole system of amusements has been taken over by men who came here on the crest of the south and east European immigration. They produce our horrible film stories, they compose and dish out to us our jazz music, they write many of the books we read, and edit our magazines and newspapers. (Cong. Rec., April 12, 1924, 6272)

Thus a main concern in addition to the very large numbers of radicals among Jewish immigrants and the fact that sympathy for the far left was entirely mainstream within the Jewish community,  was that Jews were fast becoming an intellectual elite with very different attitudes than the traditional people of America. These concerns are more than justified given the subsequent history of the US, and particularly US immigration policy where Jewish organizations led the campaign culminating in the 1965 immigration law that ended the ethnic status quo legislated by the 1924 law and opened up immigration to all the peoples of the world.

Unlike the 1924 law, the 1965 immigration law was not at all in response to public outcry but to prolonged pressure that was organized, funded and led by the organized Jewish community; it also occurred in the context of the ascendancy of Jewish-dominated intellectual movements that undercut the intellectual basis for immigration restriction rooted in the legitimate ethnic interests of the traditional people of America (see herepassim).

Since 1965, the mainstream Jewish community has strongly supported increasing the numbers of immigrants, as for example in their support of the Schumer-Rubio immigration amnesty/surge immigration bill in 2013. During the public debate, Jewish organizations once again flogged the 1924 law as the epitome of evil.

The immigration policy advocated by Jewish organizations for the US has always had two main components:

  • Maximize the total number of immigrants; in the immediate aftermath of the passage of the 1965 law that removed the bias toward Western Europe, Jewish immigration activists switched to focus on maximizing total numbers.  (See here, p. 291)
  • Promote the idea that immigrants not be chosen for their ability to make an economic contribution to the U.S. The assumption is that, apart from those who are “dangerous or a threat to national security,” all immigrants in whatever numbers have a positive impact on the society as a whole  (see previous link, p. 277-278). Family reunification, which has been a bedrock Jewish attitude at least since the 1940s (see previous link, p. 277-278),  is the basis of chain migration which has been one of themain reasons why numbers of immigrants has skyrocketed.

So that leaves us with Shalev’s concerns about the relative silence of Jewish organizations:

The U.S. might desperately need immigration reform but that does not excuse the deathly Jewish silence on Trump’s outrageous statements. … If one wants to be generous, one can ascribe the American Jewish muteness to other preoccupations, ranging from summer vacations to arguments over the Iran deal. Perhaps, like some Republican presidential hopefuls, they are simply afraid of the kind of verbal retribution that Trump might unleash if he is criticized. Others still might be motivated by the kind of deep seated hatred of Obama that has caused many Jews to hear, see or speak no evil of any of his potential adversaries.

The most disconcerting possibility, however, is that Jews are losing their historical support for immigration as a defining value of the American ethos; that they are no longer moved by the plea “Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore,” written by Emma Lazarus and engraved on the Statue of Liberty.

I rather doubt the latter reason is at all likely, and I won’t comment further on the glaring intellectual blind spot shown by Shalev where it’s morally okay for his people to have an ethnostate but anathema for European Americans.

However, it is interesting that Jewish organizations have remained relatively silent. As noted regarding the 2013 immigration debates, Jewish organizations were not at all shy about advocating the immigration amnesty/surge bill, finding their rationale in a supposed uniquely Jewish morality while making moral condemnations of its opponents.

It makes sense to suppose that since Jewish organizations are very publicly opposing Obama’s Iran deal, it might seem poor strategy to have Jewish organizations taking sides against Trump. One issue at a time. Also, there may well be a strand of Jewish thinking that any Republican would be relatively good for Israel given the unanimity of Republican opposition to the Iran deal. Still, I really can’t believe that Jewish activists would be bothered by a second Clinton presidency given her support among fanatical  Zionists like Haim Saban and her coterie of neocon foreign policy people.

Further, the immigration debate will be with us long after the vote on the Iran deal in September. Plenty enough time to pull out all the heavy artillery for the 2016 election. After all, lots of pundits are still predicting that Trump will be forgotten as a candidate in a few months. And from their point of view, the nomination and then resounding, often-predicted defeat of a Republican populist candidate would be cause for great rejoicing—a resounding defeat for the traditional people and culture of America.

Also, Trump’s policy statement has been roundly criticized in the mainstream media which has long reflected the views on immigration of the organized Jewish community. Here it would be silly not to mention Jews as media owners, media producers, and as able to expunge voices that violate the current racial zeitgeist (see here and here).

In a real sense, much of the mainstream media functions as a proxy for the views of the organized Jewish community; proxies have a similar effect but have the advantage of not calling attention to Jewish identities and interests. As Patrick Cleburne notes in a comment on the thousands that are expected to turn out for a Donald Trump rally in Mobile, Alabama:

 A couple more events like Mobile looks like being and we are going to be deluged with Nuremberg rally comparisons. No one who can stir up the Serfs like this is going to be trusted.

Implicit in this statement is that Jewish concerns about White people turning into Nazis dominate the mainstream media. And although the media’s comparisons will be with Nazi rallies, it will be their proxies in the media making the comparisons, not Jewish organizations — at least for the time being.


This calls attention to the fact that Jewish organizations would do well not to take a public stance on Trump simply because he has touched a public nerve. It’s one thing to ruin careers of people with relatively little power, but certainly Trump is not so easily dealt with given his celebrity status, his wealth, and what increasingly seems to be his political deftness. The weakness of Jewish power is that, despite Jewish influence on the media, it has typically opposed strong trends in traditional American culture (public presence of Christianitygun controlthe public culture of homosexuality) that remain popular with substantial percentages of the public despite Jewish media influence.

This is also true of immigration. Despite the tsunami of positive messages on immigration emanating from the mainstream media, Trump’s policies on immigration are clearly in sync with the views of most Americans. Jewish attitudes on immigration are certainly not deeply rooted in popular attitudes among White Americans. The anti-White revolution has been a top-down phenomenon which has occurred because fundamentally America is now an oligarchy, not a democracy. Trump’s populist appeal is a real threat to our new, hostile elite because it is fundamentally uncontrollable.

In addition, it is quite possible that another reason for the relative silence is that the aura of Jewish moral superiority that has been so important for Jewish success has been slipping noticeably lately. This has occurred particularly on the left with the success of the BDS movement because of the behavior of Israel toward the Palestinians, and anyone who is remotely familiar with Israel is quite aware of Jewish double standards and hypocrisy on immigration as a moral imperative.

The loss of the Jewish image of victimhood and moral superiority would indeed be a very large step in the right direction. If and when Jewish organizations feel that it would be counterproductive to issue statements supporting immigration, it would be a great sign that things really are changing. I rather doubt that we are there yet, but their aura of moral superiority has never been so vulnerable.

Donald Trump’s breakthrough statement on immigration

I certainly counted myself among the skeptics when it comes to Donald Trump’s candidacy. But it’s clear now that he is going full populist on the issues that matter, first with his statements on trade deals, but now—and more importantly—on immigration. Ann Coulter calls his immigration statement “the greatest political document since the Magna Carta,”

I agree—if it can actually end up influencing policy. While other candidates like Scott Walker and Rick Santorum have mumbled things about legal immigration, the immigration issue will now define Trump’s candidacy. White Americans can finally express themselves on what kind of country they want to live in. As Coulter also points out, immigration is the only important issue:

Suddenly the cozy consensus among elites on immigration is exposed. White American voters started this election cycle with the deadening belief that it was going to be Hillary vs. Jeb in the election, with nary a mention that immigration was even an issue. Flip a coin, because it makes no difference to the big money or anyone else—the politics of oligarchy in action. Here’s a cartoon of a person who had hanged himself, his feet dangling down in front of a TV screen showing a presidential debate between Jeb and Hillary.

Exactly. And in that debate there would be zero questions on immigration—just the way the big media wants it. Read more

How it could happen: The candidacy of Donald Trump

We all rack our brains every day trying how to break through in a system that is completely stacked against us. How could it happen—a political movement that would ignite the imaginations of White America, depose the corrupt donor class in the Republican Party, and begin to really take the country back?

Right now, doing so is a huge uphill battle. The oppressive mainstream media environment is closed to obviously true messages that Whites have interests just like everybody else. Indeed, it is busy tearing down what’s left of traditional American culture. And despite the internet, the mainstream media, including outlets such as Fox News, continues to wield enormous power, and the vast majority of Americans, including educated Americans, accept its legitimacy and moral authority. Despite the First Amendment, we all know that there are a variety of very powerful social sanctions against anyone who contravenes the racial consensus.

Further, it is extremely difficult for a grass roots political process to gain traction in the U.S. where there are two entrenched political parties and winner-take-all elections, with no proportional representation. Political parties need money—big money, billionaire-type money, and they need highly recognizable names — neither of which is typically available to a grass roots movement. Such movements have a hard time getting traction or a sense of legitimacy, and it’s very difficult to get their word out, especially if it contravenes what our media elites want to hear.

But political celebrities have an enormous ability to shape public debate because the media cannot ignore them. The media can and will do all it can to destroy celebrities that err on the side of political incorrectness, but they can’t prevent the message from getting out. Read more