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Africans and African Americans

The anti-racism of Ibram X. Kendi

July 31, 2023/5 Comments/in Africans and African Americans, Featured Articles/by Richard Knight

One only needs to hear an anti-racist like Ibram X. Kendi speak to sense that he is a trickster. Below is a description of his anti-racism in the context of anti-racism as a whole that will explain this intuition.

Where institutions are concerned, anti-racism has only ever had one aim and made one argument. The aim is to overturn the principle of equal treatment so that black people can receive what they are not entitled to.[1] The argument goes like this. The races are the same, but their circumstances differ. Black people must be being discriminated against, therefore we need to discriminate in their favour.[2]

The problems with this argument are obvious. There is no reason to think that the races are the same. Secondly, if black people were being discriminated against, there would be evidence of it. Finally, if such discrimination were going on, the answer would be to stop it, not reverse it. Despite these flaws, the argument has served anti-racism well for decades thanks to the media’s skill in making it seem plausible.

Insisting that the races are the same is essential to anti-racism. If we could point out that they differ, this would explain the fact that their circumstances differ, and the idea that these differing circumstances are the fault of whites would collapse. And so, underlining the existing taboo against mentioning racial differences, Kendi calls the idea that the races differ “racist”.[3] He doesn’t say what is wrong with it; this is just a “principle” of his.[4]

His second “anti-racist principle” is that “Racial inequity is evidence of racist policy”, where by “racial inequity” he means the races being in different circumstances and by a policy he means any rule, law, requirement or procedure. By a “racist policy” he means a policy that tends to increase racial inequity. According to him, then, wherever we see a differences in the races’ circumstances, a racist policy is behind it.[5] Again he backs this up with no argument. The link between “racial inequity” and “racist policies” is created by stipulation.

If racial disparities are caused by racist policies, clearly something must be done. For example, any difference between the SAT scores of blacks and the SAT scores of whites must be eliminated to remove and atone for that racism. This might be a difficult task since two thirds of black twelfth-graders lack even partial mastery of basic twelfth-grade maths,[6] and the number of blacks at the advanced stage is too small to show up in the statistics.[7] However, by hook or by crook, racial equity in academic qualifications must be achieved, which will lead to racial equity in the world of work as well, with black people being employed as scientists and technicians at the same rate as whites. Most black scientists and technicians will be innumerate, but at least there will be plenty of them. Similarly, if white people’s wealth exceeds black people’s, white people owe some of their wealth to blacks. If I have $100 but a black man has only $50, I owe him $25.

It is a mistake, thinks Kendi, to say that there is necessarily anything wrong with racial discrimination.[8] It depends on its effects. “The defining question is whether the discrimination is creating equity or inequity. If discrimination is creating equity, then it is antiracist.”[9] Indeed, “The only remedy to racist discrimination is antiracist discrimination”.[10]

Nor is there any such thing as a non-racist policy. According to Kendi, every policy is either racist or anti-racist because it either increases or reduces racial inequity.[11] People who think that it is possible to be non-racist or “race-neutral” — meaning to treat a black person like anybody else — are deluded. Worse, they are racist: the drive for race-neutrality is the “most threatening racist movement” of today.[12] Unless we want to be threatening racists, therefore, we must discriminate in favour of black people as hard as we possibly can, 24 hours a day.

Kendi’s technique is so simple that it is embarrassing to think that anyone falls for it. He just attaches the word “racist” to whatever he opposes. Such is the voodoo-like quality the word has acquired from Americans’ guilt about the racism of the past, however, that many think that if something is described as racist there must be something wrong with it.

One of the peculiarities of Kendi’s position is that it makes it impossible to appraise a policy on its merits; it can only be appraised by looking at its effects. Thus if I invite everyone to a party, we cannot know whether the invitation was racist until after the event. If no black people come, it was racist because it gave rise to racial inequity; if many do, it was anti-racist. In the case of murder, if black people committed the crime at the same rate as whites, the law against it would be no problem since there would be equity in the races’ incarceration rates. Because black people commit it at a higher rate, however, the law against it is a racist policy. Indeed, it must be about the most racist policy there is, for American blacks commit murder at more than twenty times the rate of whites.[13] Kendi’s solution would presumably be for the police to turn a blind eye to nineteen black murders out of twenty, or, to tackle the problem at its root, to repeal the law.

In deploring policies that have a “disparate impact” on the races, Kendi follows every anti-racist who came before him. It is part of basic anti-racist doctrine to say that if blacks fail to meet a requirement at a higher rate than others, the requirement is illegitimate, as is any attempt to enforce it or to monitor occasions on which it is not met. We saw this in Britain in 2000 when the Commission for Racial Equality argued that the police should stop going after muggers because the law against mugging “indirectly discriminated” against young black men.[14] Years before, American anti-racists had opposed the requirement for teachers to take basic-skills tests periodically on the grounds that black teachers failed them at a higher rate than did white teachers.[15] Recently, speed cameras were deemed racist for showing that black drivers are more likely to break the speed limit than are the other races.[16] To be anti-racist, Miami and Rochester, New York took down their speed cameras.[17]

Writing with another author about the Supreme Court’s recent ruling against affirmative action in college admissions, Kendi confirms our impression of his character.[18] The authors lament the fact that the ruling will mean that racial inequity will again become normal, by which they mean that when college admissions are decided on merit, black people will go to college at a lower rate than whites. They don’t say what is wrong with inequity, which is an inevitable effect of fair competition, be it between individuals, countries or racial groups, since one competitor must come out on top. Rather, it is a dead heat that should raise suspicions, suggesting as it might do that the competition was rigged to obtain this result. Such rigging is what Kendi demands, calling a dead heat “equity”.

The authors ignore obvious facts. “Admissions metrics”, they assert, by which they seem to mean test scores, say more about wealth than about students’ potential. They ignore the fact that any child, black or white, rich or poor, can do well if it is talented and works hard. They also ignore the fact that, according to the literature, taking account of socio-economic status diminishes the size of the Black-White IQ difference by only about a third. Moreover, most studies indicate that the difference is not reduced but increases as parental socioeconomic status rises. In other words, greater parental wealth is associated with a rise in Black IQ but with an even bigger rise in White IQ.[19]

The authors misrepresent reality, referring to “these metrics that give preferential treatment to white students”. The “metrics” do no such thing; they show that whites outperform blacks. Similarly, the authors refer to the “deep advantages white Americans receive” from “race-neutral” admissions metrics, putting “race-neutral” in quotes to signify that they do not consider the metrics to be really race-neutral. Therefore, they suggest, the advantages gained by whites are not deserved. But the “metrics” confer advantages on any American who makes the grade; it is just that blacks less often do. By pretending that whites gain undeserved advantages at the expense of blacks, the authors insinuate an argument that seeks undeserved advantages for blacks at the expense of whites.

They compare “race-neutral” admission policies, again in quotes, to the way that in the South the right to vote was restricted to those who could read and write, which excluded many blacks, the suggestion being that the real aim was to stop blacks voting. But the restriction was just as race-neutral as it seemed, for it didn’t stop literate blacks voting or give the franchise to illiterate whites. For anti-racism, however, no group to which something desirable is granted must be defined by reference to a quality that few blacks have. Accordingly, the practice of awarding Nobel prizes has been condemned because few blacks seem to have the intelligence, imagination or perseverance needed to win a Nobel prize.[20]

The deviousness goes on. The authors come out with Kendi’s idea that “racial inequities prove that policies proclaimed to be ‘race neutral’ are hardly neutral”. What the inequities in fact prove is that the races differ — the idea that Kendi tries to ban as “racist”. They say that so far from there being anything wrong with affirmative action, it was never taken far enough. What do they want, a PhD awarded to every black person at birth? They are not above making an utterly meaningless statement. They write: “Race, by definition, has never been neutral”. You might as well say that pastry has never been neutral.

But we have bigger problems than an anti-racist like Ibram X. Kendi. On both sides of the Atlantic, anti-racism is the national ideology. In 2000, one of London’s top policemen boasted that he had reduced the number of young black men stopped and searched by almost forty per cent in the previous twelve months,[21] during which muggings rose by at least two thirds.[22] That display of anti-racism was a response to an official report of 1999 that described the police as institutionally racist.[23] The police still accuse themselves of institutional racism, citing the fact that black people fall foul of the law at a higher rate than others.[24] All they can do to bring “equity” to the criminal justice system is look the other way when black people commit crimes. Politicians are quite blatant in their pro-black discrimination. As fast as black police officers are convicted of gross misconduct or criminal offences, Home Secretaries introduce schemes to fast-track them to senior ranks.[25]

So internalised is the anti-racism of British institutions that they need no nudge from activists to take their pro-black discrimination to ever new extremes. In 2021 Lloyds Bank gave itself four years to increase black representation in senior roles to at least three per cent, citing “diversity” as the justification.[26] The following year His Majesty’s Treasury stated its aim of making six per cent of its staff black, almost twice the percentage of black people in the population.[27] Such moves are as nothing compared to the lengths to which pro-black discrimination is taken by the advertising and entertainment industries. In Britain the principle of equal treatment — treating people on their merits, racial impartiality, fairness, whatever you want to call it — is an increasingly distant memory.

According to Heather Mac Donald, America’s institutions permit only one explanation of racial differences of outcome that are not to black people’s credit: the “racism” of American institutions.[28] The institutions’ folly and self-hatred are turned back on them by activists, who demand that the results of academic tests be ignored or that the tests themselves be abolished since black people’s performance in them shows that they are “racist”. Illustrating the repetitive nature of anti-racist claims, this one has been being made for decades, at least if anti-racist objections to IQ tests are any guide. The claims never change; what changes is the amount of purchase they have on the mainstream, which always increases, with the occasional blip as in the recent Supreme Court decision.

If every requirement that black people rarely meet and every rule they are prone to break must be done away with, this, as Heather Mac Donald points out, is a recipe for civilisational suicide. As she does not point out, the destruction of Western civilisation was always the aim of the more far-seeing anti-racists, as it is of Marxists, climate-change alarmists and many other intellectuals today.[29]

This includes the media, who cannot see the West rush towards its suicide fast enough. So avidly did they promote Kendi’s book How to Be an Antiracist (2019) that it sold more than two million copies in its first two years. Companies everywhere recommended it to their employees. Jack Dorsey donated $10 million to Kendi’s Center for Antiracist Research at Boston University.[30]

The bitter opposition of our intellectuals to the principle of equal treatment means that they are bitterly opposed to the continuation of our civilisation. Ibram X. Kendi is just riding the wave of success which, thanks to them, anti-racism has been enjoying for the last sixty years.


[1] One could have said “non-whites” rather than “black people”, but anti-racism has always been mainly concerned with black people, who by most white standards are the least capable race. That it is black people, not non-whites in general, who are the intended beneficiaries of anti-racism is demonstrated by the fact that Asians, who on average are more intelligent than whites, pay a price for affirmative action rather than being favoured by it.

[2] A variation of the argument has arisen in step with the spreading of the idea of equality of circumstance as an ideal. In the variation, white people must favour black people solely on the basis that the latter’s circumstances are less favourable than their own. This does not have to be in the opinion of black people; all that is needed is that white people would prefer not to be in those circumstances. Thus the variation appeals to white people’s capacity for pity, whereas the original argument first appeals to their hatred of injustice, by presenting black people as wronged, and secondly, in accusing whites of perpetrating that injustice, seeks to make them feel guilty.

[3] In his book How to Be an Antiracist (2019), Kendi writes: “A racist idea is any idea that suggests one racial group is inferior or superior to another racial group in any way” (Penguin, June 9th 2020, “Ibram X. Kendi defines what it means to be an antiracist”, https://www.penguin.co.uk/articles/2020/june/ibram-x-kendi-definition-of-antiracist.html. “Inferior or superior to” translates into “different from” because as soon as a difference between two races is recognised, it becomes possible to say that one race is superior to the other in that way. Thus if Race A can run faster than Race B, to say as much is to say that Race A is superior to Race B at running fast. Therefore Kendi is in effect condemning any comparison of the races.

[4] Politico, 2019, “Pass an Anti-Racist Constitutional Amendment” by Ibram X. Kendi,  https://www.politico.com/interactives/2019/how-to-fix-politics-in-america/inequality/pass-an-anti-racist-constitutional-amendment/.

[5] Thus Kendi told the New York Times in 2018: “When I see racial disparities I see racism” (Headline shown on American Renaissance, March 10th 2022, “‘Unconditional war’ on racism”, https://www.bitchute.com/video/AhbzYJ4r9vlr/).

[6] For readers outside the USA, twelfth-graders are students in their final year at high school (seventeen- and eighteen-year-olds).

[7] The New Culture Forum, July 19th 2023, “Lowering the Bar for Ethnic Minorities ‘Threatens Lives & is a Recipe for Civilisational Suicide’”, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YYR7_YPYMwE. Heather Mac Donald was being interviewed about her book When Race Trumps Merit: How the Pursuit of Equity Sacrifices Excellence, Destroys Beauty, and Threatens Lives (2023).

[8] From Kendi’s book How to Be an Antiracist (2019): “Racial discrimination is not inherently racist” (Penguin, June 9th 2020, “Ibram X. Kendi defines what it means to be an antiracist”, https://www.penguin.co.uk/articles/2020/june/ibram-x-kendi-definition-of-antiracist.html).

[9] Ibid.

[10] Ibid.

[11] There is “no such thing as a nonracist or race-neutral policy”, Kendi says in How to Be an Antiracist (ibid.).

[12] “The most threatening racist movement is … the regular American’s drive for a ‘race-neutral’ [state]” (ibid).

[13] American Renaissance, March 24th 2023, “A harsh new light on race and murder”, https://www.bitchute.com/video/DkJclYNa5D9S/. The multiple should be no surprise. According to Wikipedia, Jamaica’s homicide rate is 75 times Norway’s.

[14] Commission for Racial Equality, Feb. 2000, “Race Relations (Amendment) Bill” (briefing note), http://www.cre.gov.uk/publs/dl_rrab3.html.

[15] S. Thernstrom and A. Thernstrom, 1999, America in Black and White, New York: Touchstone-Simon and Schuster. pp. 349-50.

[16] American Renaissance, Feb. 18th 2022, “Building Haiti right here in the United States”, https://www.bitchute.com/video/G7zaRiwM11KV/.

[17] American Renaissance, Feb. 18th 2022, op. cit.

[18] Instagram, https://www.instagram.com/p/CuFS1hrNJco/, quoting and commenting on The Atlantic, June 29th 2023, “‘Race Neutral’ Is the New ‘Separate but Equal’” by Uma Mazyck Jayakumar and Ibram X. Kendi, https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/06/supreme-court-affirmative-action-race-neutral-admissions/674565/.

[19] Charles Murray, Human Diversity: The Biology of Gender, Race and Class (Twelver, 2020). See F. Roger Devlin’s review: “Murray on Race Differences in IQ,” The Occidental Observer (February 20, 2020). https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/2020/02/20/murray-on-race-differences-in-iq/

[20] According to CNN in 2020, the Nobel Prize organisation had a diversity problem: not enough black people were getting prizes. See CNN, Oct. 10th 2020, “The Nobels honored 4 women this year. But the awards still lack diversity”, https://edition.cnn.com/2020/10/10/world/nobel-prize-diversity-2020-intl/index.html.

[21] This was John Grieve, Deputy Assistant Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police (Metropolitan Police, Feb. 22nd 2000, “Press Conference Held Re the Anniversary of the Lawrence Inquiry Report”, http://tap.ccta.gov.uk/[…]/b3cb2697adf8d9e1802…OpenDocument).

[22] Muggings in London went up by more than 75 per cent in the fifteen months to May 2000 (calculation based on figures given in Telegraph, April 24th 1999, “Muggings soar as police tread softly”, and Sunday Times, June 25th 2000, “Straw on rack as muggings soar”).

[23] Sir William Macpherson, 1999, Stephen Lawrence Inquiry: Report of an Inquiry by Sir William Macpherson of Cluny, CM 4262-I, The Stationery Office, Paragraph 6.34. Macpherson also stated that “Colour-blind policing must be outlawed” (Paragraph 45.24).

[24] Avon and Somerset Police, June 16th 2023, “Chief Constable Sarah Crew on Institutional Racism”, https://www.avonandsomerset.police.uk/news/2023/06/chief-constable-sarah-crew-on-institutional-racism/.

[25] This was first done by Jack Straw in 1999, when he introduced quotas for the number of non-white police officers (Home Office, March 1999, Stephen Lawrence Inquiry: Home Secretary’s action plan). He wanted to see non-whites promoted to the highest ranks, including chief constable (Telegraph, April 11th 1999, “Straw to set ethnic quota for every police force”, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/et?ac=000659276559150&rtmo=aNN3…/npol11.htm).

Priti Patel announced a scheme to fast-track non-white officers to the rank of superintendent in 2021 just as the case against a black Chief Superintendent was being heard, who was accused of spending almost fifty times the sum of his allowance at a conference using someone else’s credit card. Another case was that of Superintendent Robyn Williams, a black woman, who in 2019 was found guilty of handling indecent images of children. We can be sure that if such cases arose involving white people, we would hear about them.

Black people and other non-whites have always been investigated for misconduct at a higher rate than whites, as have non-white doctors and solicitors. Typically, the BBC presents this as evidence of racism (BBC, June 30th 2020, “My 30-year struggle with racism in the Metropolitan police”, https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/stories-53224394).

[26] Lloyds Banking Group, no date given (June 2021), “Ethnicity”, https://www.lloydsbankinggroup.com/who-we-are/responsible-business/inclusion-and-diversity/ethnicity.html.

[27] Telegraph, Nov. 15th 2022, “Treasury aims to have six per cent of staff from black backgrounds in race target”, https://www.telegraph.co.uk/politics/2022/11/15/treasury-aims-have-six-per-cent-staff-black-backgrounds-race/.

[28] The New Culture Forum, July 19th 2023, op. cit.

[29] In 1992 Maurice Strong as chairman of the UN’s Earth Summit said: “Isn’t the only hope for the planet that the industrialised nations collapse? Isn’t it our responsibility to bring that about?” (quoted by Tom DeWeese in Redoubt News, Oct. 20th 2017, “Agenda 21/Agenda 2030 there is no difference” https://redoubtnews.com/2017/10/agenda-21-2030/).

[30] Insider, Aug. 20th 2020, “Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey donates $10 million to Ibram X. Kendi’s center on antiracism at Boston University”, https://www.businessinsider.com/jack-dorsey-donates-ibram-kendi-center-on-antiracism-boston-university-2020-8?op=1&r=US&IR=T.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Richard Knight https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Richard Knight2023-07-31 07:44:022023-07-31 07:51:22The anti-racism of Ibram X. Kendi

Why do intellectuals support affirmative action?

July 26, 2023/9 Comments/in Affirmative Action/Minority Preferences, Africans and African Americans, Featured Articles/by Richard Knight

The Supreme Court’s ruling against affirmative action in college admissions met with dismayed, hostile and sarcastic reactions from intellectuals, meaning the media, academics and others who make a living out of conveying ideas to the public.[1] This was predictable, but why are they like this? Why do intellectuals support affirmative action?[2]

Many do so out of an attachment to the doctrine of essential racial equality, which tells them that the races are inherently the same. Seeing that they do not perform the same, and especially that Black people do considerably less well than others, they think that Black people’s performance must have been depressed by environmental factors such as their mistreatment by Whites. To make up for this, affirmative action is needed.

This is a poor rationale for affirmative action since there is nothing to suggest that the races are inherently the same, nor is there any evidence of the supposed mistreatment. To deal with the first problem, the intellectuals call anyone who points it out a racist. To deal with the second, they go back to the Jim Crow era or even to slavery, where mistreatment can be found, and say that the present generation is still affected, therefore it must be compensated. This argument also fails, if only because it is not just Black people whose ancestors were mistreated. Everyone probably has ancestors who were mistreated in one way or another, yet we do not seek to identify these long-dead individuals so that we can compensate their living descendants.

A second rationale refers to equal opportunities. These are weasel words, which on the intellectuals’ interpretation do not denote a requirement of justice. The intellectuals will argue that not all candidates sitting a given test have the same opportunity to pass it because some of them had to stay up all night looking after their sick mothers whereas others got a good night’s sleep. The tired ones are predominantly Black, they will find, therefore affirmative action must be taken. But justice does not require equal opportunities in this sense, which would be impossible to arrange. It requires equal treatment, which can easily be arranged by having all the candidates sit the test at the same time in the same hall with the same amount of time to complete it. No more elaborate concept of equal opportunities is needed.

A third rationale refers to the presumed value of racial diversity. Black students without the test scores needed to get into college must still go there, says this rationale, so that White students can benefit from their presence. This is just silly.

The urge of Whites to favour Blacks can be strong. The purpose of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was to end racial discrimination in employment. To underline this, soon after the Act was passed, President Johnson issued an executive order stating that employees must be taken on and treated without regard to race. Before long, hiring goals for Blacks were being introduced, not only at the behest of organisations like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People but also by the Department of Labor itself.[3] Already in the 1920s it was customary for Black students at New York University to be marked two grades higher than Whites for a given level of work.[4]

On the day the Supreme Court announced its decision, Harvard officials sent a letter to the university community, which contained all the vagueness, evasion and general waste material that characterises politically correct language. It also invoked all three rationales for affirmative action mentioned above.[5] “Diversity and difference are essential to academic excellence”, it said. Diversity of what? Difference between what? If it meant diversity and difference of race, how can these help anyone attain academic excellence? Doesn’t Harvard know that academic excellence is attained by talent and hard work?

The letter stated that to prepare leaders for a complex world, “Harvard must admit and educate a student body whose members reflect, and have lived, multiple facets of human experience”. If one can live a facet of experience, what makes Harvard think that not enough of these facets would have been lived by a student body selected on merit? Black people might be especially unlikely to add to the total number of such facets since they are not known for being adventurous. How many of Harvard’s Blacks are likely to have climbed a mountain or even gone for a walk in the countryside? How many will have visited an art gallery or museum?

The letter went on to say that Harvard must be a place of opportunity, “whose doors remain open to those to whom they had long been closed”. Presumably by “those to whom they had long been closed” it meant Black people of the past to whom doors were closed because they were Black. Apparently Harvard finds the historical existence of such people a sufficient reason for letting in Black people who lack the qualifications required of the other races.

But affirmative action works, say the intellectuals, and point to their poster boys. An early one was Patrick Chavis, who in 1975 was among the first Black students to be admitted to medical school when had he been White he would have been rejected.[6] When he set up in practice after graduating, a journalist named Nicholas Lemann called him a living and breathing refutation of the claim that racial preferences favour unqualified Blacks over better-qualified Whites. How he thought that this had been refuted is a mystery since it is the very definition of affirmative action and its whole point. Anyway, misfortune struck Chavis when in 1997 his licence was suspended as he was deemed grossly negligent, incompetent and a danger to public health. He could not perform “some of the most basic duties required of a physician”. Two patients nearly died as a result of his botched operations; a third did. Presumably the intellectuals quietly took down that poster.

A famous beneficiary of affirmative action is Justice Clarence Thomas, who bitterly regrets accepting a place at Yale after clearing a specially lowered bar. The burden of being suspected of being less bright than his White peers is one that he had to bear for decades.

One person who escaped affirmative action is Anthony Brian Logan, who after growing up with drug addicts and criminals in his family worked tirelessly in various jobs before putting himself through a local college and starting up as a graphic designer. He went on to create a successful YouTube channel, where he puts out a video each day with excellent commentary on current affairs. In his opinion, Blacks who aspire to go to Harvard and are let in without the grades required of the other races are misguided. They find it hard to keep up and would have been better off at less well-known but perfectly adequate colleges that would not have treated them as special cases.

The fact that the intellectuals have no good argument for affirmative action does not diminish their support for it. For them it is not a matter of argument; it is a matter of fending off the thought that Black people are innately inferior to Whites, which would mean that they as Whites belonged to a superior race. To them this thought would be more than they could bear. They would see death camps on the way. Lifelong programming and continuing social pressure have prevented them from being able to see that relationships of superiority and inferiority are universal facts of life and nothing to be afraid of.

Another reason intellectuals might have for supporting affirmative action is that they believe in racial discrimination on principle. They do not share the general view that institutions should treat all alike without regard to race; they think they should have a favourite race and do all they can to benefit members of that race without a thought for the others. These are the anti-racists.

Yet another reason could be that the intellectuals want to avoid Black violence. After the Supreme Court decision, the commentator John Derbyshire wrote a piece saying three times that meritocratic college admissions were unacceptable.[7] His first justification for taking this view was a non sequitur: “The meritocratic option is unacceptable because of race differences in intelligence”. How do race differences in intelligence mean that colleges should not select applicants on merit? Derbyshire referred to a report which stated that if Harvard selected on merit, less than one per cent of its students would be Black. He didn’t say why this would be a problem.

His second justification was that if Harvard stopped favouring Black people — and he saw a loophole in the Supreme Court ruling that will let it continue doing this — “the oceans would boil and the earth would crash into the sun”. Perhaps by this he meant that if a serious attempt were made to abolish affirmative action, there would be an outcry, particularly on the part of Blacks, who might riot. We don’t want that, so colleges had better continue discriminating in their favour.

Going back to the intellectuals who passionately believe in essential racial equality, one might wonder who they are trying to benefit. They admit Black students to college on the basis that they have the intelligence that theoretically is in them but unrealised, which makes student populations look as they would do if things were as the intellectuals wished, then point to the results as though they proved that things really are this way. “Look at all these Black students!”, they say. “Who says Blacks aren’t as intelligent as Whites?” The point seems to be to allow them to perform a trick which they can then claim was no trick rather than try to help the Black students, who can only sink or swim with the intelligence at their disposal. Perhaps their passion comes from the struggle between the two sides of their double-think.

A final speculation is that contributing to these intellectuals’ inability to tolerate the thought of innate racial differences is the fact that they belong to a spoilt generation. They want the races to be the same; they don’t want to be superior. No one has ever told them that you can’t always have what you want.


[1] This use of the word “intellectuals” comes from Friedrich Hayek, 1998 (1949), The Intellectuals and Socialism, London: IEA Health and Welfare Unit, pp. 9-18.

[2] By “affirmative action” this article means discrimination in favour of Black people. It does not discuss discrimination in favour of Hispanics, women or other groups.

[3] Jared Taylor, 2004 (1992), Paved with Good Intentions, New Century Foundation, p. 126. The Executive Order was No. 11246.

[4] James Burnham, 1964, Suicide of the West: An Essay on the Meaning and Destiny of Liberalism, New Rochelle, NY: Arlington House, p. 197.

[5] The letter is quoted in V-DARE, June 30th 2023, “Nobody Wants An 0.76 Percent Black Harvard. The Oceans Would Boil, The Earth Would Crash Into The Sun” by John Derbyshire, https://vdare.com/articles/john-derbyshire-nobody-wants-an-0-76-percent-Black-harvard-the-oceans-would-boil-the-earth-would-crash-into-the-sun.

[6] William McGowan, 2002, Coloring the News: How Political Correctness Has Corrupted American Journalism, San Francisco: Encounter Books.

[7] V-DARE, June 30th 2023, op cit.

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The Anniversary the Media Would Prefer You Forget

June 1, 2023/in Africans and African Americans/by Ann Coulter
The Anniversary the Media Would Prefer You Forget

How did I miss the third anniversary of George Floyd’s death? Were the media caught sleeping? Three years ago, Floyd was given funerals in three states, carried in a gold casket and driven to his final resting place in a horse-drawn carriage. It was like the funeral for a pharaoh.

      From Floyd’s death on May 25, 2020, to the end of the year, The New York Times alone ran more than 4,000 articles about him. But exactly three years later, Floyd’s name made it into only three Times items — fleetingly and barely.

      Are the media (and Democrats, and Hollywood, and corporate America, and the universities and grade schools, and hospitals and military and President Biden) hoping we’ll forget about their weird campaign to make Black Americans even angrier?

      Since May 25, 2020, the single-minded message delivered to Black people, without interruption or contradiction, has been that they live in a country steeped in White supremacy, anything bad that happens to them is proof of racism, and oh by the way, the police are trying to kill them.

      The You Are a Victim! message is unlikely to produce stellar behavior in anyone. Directed at a group that already had a pretty high rate of criminal offending, it nearly destroyed our country.

      By the end of 2020, the national homicide rate had shot up an unprecedented 30% and has continued to climb since then.

      As Heather Mac Donald writes in her new book, When Race Trumps Merit:

      “New homicide records were set in 2021 in Philadelphia, Columbus, Indianapolis, Rochester, Louisville, Toledo, Baton Rouge, St. Paul, Portland, and elsewhere. The violence continued into 2022. January 2022 was Baltimore’s deadliest month in nearly 50 years, with 36 people killed, compared to 35 in 1973, when the city’s population was much larger.”

      With the Black community itself bearing the brunt of the violence, by now, the ruling class’s fawning embrace of the Black Lives Matter movement has gotten tens of thousands of Black people killed.

      If I’d done that, I’d want everyone to forget about the “racial reckoning,” too.

      Although the hourly “racism updates” have ended, BLM’s lies have calcified into received wisdom. It is still a matter of doctrine that Black people are victims of systemically racist police.

      In fact, as Mac Donald has been documenting for years, police are 400 times as likely to be killed by a Black person as unarmed blacks are to be killed by cops.

      Using the latest figures, in 2021, a grand total of eight unarmed Blacks were killed by cops. That same year, an estimated 29 police officers were killed by Black suspects. Of course, there are a lot more Black people (47 million) than police officers (700,000). Thus, the apples-to-apples comparison works out to: For every 100,000 blacks, 1/100th of one unarmed Black is killed by a cop; for every 100,000 cops, four are killed by black men.

      Maybe it’s the moms of Black cops who ought to be giving their sons “The Talk.” Son, do everything you can to avoid being assigned to a Black neighborhood. Be alert at all times, even when sitting in your squad car. If at all possible, do not arrest a Black suspect. If you absolutely have to, make sure you have backup.

      One person too full of her own self-righteousness to notice that the rest of her party had decided to keep mum about the “racial reckoning” was Rep. Ilhan Omar. She marked the occasion by regurgitating the exact same boilerplate about racist cops and “black bodies.”

      “Regardless of the heightened scrutiny and spotlight on state-sanctioned violence on to Black bodies,” she told The Guardian, “it still continues to happen at the same rate, if not higher.”

      (What I admire most about third-world immigrants is their realization that their ancestors were people utterly incapable of building a functioning society, and therefore, if they happened to find themselves in a successful country, like the U.S., they should shut up, listen and learn.)

      “State-sanctioned violence” against “Black bodies”? The fact is all police shootings of Blacks combined (justified, unjustified, armed and unarmed) is a smaller percentage of the Black homicide rate (2%) than police shootings are of the White and Hispanic homicide rates (9%).

      But the 98% of Black people who are killed by other Black people are of zero interest to the media or the Democratic Party. It’s that crucial .01% of Blacks killed by cops that get the headlines.

      Neighbor: YOUR 9-YEAR-OLD DAUGHTER WAS JUST GUNNED DOWN BY GANG MEMBERS IN A SACRAMENTO PARK!

      Black mother: Please God, tell me the shooters weren’t White!

      After listing pages and pages of Black children killed in black neighborhoods by Black criminals, Mac Donald writes: “Since the black children’s assailants are overwhelmingly black themselves, the country changes the subject, lest it be accused of a taboo attention to black crime.”

      So Black bodies continue to pile up, and the only people who give a damn are conservatives — and the police.

      Happy anniversary.

     COPYRIGHT 2023 ANN COULTER

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Recent Research on Race Realism

May 2, 2022/23 Comments/in Africans and African Americans, Africans and African Americans, Featured Articles, Race, Race Differences in Behavior, Racial Differences/by F. Roger Devlin, Ph.D.

Race and Evolution: The Causes and Consequences of Race Differences
Stephen K. Sanderson
Self-published, 2022

Stephen Sanderson is the author, coauthor, or editor of sixteen books in twenty-two editions and some seventy-five articles in journals, edited collections, and handbooks. He is a retired professor of sociology and is quite unusual within his discipline for applying evolutionary principles to the study of society. His latest offering, dedicated to J. Phillippe Rushton, Richard Lynn and Tatu Vanhanen, combines a useful summary of the best in recent research and theory regarding human racial differences (seven chapters) with applications to such topics as the history of slavery, liberal stereotype theory, social stratification by color, the history of human accomplishment, the rise of Northeast Asia, and the decline of Africa (six chapters); a final chapter discusses policy options. Being an American, the author devotes special attention to Whites and Blacks, but includes information on other races wherever helpful.

Sanderson begins his book with several epigraphs that indicate his awareness that he is stepping into a very politically incorrect minefield. These two are well worth pondering in the present context where woke ideology—an ideology based on moral judgments and equitable outcomes rather than science and facts—reigns supreme in universities, the media, and corporate culture:

A good society is one that permits a maximum amount of objective pursuit of truth and beauty, and this pursuit should be undertaken “irrespective of the consequences.” Such inquiry may lead to the discovery of “inconvenient facts,” but it must be undertaken nonetheless. We cannot know in advance whether the knowledge we create or discover will support or contradict certain moral positions already held. And “philosophies incongruent with the pursuit of a reduction in misery should be permitted since the basis of rationality is strengthened through argument,” and “all opinions, however obnoxious or however passionately held, [should] be heard and subjected to the test of rational criticism.” Barrington Moore, Jr.

Political thinking, especially on the left, is a sort of masturbation fantasy in which the world of fact hardly matters. George Orwell

The first section of the book, entitled “Foundations of Race Realism,” will be well-trodden ground for regular readers of The Occidental Observer, so I shall be brief. The first chapter defends the biological reality of races by providing a point-by-point refutation of two high-profile formal statements of social constructivism, one issued by the American Anthropological Association (AAA) in 1998 and the other by the American Association of Physical Anthropologists (AAPA) in 1999. The author explains what is wrong with “Lewontin’s fallacy,” i.e., the inference of the unreality of race from the fact of greater genetic variation within than between racial groups. He quotes some older texts to show that the concept of race was not invented by eighteenth century European colonialists, as the AAA and many antiracists maintain. A good example of the lengths to which some people will go to deny reality is the AAPA’s declaration that “human traits known to be biologically adaptive do not occur with greater frequency in one population than in others.” Sanderson marvels that this is “obviously false and a rather astonishing statement for a biological anthropologist to make,” giving a few simple examples. The chapter closes with an account of how cluster analysis of population genetic data can reliably identify “four to six major racial groups.”

Chapter Two explains the inadequacy of non-biological explanations for differences in racial outcomes, including discrimination, the lingering effects of slavery, and systemic racism. The best of these theories focuses on the higher rates of fatherless households among Blacks than Whites, but the explanation for this difference lies ultimately in racial biology after all.

Chapter Three summarizes evidence for genetically based racial differences in average intelligences. American psychometric data showing an average White IQ of about 100 and an average Black IQ of 85 has now accumulated for over a hundred years. In the course of childhood, the degree to which environment can explain such differences steadily declines, disappearing entirely by around age fourteen. Most damning for the social constructivist position, however, is that Genome-Wide Association Studies (GWAS) now make it possible to identify specific genes that contribute to intelligence, meaning that intelligence can be reliably (albeit not perfectly) predicted from biological data alone. One particularly telling statistic Sanderson cites is the correlation between the average IQ of the nations of the world and the percentage of their population that is Black: –.808.

Many Black-White socioeconomic gaps disappear once IQ is controlled for, but one difference that does not is out-of-wedlock births. In his fourth chapter, Sanderson explains race differences in sex, reproduction and family patterns, summarizing Rushton’s evidence for high mating effort/low nurturance among Blacks and low mating effort/high nurturance among Northeast Asians, with Whites intermediate. He demonstrates that fatherless homes are common in Africa and among Blacks worldwide, not something unique to post-World War II America.

Chapter Five discusses race differences in personality and temperament. In the American context, the most important are that Blacks have significantly higher levels of antisocial personality as well as higher time preference than Whites (i.e., Blacks are more likely to place less value on returns receivable or costs payable in the future and hence more likely to accept immediate rewards rather than wait for larger returns at a later date and more likely to take out disadvantageous long-term loans with immediate up-front payouts). Confusingly, the author systematically switches the terms “high” and “low” time preference; one hopes this mistake can soon be corrected through the print-on-demand system.

Chapter Six explains racial differences in law-abidingness, including violent crime, civil disorder (mob violence), and political corruption. Such differences are in large part a consequence of differences in intelligence and time-preference.

Chapter Seven outlines the historical development of racial differences following the migration of early humans out of Africa and into colder climates where getting through the winter required planning ahead. There is also a discussion of Life History Theory and the r-K continuum (basically the continuum from high mating effort/low nurturance to low mating effort/high nurturance).

The six chapters which make up Part 2 of Race and Evolution apply the race realist perspective to particular issues. Chapter Eight provides a brief history of New World slavery, including regional comparisons, arguing it was fundamentally an economic rather than a racial institution: “Europeans did not choose Africans as slaves because they considered them biologically inferior, but because Africa provided a huge supply of labor that could be transported to the New World more cheaply than slaves drawn from, say, India or China.”

Chapter Nine discusses racial stratification around the world, showing that Blacks have the lowest average socio-economic status in multiracial societies everywhere. The author explains that the phenomenon of “pigmentocracy”—where increasingly light skin is found the higher one goes up the socio-economic scale—results from a hierarchy of ability: “Lighter skinned people are regarded more highly because they are more talented.”

Ever since psychologist Gordon Alport published The Nature of Prejudice in 1954, “stereotypes” have been a staple of social constructivist discourse, the assumption being that they are unreliable. But this has never been demonstrated. In Chapter Ten, Sanderson summarizes the findings of a series of studies published since 2012 by social psychologist Lee Jussim and colleagues. They found a high positive correlation between racial, ethnic, and gender stereotypes and empirical reality. For instance, in one study comparing stereotypes with US Census data, correlations ranged from .27 (already moderately significant) to .96, with a mean as high as .83. Jussim et al. write that “stereotype accuracy correlations are among the largest and most replicable effects in all of social psychology.” This is no doubt because, over human evolutionary history, accurate knowledge of behavior patterns of social groups within one’s environment must have had considerable survival value, and thus been favored by natural selection.

Chapter Eleven demonstrates that the bulk of scientific discovery and other advances in human knowledge have been the work of European and European-descended men. Northeast Asians may have somewhat higher average intelligence, but they tend to produce highly conformist cultures where copying from accepted “masters” is inculcated and originality is frowned upon. Africa, of course, has produced nothing notable in scientific discovery.

Chapter Twelve discusses the recent rapid economic development of Northeast Asia and the dominance of Southeast Asian economies by the overseas Chinese.

Chapter thirteen contrasts this with the catastrophic fate of sub-Saharan Africa since decolonization and demonstrates the inadequacy of anti-colonial theories to explain it. The late Ghanaian economist George B. N. Ayittey has described the typical African post-colonial regime as a “vampire state.” Sanderson summarizes:

A vampire state is one run by crooks and gangsters who come to power either through rigged elections or coups d’état. Their leaders are functional illiterates who debauch all major government institutions: civil service, military, judiciary and banking system. They transform their countries into personal fiefdoms for the benefit of themselves, their cronies and tribesmen.

The author offers a brief tour of the continent filled with collapsing public services, universal corruption and bribery, civil wars, cannibalism, torture, a five hextillion percent rate of inflation (in Zimbabwe a few years ago) and outright genocide (in Rwanda). As he explains:

Before colonialism Africans had indigenous political institutions that were much simpler and more easily used to maintain order than those established by the colonists. The new colonial institutions were not natural to Africans and proved beyond their ability to manage effectively. Indeed, it took Europeans thousands of years to develop such institutions, . . . so it is no wonder that Africans did not understand them.

To this must be added that many who succeed in the ruthless world of African power politics have extremely antisocial personalities and are not really interested in economic development or the general welfare. They concentrate their efforts on enriching themselves at the expense of the countries they govern, displaying “a massive failure to adhere to social norms, no regard for truth, a lack of remorse or feelings of guilt, extreme aggressiveness, impulsiveness and recklessness, and an unusually weak moral sense.”

The final chapter of Race and Evolution is devoted to policy, explaining the failure of racial preferences, the lack of any evidence for the alleged benefits of “diversity,” and the many powerful objections to slavery reparations. Sanderson agrees with law professor Amy Wax’s position that “outsiders’ power to change existing [dysfunctional Black family] patterns is severely limited; the future of Black America is now in its own hands.” Yet he notes that the choices Blacks have to make are constrained by their own biological nature. Some Blacks do make good choices and prosper as a result, but these are generally those with above-average intelligence and an absence of antisocial character traits. Many others are unlikely ever to make better choices than they are making now.

Sanderson agrees that America needs a “national conversation on race,” as advocated, e.g., by Bill Clinton and Howard Schultz (the CEO of Starbucks), but unlike them he understands that it will do no good as long as knowledgeable race realists are banned from participation. As Arthur Jensen and J. Phillippe Rushton have written:

There is a need to educate the public about the true nature of individual and group differences, genetics, and evolutionary biology. Ultimately, the public must accept the pragmatic reality that some groups will be overrepresented and others groups underrepresented in various socially valued outcomes. The view that one segment of the population is largely to blame for the problems of another segment can be harmful to racial harmony. Equating group disparities in success with racism on the part of the more successful group guarantees mutual resentment.

Racial equality of outcome is not achievable, but race relations could be greatly improved if the biological reality of racial differences were understood by more people.

There is not a lot of original material in Sanderson’s Race and Evolution, but I am not aware of any other single volume which summarizes so much useful information about race between two covers. It could do a great deal of good if made widely available. Is there any chance it will be? The author is currently trying to get an e-book version published on Amazon. For the time being, you can order the book directly from him for $12 US plus $4 US shipping (domestic) or 10 EUR plus 7 EUR shipping (outside the United States). Write to:

Stephen Sanderson
460 Washington Road, Apt. G-3
Pittsburgh, PA 15228

E-mail: sksander999@gmail.com

The author also maintains a website at www.stephenksanderson.com.

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Academic Hysteria, Part III

February 25, 2022/54 Comments/in Africans and African Americans, Featured Articles/by White Man Faculty

In the previous two parts of this essay (here and here), I discussed my experiences as a faculty member at a far-left American academic institution, and how the social justice hysteria was affecting what was going on at the school. What has been occurring more recently?

This is amusing, as I have experienced truly grotesque Black females talking about how “beautiful” they are; further, one can overhear comical examples of inflated self-esteem, such as such students, who are barely passing basic coursework, talking among themselves about how much money they will make as doctors or lawyers (possibly not so far-fetched, what with affirmative action and the move away from standardized tests and objective grades and toward “holistic admissions reviews”),and how they won’t take the last names of their potential husbands, but vice versa. (If they do become professionals, then the Black male peers they fantasize as their husbands will instead be pursuing White women.)

Read this, which is very similar to some of my own experiences.

After finishing grad school, I began teaching at universities across the US. It was as a professor that I began noticing patterns in black behavior: a sense of entitlement, a lack of discipline, a bad attitude, disrespectfulness, and aggressive behavior. And the more black students a college had, the worse their behavior was. I was always reluctant to share these observations with my colleagues for fear of being called a racist. … Most blacks have an entitlement problem. They feel that they can behave in any way they want because they are black, and if you call them out, they accuse you of racism. 

Black students, particularly Black females, do indeed manifest the most outrageous entitled and obnoxious behavior. They have no shame to go to the offices of faculty and scream like lunatics at the faculty, demanding to be given credit for wrong quiz and exam answers, because the faculty doesn’t “understand my point of view” (in other words, if the Black students say a wrong answer should be right, then they must be given credit for it: my truth).

These students will cheat on exams, cry racism when caught, and then brag how “I can get away with anything” when the administration inevitably backs down. They will contact faculty and demand special treatment; for example, more time to complete projects because they are “real busy.” They’ll come late for exam reviews and demand that the faculty go over all that was missed; if you balk, then you are “racist.” And if you need to do practice interviews with these students for, say, law school or medical school interviews, and/or if you have to read any personal statements, all you’ll hear is the most extremely self-obsessed rambling about race. Everything is racist, everything revolves around their single-minded obsessive focus on their racial identify and their racial grievances. The legal system is racist. The medical system is racist. Medical instruments are racist. (I kid you not; I’ve read or heard statements about “racist stethoscopes” and “racist blood pressure monitors — apparently, these devices were designed by hateful Whites with the intention of “destroying Black bodies.) Higher rates of Black incarceration are due to a racist criminal justice system. If Blacks have higher rates of certain diseases — even when objective evidence suggests those differences are due to rampant Black obesity or from racial genetic differences — that is due to “the legacy of slavery” and “stress from White racism causing Black Fatigue.”  Also, if there is an attractive White female professor or teaching assistant involved, the jealous Black female students spew their venom on their poor victims. That these students are academically incompetent, cognitively deficient, and lacking in logic and common sense goes without saying. If you put a “filler” “joke” answer to round out a multiple choice question answer list, you can bet one of these students will choose it. And they’ll have a bizarre explanation for their choice. And as stated above, they’ll demand credit for their answer.

Other non-White students often mirror the entitlement and poor behavior of Black students, although typically not as consistently or to the extreme. I note that Jewish students invariably identify as minorities, at odds with the dominant White American Christian culture, often making common cause with Blacks and other non-Whites as fellow victims of hatred and discrimination. Jewish students will invent special joint Jewish-Black celebrations, such as joint Passover dinner combined with a celebration of “Black emancipation” — Jews and Blacks together celebrating their similar d history of liberation.

Considering the issue of Black (and POC, in general) entitlement and poor behavior, we can consider the Ilya Shapiro controversy. It’s not enough that the Negroes wanted Shapiro out, they had other needs as well:

At another juncture, a student demanded that the dean cover for the classes that the activists had missed as a result of the sit-in, suggesting that the move should be part of a “reparations” package for black students. She followed up by insisting that students be given a designated place on campus to cry. “Is there an office they can go to?” she asked. “I don’t know what it would look like, but if they want to cry, if they need to break down, where can they go? Because we’re at a point where students are coming out of class to go to the bathroom to cry.”

“And this is not in the future,” she added. “This is today.”

The administrators took the law student’s query seriously. “It is really, really hard to walk out of class or a meeting in tears, and you should always have a place on campus where you can go,” Dean Bailin told her. “And if you’re finding that you’re not getting the person that you want to talk to or not getting the space that you need, reach out to me anytime — anytime — and we will find you space.”

Besides censoring academic critics of affirmative action, and besides demanding a dedicated crying space, the Black students also demanded that (White) classmates be “reminded” how much they owe to Blacks and to stop critiquing Black activists:

Yet another student pressed the deans to send out an email attacking BLSA’s critics. “Something that’s important is to remind our classmates that are attacking us that they are only here because our ancestors were sold for them to be here,” she said. “And I think it’s a very important fact that is not talked about explicitly enough, because we are still being attacked. So I just would appreciate in whatever message that’s going out [to the student body], that our classmates are explicitly reminded: Do not attack the people who were sold for you to have this opportunity. . . . That needs to be something that these people are reminded of, because they continue to attack us as if it is not on our backs that they are even here.”

Of course, in reality, Blacks need Whites and not the other way around; further, it is the case that everything Blacks have “achieved” — or have been handed to them — in America has been on the backs of the long-suffering White American people, who are the economic equivalent of slaves since they must work to pay taxes that support Blacks and other People of Colors.  See this as well.

Of particular interest is this anti-Shapiro tweet by  a Black professor, Aderson Francois: aderson francois 🇭🇹 14th Amendment Baby @abfrancois Replying to  @ishapiro 

Mr. Shapiro, as one of your future Georgetown colleague, I am curious: is your phrase “lesser Black woman” meant to describe a particular Black woman or do you intend “lesser Black woman” to encompass the general set of Black women under consideration for the seat?

 Of course, it should be “colleagues” not the grammatically incorrect “colleague.”  Any halfway literate middle school student would realize that, but apparently this “professor of law,” who is a Georgetown faculty member, can’t reach a twelve year old’s standard of English proficiency.

Thus, I can ask: Mr. Francois, as one of the readers of your tweet, I am curious: are you a functionally illiterate affirmative action hack or did you intentionally set out to prove Shapiro’s criticism of affirmative action to be correct?

An anecdote comes to mind. I remember a Black male professor who came to my institution as a candidate for a position at my school. I saw this candidate walking with the “chief of diversity” with the Negro stating that he “likes what he sees” and implying that the decision whether he becomes a faculty at the institution is up to him alone (entitlement complex again). What I noticed is that this Negro’s shoes were completely untied; he was trailing the laces behind him like tails, with the loose shoes flopping around as he walked. I saw the same person a while later and the shoes were the same. I remember thinking what kind of buffoon comes to an interview and doesn’t know or doesn’t care that his laces were untied and he was flopping around all day like a retard. Fortunately, and surprisingly, this person was not hired, but he exemplifies many Negro academics — a clownish inept buffoon who is nothing more or less a creation of quotas and set asides, reeking of unjustified self-esteem and a sense of extreme entitlement. Black and other Colored students that I deal with on a regular basis exhibit the same behaviors.

Speaking of hiring, it is interesting that every time new faculty and, even more importantly, new administration, are hired at my institution, they always turn out to be hard leftists. In my last essay, I mentioned the political contribution database of the Federal Election Commission (FEC) and how the data there can reveal the politics of academics.  Indeed, new hires at my institution typically show up at that database, reflecting their extreme “progressive” politics. Possibly this may inform us on how leftist control of academia is maintained. It is interesting how the current crop of faculty and administration always manage to recruit and hire individuals who are exclusively on the Left. One can argue this is simply due to the law of probability; the vast majority of academics are leftists, so one would expect that even a random draw of candidates would be enriched in SJW types. There may be some truth in that, but that is hardly the full picture.

First, nowadays, many institutions require candidates to openly express a commitment to “woke” politics; indeed, many institutions require candidates to present tangible proof of how committed they are, and what they did to promote “diversity, equity, and inclusion” at their previous employment), and to present plans on how they would promote those objectives if hired for the present position being offered. But this is still not at the fundamental level by which leftist academic hegemony is maintained, as that hegemony was entrenched long before “diversity statements” became a requirement of the hiring process.  No doubt I’m not the only one at my institution studying the FEC database. Would a professor with a record of donating to, say, the Trump campaign, be hired?  Would they even be invited to an interview in the first place, regardless of their objective qualifications?  And even if they avoided that pitfall, and the even more obvious pitfall of leaving a digital political footprint via social media and other avenues of expression, then there is the interview process itself. Even if they got through meeting with the “Dean of Diversity and Equity” — and even if we consider the time before such deans existed — the candidate has to get through the gauntlet of interviews and “informal” dinner meetings, etc. where astute interviewers will try to extract from the candidate some inkling of their political and social views.  A comment dropped, a facial expression, a hesitation, anything can be a clue to disagreement with SJW politics; conversely, the candidate can demonstrate genuine enthusiasm for leftist ideas and cheerfully agree with the comments and opinions ever so “casually” dropped during conversation.  And if a “dissident” somehow gets hired, they can always be weeded out via the renewal, promotion, and tenure process.

How did I get in then?  I was hired long ago when the institution was much smaller and did not have the same political vetting system in place; further, I presented a very neutral persona and did not have a digital trail of political contributions or other “warning signs” that I was not one of them. I was very careful in interviews and in the “informal” dinner meetings. I went into the process with “eyes wide open,” assuming everyone I interacted with was a leftist hack looking to uncover hidden signs of “unacceptable beliefs.”  And, as stated, the vetting was not as well organized as it is today; I slipped through the cracks. But my advancement has been negatively affected by not being a supporter of the leftist agenda. Very likely, in today’s hysterical climate, I would not be hired. Currently, as I stated above, it is not sufficient to merely avoid what is perceived as “negative beliefs” but need to embrace, and show evidence for, “progressive” politics.

And let us consider the flip side of this.  Even if a rightist does somehow get in and survives the rough-and-tumble of academic politics in which the word ‘politics’ means far more than the usual beyond petty academic infighting to include rigid adherence to progressive orthodoxy, they will likely find the environment unpleasant and unwelcoming, and may voluntarily leave academia for other occupations. Thus, through a variety of direct and indirect stratagems, leftist academic hegemony is maintained.

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My Journey to Racial Consciousness

January 13, 2022/15 Comments/in Africans and African Americans, Featured Articles/by John Horst

I grew up In a middle class household where we were told that all humans were equal and that skin color was the only thing made us different. I firmly believed this until I reached my teens and started my path to becoming a race realist. When I was a child, I was the only  White child on a school bus full of Asians. Asians for the most part were very friendly and they had the same drive to succeed as  Whites. I had many Asians friends as a child but learned in my late 20s that they will sacrifice a  White friend to grovel to the negro in order to win his favor. Even a  White friend that you knew since you were a child. I rode this bus full of Asians to a public school full of negros in a Black part of town. That part of town was famous for race riots committed by Blacks in 1960s, and it never recovered . I quickly learned from attending this school that Black children have very filthy mouths and most are illiterate. In elementary school they are already running around calling each other “nigga,” a trait most likely learned by the positive Black role models in their lives. They were also very race conscious for their age, something that I had been taught by my parents that was bad. They never failed to know how to blame the  White children if things did not go their way.

When I reached middle school I started noticing my fellow  White class mates obsession with negro culture. Talking “hood” and listening to rap were never things that appealed to me. From a very young age I saw that hood culture was a culture of ignorance and was not fooled by the idolization that my  White peers held for negro culture. When I transitioned to high-school I ended up going to a school that was 80 percent  White and 20 percent Black. 70 percent of my fellow  White students dressed hood and talked like they were Black. They would often pick fights and terrorize normal  White students to impress their negro friends. Despite their vain attempts to impress the negros they idolized so much they would often get beat up if they dared utter the word ‘nigga’, the word they so often heard their Black idols repeat . After a couple of years of this I slowly began to wonder what had happened to  White people my age that made them hate their own culture while putting the Black culture of ignorance on a pedestal. The trend of illiteracy in Black students that I noticed in elementary school was carried into their high-school years. The Black students would often would run around and cause chaos in the classroom while getting multiple warnings before being disciplined. I noticed that my  White counter parts that did the same thing were immediately punished. I learned that most Black teenagers thought that learning was considered “acting  White”.

It was also at this time that I was the victim of my first hate crime. One night I snuck out of my parents’ house to meet up with a friend, on my way to his house I was approached by a Black man in his late 30s and a group of older Black teens. The Black man asked for a lighter so he could light his cigarette, and I gladly obliged as I was not very street smart at the time and still had the non-judgmental attitude instilled in me by my parents. The Black man proceeded to punch me in the face as he was handing the lighter back to me, his counterparts howling with laughter as I lay on the ground begging for my life. I thought I was going to be murdered, but they walked off howling with laughter as I wondered what I had done to deserve it. And then I dawned on me that this is what the typical negro will do to get even with the  White man. I decided at that moment that I would never beg a negro for my life ever again. Because of this I would learn how to box and later in my adult life get a concealed carry permit for a pistol. Now that I am older, I have become a lot more street savvy and do not trust Black men after dark. I believe it was the Al Sharpton that once said “If I am on a street at night and I encounter a group of  White people I am relieved, if I encounter a group of Black people I start to worry.”

I would go on to work as a mental health outreach clinic after High school. I would see affirmative action at work as in one instance I saw a Black co-worker punch a client in a fit of rage because the client said something that she did not agree with. Working at this clinic also taught me that negros will often try to fake a mental disorder to get a disability check. At this clinic I had many clients but one stuck out the most, an elderly Black man who was mentally retarded and collected a disability check. It so happened that this Black man’s landlord was the payee for his disability check. This typical Black landlord spent the check on herself and my client never saw a dime of it. I was charged with contacting the Social Security Administration to get his payee changed to someone more honorable. I managed to do this, but was forced to drop the case. The elderly Black man came in to my office one day in fear for his life, apparently his landlord had her sons gang up on him and threaten to beat him up if he had his payee changed. This showed me the lengths that negros would go to get government handouts.

I decided to leave this job around the time of the 2016 election. For the first time I was made aware of “The Great Replacement” and how my people were being displaced in the Great Civilization they had created. I felt compelled to become as educated on the plight of my people. This led me to sites like Amren, Vdare and YouTube channels like Red Ice and The Golden One. I am truly grateful that I was introduced to all these wonderful sources before big tech brought down the hammer of censorship. I hope by writing this article I am helping others to awaken their racial consciousness.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 John Horst https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png John Horst2022-01-13 08:15:352022-01-13 08:15:35My Journey to Racial Consciousness

The Axeman of Tacoma: Revisiting a Forgotten Black Serial Killer

February 22, 2021/9 Comments/in Africans and African Americans, Featured Articles/by Sinclair Jenkins

 The mainstream media and the neoliberal bioleninist state that they empower operates from an outdated script. This is part stupidity and part laziness, but at its core, it is about maintaining the narrative. See, for instance, publicized hate crimes in the United States. Whenever the supposed victim is non-White, the media and politicos jump to the conclusion of pasty-faced perpetrators as if we still live under Reconstruction. The most famous recent example of Jussie Smollett, who fabricated a hate crime in 2019 in order to further his flagging career, was bought hook-line-and-sinker by Democrats like Kamala Harris, who used her Twitter account to call the faux crime a “modern day lynching.” When it came to light that the noose and bleach attack on Smollett was carried out by his paid (and Black) accomplices rather than rednecks in MAGA hats, the moment became fodder for jokes rather than a serious condemnation of the elite class’s implicit anti-White bias. Instead of demanding hate crime charges against Smollett and his ilk (after all, their false accusations amount to blood libel), people made memes and mocked Smollett as a weird aberration.

Fake hate crimes became something of an industry after the 2016 presidential election, with Daily Caller reporting over twenty well-publicized fake hate events, most of which involved Blacks blaming Whites for their own devious behavior [1]. Black academic Wilfred Reilly wrote an entire book on the hate hoax phenomena, blaming its visibility post-2016 on a multiplicity of factors, from increased reporting from federal and state agencies to the serial corruption of “fake news” [2]. Reilly writes in his book Hate Crime Hoax that the combination of fake allegations and “the real, but anti-White, wave of backlash crimes” carried out by non-Whites get used by the left-wing media to print article after article about the worsening racial situation in the United States [3]. Again, the media wants racial conflict front and center because the neoliberal state (the combination of Wall Street, academia, and the permanent bureaucracy) uses the false idea of rampant and violent White racism to justify further oppression via high taxes, historical erasure, and anarcho-tyranny against the Historic American Nation. It is also true that the current regime is full of people who sincerely believe that White people are always bad and need to be punished.

Arguably, no outdated script used by the media is more blindly accepted than the notion that serial killers are always White men. The idea of White male murderers is embedded in popular comedy, movies, and mass culture generally. True crime aficionados gobble up documentaries, podcasts, and books about such “golden age” monstrosities as Ted Bundy, John Wayne Gacy, and Jeffrey Dahmer. These are the men who helped inspire the FBI to coin the term “serial killer” in the first place, and since the 1970s they have provided the archetype of serial killers in the popular imagination.

The truth is that most serial killers in the United States are Black. White people, who are 76.6-percent of the U.S. population, represent about 58-percent of all serial murderers [4]. As with violent crime in general, White males are underrepresented when it comes to serial killers. Blacks, on the other hand, are overrepresented. This trend began in the 1980s, which “was the first decade in which White serial killers only just had more than half of the share” of crimes. In the 1990s, the U.S. saw more Black serial killers than Whites, and in the 2000s, “just 32% of US serial killers were White, while 54% were Black and 11% were Hispanic” [5]. In plain language, Blacks “have been the outright majority of serial killers since the 1990s” [6]. Despite this fact, and despite some well-known Black serial killers like Lonnie David Franklin, Jr., alias the Grim Sleeper, and Samuel Little, the Black serial killer who may have killed 93 victims, the general public still persists in the delusion that White men should be feared more than Black men.

The Black serial killer is not a new phenomenon, nor is it confined to just Black Americans. South Africa has one of the “highest numbers of serial killers in the world” [7], and as a Black majority state, one cannot blame such actions on racism or institutional injustice against Blacks. As for motivations, Black serial killers tend to have the same motivations as their White counterparts—deviant sexual desires, an overactive fantasy life, mental disturbances, etc. However, Black serial killers are unique in that they are more likely to target non-Black victims than White serial killers. John Douglas, one of the most famous members of the FBI’s Investigative Support Unit, noted in his book Mindhunter the higher rates of interracial violence carried out by Black offenders as compared to White offenders [8]. Douglas himself worked on two such cases: George Russell Jr., who strangled three White women to death in Seattle between 1990 and 1991, and William Henry Hance, aka the Stocking Strangler who murdered and sexually assaulted six elderly White women in Georgia in 1978. Prior to Douglas’s career and even the term “serial killer” itself, there were Black serial killers who targeted White women. Jarvis Theodore Roosevelt Catoe, whom the Washington, D.C. newspaper called the Dupont Circle Killer, raped and strangled several White and Black women between 1929 and 1941 [9]. The infamous Servant Girl Annihilator of Austin, Texas, who butchered at least eight White and Black women between December 1884 and December 1885, was most likely a Black drunkard and local ruffian named Nathan Elgin [10].

But of all the Black serial killers to prey on White women, the worst of the bunch was the Axeman of Tacoma, Jake Bird. These days, Tacoma is an outpost of the Black Lives Matter hegemony. The city’s police chief, Don Ramsdell, has voiced total support for the movement. Such placating has done nothing to deter several BLM and Antifa riots in the city since last summer [11]. Back during the Great Depression, the city lacked both masked anarchists and Afro-Marxists, but it was still a violent place populated by rough loggers and weather-beaten railroad workers. Jake Bird was one of these men.

Bird did not come from Tacoma originally. Born in Louisiana in 1901, Bird grew up in a violent and unstable home (which is all too common in Black families even to this day). At age nineteen, he left home and began riding the rails. Bird “fit the bill as a stereotypical hobo, sneaking into train cars only to hop off once the train reached town” [12]. Eventually, Bird found his way to Tacoma, the city then known as the City of Destiny.

Little is known about Bird’s activities between 1930 and 1947. He lived an indigent lifestyle of seasonal work. However, it is highly likely that Bird murdered White women in the states of Florida, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Michigan, Nebraska, Ohio, Oklahoma, South Dakota, and Wisconsin over a span of several years [13].  Little is known about these individual crimes, although suppositions can be made based upon the double murder that we know Bird committed for sure—the October 30, 1947 slaying of Bertha Kludt and her daughter Beverly June. Bird entered the Kludt household at 1007 South 21st Street in Tacoma and attacked both women with an axe. Although he surprised both women, they managed to scream and scream loud enough to alert their neighbors. Tacoma police officers arrived quick enough to find Bird still at the scene and covered in blood. Bird attempted to escape by slashing one officer’s hand with a knife and stabbing another in the shoulder. The wounded officers took these blows before ultimately tackling Bird and arresting him [14]. While imprisoned in Tacoma’s Old City Jail, the loquacious Bird confessed to forty murders across the United States. A Washington jury later convicted him of eleven murders, although most suspected him of at least forty-four murders in total [15].

Prior to his execution in 1949, the story of Jake Bird, the Axeman of Tacoma, took a bizarre turn. At his trial, Bird yelled out, “I’m putting the hex of Jake Bird on all of you who had anything to do with my being punished. Mark my words. You will die before I do.” It turned out that this “hex” had legs, as six men involved in the case died of natural causes between the trial and Bird’s execution. Judge Hodge, the presiding judge in the case, died of a heart attack one month after Bird’s sentencing. Next came Joe Karpach, a police officer involved in the case, who also died of a heart attack. Chief court clerk Ray Scott, Lieutenant Sherman Lyons of the Tacoma Police Department, Bird’s defense attorney J.W. Selden, and corrections officer Arthur A. Seward all died of heart failure, thus becoming the final four victims of the Axeman of Tacoma’s curse.

Bird may or may not have had Black magic powers, but he was certainly demonic. Little is known about the particulars of Bird’s crimes, which is in keeping with most Black serial killers. It seems the general public, true crime addicts, and the FBI are just not that into Black serial killers, although their reasons likely differ. That said, given Bird’s choice of weapon (the axe) and given his choice of victims (White women), it can be theorized that Bird was motivated by lust. Like the so-called Man from the Train, whom authors Bill James and Rachel McCarthy James believe murdered somewhere around one hundred people between 1898 and 1912, Bird used the railroads to move from town to town and leave just as quickly. And like the Man from the Train, whom James and James theorize murdered out of a deep-seated attraction to prepubescent females, it appears that Bird murdered White women because that was who he fancied the most. It is not impossible that Bird might have been motivated by racial animosity. Such murders are not unheard of. The Zebra Killers of 1973-1974 shot, stabbed, and mutilated White San Franciscans as an act of racial revenge spurred on by the anti-White vitriol of the Nation of Islam. In June 2019, 23-year-old Black criminal Temar Bishop beat and raped a White woman on the roof of his Bronx apartment. One eyewitness later testified that Bishop justified his actions by saying, “‘She was a White girl. She deserved it because us minorities have been through slavery.’” Vanderbilt football player Cory Batey said much the same thing after he raped a White woman in 2013. Specifically, Batey was heard to yell, “That’s for 400 years of slavery.” In Europe, Black Africans and Muslims from North Africa and the Middle East routinely sexually assault native women and blame their crimes on “racism,” “colonialism,” and “Islamophobia” [16]. Bird may have had these same thoughts, but we will never know as he was sent straight to hell almost seventy-two years ago.

While the Axeman of Tacoma’s motivations can only be guessed, what is not unknown is the fact that Black males in the United States not only commit violent crime at higher rates than other races, but they have been the majority of serial murderers since at least the 1990s. Jake Bird was merely one of the earliest and most prolific of these Black serial killers, and his signature of attacking White woman is sadly not uncommon among Black offenders. These days, in the age of “White privilege” and the proliferation and support of Critical Race Theory, unhinged Black criminals have an overabundance of justification for their anti-social behavior. There may be multiple Jake Birds waiting in the wings, just sharpening their axes and preparing public defenses full of CRT loanwords as we speak.


[1]: Peter Hasson, “Here’s A List of Hoax ‘Hate Crimes’ In The Trump Era,” Daily Caller, Feb. 18, 2019, https://dailycaller.com/2019/02/18/hoax-hate-crimes-list/.

[2]: Larry Elder, “The Fake News ‘Surge’ in Hate Crimes,” Real Clear Politics, Apr. 11, 2019, https://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2019/04/11/the_fake_news_surge_in_hate_crimes__140019.html#!.

[3]: Wilfred Reilly, Hate Crime Hoax: How the Left is Selling a Fake Race War (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Publishing, 2019): Kindle edition.

[4]: Mackenzie Samet and Jackie Salo, “New profile of serial killers debunks long-held myths,” New York Post, Aug. 14, 2018, https://nypost.com/2018/08/14/serial-killers-a-terrifying-look-at-their-ordinary-lives/.

[5]: “Black Serial Killers vs White Serial Killers: Stats, Figures (Shocking Truth),” Ways to Die, https://ways-to-die.com/Black-serial-killers/.

[6]: Robert Hampton, “Most Serial Killers Are Black,” American Renaissance, May 30, 2019, https://www.amren.com/commentary/2019/05/most-serial-killers-are-Black/.

[7]: “Black Serial Killers vs White Serial Killers”

[8]: John Douglas and Mark Olshaker, Mindhunter: Inside the FBI’s Elite Serial Crime Unit (New York: Gallery Books, 2017): 214.

[9]: Peter Vronsky, American Serial Killers: The Epidemic Years, 1950-2000 (New York: Berkley, 2020): 49-51.

[10]: Skip Hollandsworth, Midnight Assassin: The Hunt for America’s First Serial Killer (New York: Picador, 2015): 216.

[11]: Jason Rants, “Jason Rantz: I was inside Antifa riots in Tacoma—this is what I saw,” Fox News.com, Jan. 26, 2021, https://www.foxnews.com/opinion/antifa-riots-tacoma-jason-rantz.

[12]: Steve Dunkelberger, “Jake Bird: The Strange Story of a Tacoma Serial Killer and the Hex that Made Him Famous,” SouthSound Talk, http://www.southsoundtalk.com/2016/03/31/jake-bird-tacoma/.

[13]: Vronsky, American Serial Killers, 36.

[14]: Dunkelberger, “Jake Bird.”

[15]: Martin Gilman Wolcott, The Evil 100: Fascinating True-Life Tales of Terror, Mayhem, and Savagery (New York: Citadel Press, 2002): 129.

[16]: Raymond Ibrahim, “Europe: Rape Victims Accused of Racism,” Gatestone Institute, July 11, 2020, https://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/16179/rape-victims-racism.

 

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Sinclair Jenkins https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Sinclair Jenkins2021-02-22 08:44:442021-02-22 08:44:44The Axeman of Tacoma: Revisiting a Forgotten Black Serial Killer
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