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Maximize the Racial Divide

Our project, our purpose, our goal and our cause is to save our race. But we in the white racial activist community, by ourselves, lack the power to save our race — to save it from its dispossession, from the loss of its homelands, from the loss of its independence, from its subjugation to alien rule and domination, from its reduction to minority status, from its destruction and ultimate extinction.

Since it is beyond our power, and beyond our control, to save our race, we look to something else beyond us, far greater than us, to help us.

The only human agency we can look for, and hope for, to save us, is the existence of something inherent and latent, but presently mostly suppressed or inactive, in our race. The existence of such a power is the necessary precondition for any possibility of saving our race. Only such a power could give us something we could direct, that we could work with, sufficient to save our race.

Thus everything we hope to achieve is based on the assumption that this power does exist. This latent power is an embedded sense of racial group identity and loyalty.

This sense of racial group loyalty is not distributed equally throughout all our race. It is essentially absent in many while in others it is so strong as to already be manifest and active, as in the white activist community. We must hope that it would be potentially strong enough in the majority of our race to be able to save us.

Ultimately all our hopes for the salvation of our race depend on this — to find that, when our backs are to the wall things will change. We have to believe that whites are like the lion in the old Disney cartoon Lambert the Sheepish Lion. The lion has always acted like a sheep, and always thought it was a sheep. But when the moment demands it, he is a lion after all.

In effect, our hopes are based on the assumption that enough of our race have the lion of racial loyalty somewhere inside them, and our mission is to bring it to life and direct it.

We look with both hope and despair for signs of this latent racial force that could save us. This power is generally so suppressed and hidden that evidence for it is usually indirect and circumstantial, often no more than fleeting hints. Yet it is the substance behind what Kevin MacDonald has termed “implicit whiteness” and what our opponents decry as unconscious racism.

What is needed is something to activate this untapped racial force, to make it snap on a mass scale. What could set in motion a rising tide of racial consciousness and sense of racial group identity and loyalty?

There are many things that can do this at the individual level, and we have all heard many stories of individual racial enlightenment. But this election could potentially be that very something that could trigger this power at the mass level.

Never has race been so conspicuous and prominent a factor as in this election. This is generally ignored or denied or minimized, like the 800 pound gorilla in the room that everyone pretends isn’t there. But it is the dominant undercurrent of the election, with all intelligent observers on all sides knowing it, even if they pretend otherwise.

That is the reason passions are running much higher in this election than usual, and why record voter turnouts are expected. It could be, as it has been described, a racially transforming moment for our society and country, and the world.

Our opponents hope the transforming moment will be for them, but we can also hope that it will be for us. A racially polarizing moment could be a transforming event, elevating the implicit and unconscious white racial identity to the explicit and conscious level.

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The best thing that can happen for us in this election is that it produces a degree of racial polarization sufficient to serve as the activating trigger for that latent sense of racial group consciousness and loyalty.

This can be accomplished by an unprecedented racial gap in voting patterns that is clear for all to see, and especially if it is so great as to carry the white candidate to victory against all the odds and predictions, against all the disparity in money, against his own lack of racial appeal and loyalty, and against the wishes and plans and agenda of the dominant elite in the power structure who have been working so successfully for our dispossession and destruction over the last century.

If not sufficient to produce a white electoral victory, we should hope that the racial voting gap will still be large enough to show that the black winner won with the smallest share of the gentile European vote of any previous winner in our country’s history.

It is possible that in this election cycle the black candidate could win with as little as 42% of the white vote, which would mean that he won with less than 40% of the gentile European vote. Such a percentage would be particularly striking given the natural tendency to vote for the Democrats in the wake of the catastrophic Bush administration and during economic hard times.

We should prefer that the awakening of our race will be achieved by a great victory that encourages and empowers them with the display of their united power. But if that fails, then our awakening could still be achieved if the racial voting gap is large enough to shock whites with the realization of their racial dispossession in the electoral process, with their loss of political control and independence.

So win or lose we must hope for the maximum racial voting gap, and a resulting racial polarization as clear as the different racial reactions to the verdict in the O.J. Simpson murder trial.

What is important in this election, whichever candidate wins, is that our race wins. Winning for us can be defined as the largest and clearest possible racial voting gap, such as the black candidate winning half the proportion of European gentile votes as the other votes, such as 40% of the European gentile vote and 80% or more of the others. If this happens then our race will have demonstrated an unprecedented degree of racial electoral unity, and this in itself will be its victory.

The point is we can still win this election if the white candidate loses, if the racial polarization resulting from a large racial voting gap is sufficient to awaken the racial consciousness of our people. If the black candidate wins we will need this newly awakened sense of racial unity and power to check the anti-white agenda and ideology of the radical left that he will bring to the executive branch. We will need all the help we can get.

In “Picking Up the Pieces,” Part 5 of the PBS series Making Sense of the Sixties , televised January 23, 1991, Doug McAdam, professor of Sociology at Stanford University, stated:

I remember going to the last above ground Weatherman convention [in 1969], and sitting in a room and the question that was debated was, “Was it or was it not the duty of every good revolutionary to kill all newborn white babies.” At that point it seemed like a relevant framing of an issue, the logic being, “Hey look, through no fault of their own these white kids were going to grow up to be part of an oppressive racial establishment internationally, and so really your duty is to kill newborn white babies.” I remember one guy kind of tentatively and apologetically suggesting that that seemed like it may be contradictory to the larger humanitarian aims of the movement, and being kind of booed down.

The Racial Marxist ideology, mentality and agenda of the people who were booing in that room in 1969, perhaps including Weatherman co-founder William Ayers, will be strongly represented in an Obama presidency, allied, now as then, with the radical black racial ideologies represented then by such groups as the Black Panthers.

Our race, and especially white racial activists, will be entering much more perilous times. We must only hope that something will snap in the collective mind of our race, like Lambert, and awaken the lion within to rise to the challenge.

Richard McCulloch’s website is at www.racialcompact.com.

Charles Dodgson

Review of Shadowlands, 1993. Spelling Films International; Anthony Hopkins and Debra Winger; Director: Richard Attenborough; Screenplay: William Nicholson (based on his stageplay)

This one flew under the radar when it was first released in 1993.

The plot can be summarized thus. A Jewish-American divorcee—Debra Winger as Joy Gresham—enters the life of an Oxford don—Anthony Hopkins as C. S. Lewis. Lewis wrote the iconic children’s fantasy Nania. He is shown as the brilliant literary analyst in the role of teacher as well as in social exchanges with colleagues—all middle aged or older Anglo-Saxon males.

Gresham sees through the famous professor’s intellectual mastery to perceive a vulnerable, repressed man. She first matches him intellectually then subjects his emotional life to cutting critique. Lewis first resists this criticism but is drawn to the American’s honesty and intelligence. His resistance crumbles and before long he is breaking out of his cold persona.

The lessons all flow in one direction, from the Bronx to England. Lewis changes his ways, becomes more honest, more humble, more human. Gresham remains unchanged, as oracles do. What needs changing?

The two protagonists’ bond despite pronounced differences. Lewis was deeply religious and belonged to a Christian milieu. Oxford had all the trappings of a Christian institution. The film opens to the angelic harmonies of a hymn sung by the Magdalen College boys’ choir. Dinner is opened with a Latin grace. Lewis was also an anti-communist. He had conservative social views. In 1934 he famously remarked that “Any large number of free-thinking Jews” is incompatible with the flourishing of a Christian tradition. Gresham was a self-declared atheist who announces early in the film that in the 1930s one was either a fascist or a communist. But arguments never develop over these differences, despite her knowing Lewis’s writings by heart. She never ridicules Christianity by word or gesture. Her only differences with Lewis concern his alleged emotional dishonesty.

The story has two climaxes. In the first Gresham delivers a devastating or perhaps merely a vicious critique, seemingly out of the blue. Lewis has married her to circumvent British visa regulations and allow her to remain in London. The marriage remains unconsummated. The relationship is ostensibly one of friendship. Lewis invites Gresham to a social function at his Oxford college, Magdalen, and the two retire to his rooms for tea. As Lewis puts on the kettle, Gresham begins to work herself up to critical pitch:

Gresham: “So what do you do here? Think great thoughts?”

Lewis: “Teach, mainly.”

Gresham: “What do they do, sit at your feat and gaze up at you in awe?

Lewis: “No, not at all.”

Gresham: “I bet they do.”

Lewis: “We have fine old battles here, I can tell you that.”

Gresham: “Which you win. It must be quite a boost for you being older and wiser than all of them. Not to mention your readers [colleagues].”

Lewis: “What?” [from the next room.]

Gresham: “Your readers; that gang of friends of yours. All very well trained not to play out of bounds.”

Lewis: “What are you talking about?”

Gresham: “Of course this morning, not much competition there!”

Lewis: “That’s nonsense. What about Christopher Riley. He never lets me get away with anything. You know that.”

Gresham: “Except doubt, and fear, and pain, and terror.”

Lewis: “Where did all that come from?”

Gresham: “I’ve only now just seen it. How you’ve arranged a life for yourself where no-one can touch you. Everyone that’s close to you is either younger than you, or weaker than you, or under your control.”

Lewis: “Why are you getting at me. I thought we were friends.”

Gresham: “I don’t know that we are friends. Not the way you have friends anyway. Sorry Jack.”

Lewis: “I don’t understand.”

Gresham: “Oh, I think you do. You just don’t like it. Nor do I.” She exits.

As Lewis says, Gresham is getting at him in a decidedly unfriendly manner. But he comes to agree with her, in practice if not in abstract. Surrender is eased by the crisis of her fatal illness and Lewis’s realization of how precious she has become. He loves her honesty.

In the second climax, Lewis finally completes his treatment by sobbing uncontrollably with grief following Gresham’s death. Gone is his reserve. Gone is his stoicism. He is delivered from Englishness.

This is an allegory of ethnic contest and dominance that plays on stereotypes. How different the plot would be if written to reaffirm European confidence in its traditions and culture. The visitor would have striven to conform to high-culture Englishness with its politeness and restraint. She would soon learn that in Britain overt verbal aggression is considered transparent one-upmanship—simply not cricket. She would be offered the example of one or two Anglo-Jewish dons who are assimilated to English ways. She would be taught that true friendship does not admit the relentless subversion of others’ self-confidence; and that tolerance is a form of civility which entails reciprocating others’ suspension of tribalism. And she would quickly learn to judge Bolshevism from the perspective of its victims as well as its beneficiaries.

Such a plot would also be flawed by simplistic ethnic stereotypes, though with Britain on top—a sort of ethnic missionary position that I suppose is also out of date. A balanced story would have shown some give and take. An outgoing, intelligent, and unpretentious lady from the Bronx blows some fresh air into stuffy Oxford and brings companionship to a lonely bachelor. In return she comes to perceive her own aggression and ethnocentrism and learns some social graces.

Charles Dodgson is the pen name of a social analyst living in England.

Media Watch – Now that’s Rich: Frank Rich comes to white America’s defense

When does a Jewish, liberal New York Times columnist come to the defense of white America?  Only when he thinks it’s not as “racist” as portrayed by his media brethren.

In other words, only when whites wrest themselves from their natural instincts (and logical objections) against a black candidate for office and prostrate themselves before the Multiracial Messiah are they deserving of mercy.  Some defense.  This is rather like a foreign conquering sovereign who decides, after enough native nobles have knelt to kiss his ring, that the locals aren’t so bad, after all.

Of course, this is not “defense” of white Americans.  It’s another cruel and clever twist in the campaign against them.

An associate of mine, Edmund Connelly, likes to highlight the richly-textured anti-white bias of many modern movies.  In his analysis of Remember the Titans, he describes a scene where a white football player who’s favored by the coach — but is not as skilled as his black counterpart — voluntarily gives up his playing spot to the black player.

What I note from this analysis is the incredibly powerful (and dangerous) message it sends to young white men:  The measure of your goodness is your willingness to voluntarily step aside for the superior black man.  This is what makes for a white hero.  It’s not a matter of simply grudgingly stepping aside for affirmative action’s sake.  The truly great and decent white man acknowledges both internally and externally that he’s a weak wisp who’s only been propped up all these years by a racist white system. This pathetic weakling shows his Christ-like character by handing over his place.

These are the white Americans Frank Rich reserves his “defense” for.  Certainly not those who would rise to the defense of whites who seek to assert their white identity and their legitimate interests as white people.  Certainly not those who openly object to the powerful Jewish influence on American policy both home and abroad.  Only those who go along to get along — who have been psychologically broken by the system Rich’s co-ethnics and their cohorts have built.

And indeed, there are such whites.  Many are found among the ranks of so-called “conservatives,” whose first place of refuge against accusations of racism is to protest that not all whites are “racist.”  That this is the first place of refuge is a bad sign because it confirms who’s already won the argument:  the anti-white crowd.  I like to fantasize that more whites will respond, “So what?  All ‘racist’ means is that I stick up for whites just like blacks, Jews, and others stick up for their people”

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Yet I fear that the water cooler isn’t quite ready for that yet.

In the meantime, whites should be wary.  When Frank Rich claims to defend you, he’s probably not really trying to come up with the true defense of your people.

Christopher Donovan is the pen name of an attorney and former journalist.

The Sandlers and the Arnalls: The subprime meltdown funds Jewish political activism

By now everyone’s seen the Saturday Night Live skit on the financial corruption that threatens to bring down the world’s economy. Of course, it depends on which version you’ve seen. NBC originally pulled the skit from its website after the complaints rolled in, but then restored it after some strategic editing so as not to offend the left. The version on the NBC website deletes any mention of the role of the Democrats in the financial meltdown (including a section where the Sandlers thank Barney Frank and Nancy Pelosi for not regulating the subprime mess in 2004). The caption “People who should be shot” beneath the  names of Herbert and Marion Sandler was also removed. Here’s the original.

But what’s really amazing about the skit is what is left in: The only people named in the pyramid of corruption are Jews — Herbert and Marion Sandler, and George Soros. And they are at the top of the heap.

As usual, this fact was lost on the mainstream media. Like respectable people everywhere, the brain of the mainstream media reflexively blocks out the Jewish identity of Jews who do bad things. Perhaps this is what NBC was counting on when it reposted the edited version.

But the Jewish press, with its antennae always sensitive to these issues, picked up on this obvious fact. In an article that doubtless reflected the anxieties of many Jews, the Wisconsin Jewish Chronicle described the skit as follows:

On the bottom are poor and minority homeowners victimized by predatory lending. Next come condo-flipping yuppies out for a quick buck. They’re followed by rapacious bankers who cashed out before the economy crumbled. And on top are billionaire financiers who pocketed the government bailout and quickly moved it offshore.

In the SNL imagination, the top two categories seemingly are populated by Jews.

Seemingly?

Our favorite parts of the skit: The caption under Soros’s name is “Multi-Billionaire Hedge Fund Manager; Owner, Democratic Party. At the end of the skit the Soros character says to the yuppie man, “Your wife is physically attractive. Sell her to me please.” To which the yuppie says “sure” and his wife says “yes” with a big seductive smile.

As Mel Brooks would say, it’s good to be king. The ultimate victory of the Jews over the WASPs.

And part of that ultimate victory is that there is huge Jewish money funding the Democratic party and other leftist causes. The Sandlers did indeed aggressively sell subprime adjustable rate mortgages to poorly qualified people but then managed to sell out at the top of the credit bubble to Wachovia Bank which then basically went under.

The  Sandlers walked off with $2.4 billion. What is interesting to us is that they are using their fortune to advance causes that they support because of their Jewish identity. And  those causes are decidedly on the left.

As noted in a previous column, Jewish financial support of the left makes no sense except in terms of Jewish identity politics. Fundamentally, Jewish identity politics is based on hostility to the white Christian majority of the  United States. This hostility spans the Jewish political spectrum, from the far left to the neoconservative right.

The top contributors for the left are, besides Soros and the Sandlers, insurance magnate Peter Lewis and Hollywood mogul Stephen Bing. Together they contributed $78 million to leftist causes during the 2004 election cycle alone, creating a “shadow Democratic Party” via so-called 527 groups designed to conform to the McCain-Feingold campaign financing law. The main recipients are organizations like MoveOn.orgACORN, the ACLU, the Center for American Progress, and American Coming  Together.

What these top four contributors have in common is a Jewish background. It’s interesting also that the person contributing the sixth most to the 527 groups in the 2004 election cycle  is Dawn Arnall, wife of Roland Arnall, the former head of Ameriquest, the largest subprime mortgage company. Arnall “was chiefly known as a pioneer of lending to high-risk, or subprime, borrowers. Using databases to identify customers and set loan terms, he partnered with Wall Street firms that provided funding and bundled his loans into mortgage-backed bonds — the business whose recent meltdown has shaken the global financial system.”

Arnall’s appointment as Ambassador to the Netherlands was held up until Ameriquest paid a fine of $325 million to settle lawsuits over predatory lending. Here’s a video of a victim who received a check for $212.00 (!) as part of the settlement.

Like the top four contributors, Arnall was also Jewish and a billionaire. But there is a difference: The $5,000,000 Arnall donation was to a 527 group, Progress for America, set up to be the Republican counterpart of the shadow Democratic Party.

Roland Arnall was a neocon whose main motivation for contributing to Republicans was because of the Bush  administration’s support for Israel. Indeed, one might say that he was a typical neocon — liberal on domestic policies but a hardliner on Israel. He started out contributing mainly to Democrats and was widely considered to be the main force behind California governor Gray Davis.

But he switched to the Republicans; he and his wife contributed over $12,000,000 to Republican candidates since 2004. Until his death in March, 2008, he was a member of the Committee on the Present Danger, basically a roster of neocon luminaries, whose stated mission is to stamp out “militant Islamism and the terrorism it is spawning.”

As is typical of neocons, Arnall had a very strong Jewish identity. Leftist Jews like the Sandlers seem focused mainly on transforming America into a multicultural utopia according to the traditional views of the Jewish left. Arnall, on the other hand, was mainly motivated by his attachment to Israel. He was a Holocaust survivor and a founder of the Simon Wiesenthal Center. His will specified a  bequest of $18,000,000 to the Chabad Lubavitch, a fundamentalist Jewish group.

Despite Arnall’s involvement in predatory lending and his contribution to the current financial crisis, he is fondly remembered by Marvin Hier of the Simon Wiesenthal Center for his involvement in Jewish activism: “He played a leadership role in the Simon Wiesenthal Center and Museum of Tolerance since its inception in 1977 and served as co-chair of its board until he resigned to become U.S. ambassador to the Netherlands.”

There are at least two lessons in all of this. One is that crime does pay. Jews like the Sandlers and the Arnalls whose actions contributed to the current crisis made huge fortunes. Their money is now being used to further specifically Jewish political agendas even as taxpayers are being asked to funnel huge sums of money to banks and other financial institutions in order to attempt to avert a depression caused in part by their actions. Indeed, it is something of an enormity that the candidate favored by the Sandlers and the Wall Street left has benefited enormously from the ongoing financial disaster.

Secondly, the Sandlers and the Arnalls are a microcosm of Jewish political activism. The beneficiaries of their largess define the boundaries of acceptable politics in the US — from the far left to the neoconservative, pro-Israel, pro-immigration right. There is simply no appreciable amount of money beyond this political spectrum.

The losers in all of this are the traditional people and culture of the US. We sense that there is a rising anger in this group. But unless there is money and political organization to fund their interests, there will be no fundamental change. Certainly this election offers no hope in that direction.

Now comes the anger

The enormous bailout of Wall Street continues to reverberate. By all accounts, part of the dynamic was that public sentiment changed after the enormous drop in the stock market on Monday (Sept. 29) along with dire warnings about the consequences of not passing a bailout. The market then rose in anticipation that a bill would be passed, but when a much enlarged bill was finally passed on Friday, the message from all quarters was that the US was in for a long, deep recession despite the huge infusion of cash. As this is being written, the stock market is again posting huge losses because of fears that the financial meltdown is spreading to Europe.

It would be surprising indeed if such a result didn’t lead to anger and frustration. People have seen their property values plummet and their retirement accounts shrink dramatically. Many face the prospect of losing their job or earning substantially less. Some analysts have argued that even with the rescue plan we still face a financial Armageddon.

It’s natural under such circumstances to seek someone to blame — especially because this is a man-made disaster rather than a part of the normal business cycle. Conservatives have focused their ire on the pressure that the Democrats in Congress (e.g., Barney Frank, Christopher Dodd, Maxine Waters) brought to bear on Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to lower lending standards for minorities.Steve Sailer has shown that Karl Rove and the Bush administration were into it up to their eyeballs in an attempt to wring a few Latino votes.

The problem with these analyses is not that they are false. The problem is that these partisan perspectives in the end read like politically correct dogma if one leaves out righteous indignation directed at Wall Street itself. Wall Street, after all, is where so much of that bad paper ended up — the bad paper that they weren’t able to unload to others for huge fees before the collapse. Indeed, quite a few financial analysts paint the following picture which is based on a report that appeared on National Public Radio. (See here for an audio version and here for a transcript):

Because of the growth of the global economy, there was a huge pile of money looking for investment vehicles. The vast US mortgage market was an attractive source of relatively high returns compared to US Treasury bonds, so Wall Street developed mortgage-backed securities to tap into this market. There was a huge demand for these securities — so much so that Wall Street didn’t want the party to end when there were no more available mortgages that had been created by traditional credit standards. This led to lowering standards for lending and “financial alchemy” whereby Wall Street created ever more exotic investment vehicles (such as collateralized debt obligations) able to tap into this vast pool of money.

The beauty of the scheme was that everyone was making money hand over fist —  illegal immigrants with no financial assets, real estate agents, mortgage brokers, and the great Wall Street financial firms. Normal homeowners were delighted  because their  homes were going up in value and they were able to refinance their homes and get cash to buy nice stuff.

But none of it could happen without the people at the top of this food chain — Wall Street — coming up with the investment vehicles able to channel this toxic paper to tap into this global pile of money and certifying via credit rating agencies that these products were sound investments. Wall Street was also involved in lobbying and pressuring Congress on issues regarding de-regulation of the financial markets.

Once one accepts that Wall Street itself bears a considerable portion of the blame for this disaster, then it gets interesting.  Much of the debate about the bailout in the media framed the issue as a conflict between “Main Street” and Wall Street. As noted in a previous column, Main Street is basically a code word for middle class whites. And the sticky point is that, as also noted in that editorial, Wall Street is heavily Jewish.

We at The Occidental Observer do not want to prejudge the extent of Jewish involvement in the present situation. This is a complex story whose full details are still emerging. We intend to continue to post articles and commentary on this issue as further information becomes available.

We are not the only ones who have noticed that this dichotomy has overtones of classic anti-Jewish themes. The ADL is concerned about “a dramatic upsurge” in anti-Jewish messages on internet discussion boards devoted to finance and the economy in reaction to the huge bailout of Wall Street. The ADL press release is predictable in its attempt to characterize such outbursts as irrational hatred against Jews: Abe Foxman complains darkly that in times of economic downturns, “The age-old canards [the ADL’s favorite word is ‘canard’] about Jews and money are always just beneath the surface.”

Admittedly, the comments compiled by the ADL tend to be one-liners without any attempt to develop an argument: “[Jews] run Wall Street so they should be to blame. There is at my count roughly 1500 of them that should be in the penitentiary. Not a single one will suffer.”  Another wrote about the Jews that “They love money nothing else, no faith or religion can be so heartless to their victims.” This is about what one can expect to find on public message boards.

The problem is that we all know that there is more than a grain of truth to the claim that Jews run Wall Street, just as there is more than a grain of truth to the claim that Jews run Hollywood. In fact, as we previously pointed out, Benjamin Ginsberg, a prominent social scientist, noted during the 1990s that 50% of Wall Street executives were Jewish.

Nevertheless, the immediate reaction of the ADL is to attempt to stifle any such comments and simply label them as “anti-Semitism.” They applaud attempts to remove these statements as they appear, but complain that “the rate at which new posts are arriving prevents [monitors] from removing all of the objectionable material before it is widely read.”

Such heavy-handed attempts to squelch discussion of Jewish influence can be seen on a wide range of issues, most notably the role of the Israel Lobby in influencing US foreign policy in the Middle East. When John Mearsheimer and Steven Walt published their work on the Israel Lobby, organizations like the ADL were quick to condemn them as anti-Semites and compared their writing to classic anti-Jewish themes in writings like the Protocols of the Elders of Zion.

But the bottom line is that there is no attempt to soberly and rationally determine the real extent of Jewish involvement in this disaster. The  entire topic of Jewish involvement in the financial system is taboo. It is not surprising that the police-state tactics favored by the ADL fuel the flames of anti-Jewish conspiracy theories when all attempts to raise the issue of Jewish influence in the financial system or other areas of American life are met with powerful efforts to enforce silence.

The situation is similar to a previous financial scandal — the one involving Michael Milken, the notorious 1980s junk bond king. As a 1989 National Review article noted, Milken “is Jewish, as were many of his partners and peers. (Indeed, about the only sympathy he has gotten is from those who see his prosecution as an instance of anti-Semitism.)”

Much of the discussion of the Jewish role in this financial scandal centered around the book Den of Thieves by James B. Stewart. Jewish activist Alan Dershowitz called Den of Thieves an “anti-Semitic screed” and attacked a review by Michael M. Thomas in the New York Times Book Review because of his “gratuitous descriptions by religious stereotypes.”  Thomas’s review contained the following passage:

James B. Stewart . . . charts the way through a virtual solar system of peculation, past planets large and small, from a metaphorical Mercury representing the penny-ante takings of Dennis B. Levine’s small fry, past the middling ($10 million in inside-trading profits) Mars of Mr. Levine himself, along the multiple rings of Saturn — Ivan F. Boesky, his confederate Martin A. Siegel of Kidder, Peabody, and Mr. Siegel’s confederate Robert Freeman of Goldman, Sachs — and finally back to great Jupiter: Michael R. Milken, the greedy billion-dollar junk-bond kingdom in which some of the nation’s greatest names in industry and finance would find themselves entrapped and corrupted.

Sounds like a Jewish cabal to us. Thomas later noted that “If I point out that nine out of 10 people involved in street crimes are black, that’s an interesting sociological observation. If I point out that nine out of 10 people involved in securities indictments are Jewish, that is an anti-Semitic slur. I cannot sort out the difference. . . .”

Dershowitz pulled out all the stops in this particular campaign — even purc[adrotate group=”1″]hasing a full page ad in the New York Times (at a cost of $450,000) and ads in three other newspapers.

The difference between the current  crisis and the Den of Thieves debacle is that the consequences to the financial system of the current Wall Street disaster are far greater and they are far more likely to have a negative effect on pretty much everyone. When a new version of Den of Thieves describes in detail the Jewish involvement in the current catastrophe, perhaps not even Alan Dershowitz or the ADL will be able to keep the lid on the bottle.

There are other signs of anxiety about accusations of Jewish responsibility for the current financial meltdown. Tim Rutten, who often writes on Jewish issues for the Los  Angeles Times (see herehere, and here), clearly has his  antennae up for overtones of anti-Jewish rhetoric in the current discussion. In a column titled “Mean St. replaces Main St.,” Rutten disputes the Main St. versus Wall St. dichotomy, stating that it has

become a kind of shorthand. Main Street translates as small and rural, virtuous and without guile. Wall Street means urban, greedy and devious. Palin invoked it Thursday, when she proudly labeled herself a “Main Streeter.” So did Joe Biden, in recalling his hardscrabble Scranton roots and the talk at his local Wilmington diner.

The obvious political implication of all this historical symbolism — and that’s really what it is, at this point — is that essentially decent Main Street will prosper if only it is liberated from the oppression of fundamentally venal Wall Street. The problem is that no one is willing to admit honestly that there’s no way to punish Wall Street without punishing everybody else.

Rutten may be right that “there’s no way to punish Wall Street without punishing everybody else.” But that is hardly an argument for forgetting about the very real differences between Wall Street and Main Street.

For people like Rutten, the Main St./Wall St. rhetoric is a short step to populist outrage against Wall Street. It’s an “Us versus Them” kind of thinking that must be squelched at all costs. His column narrowly construes Main St. as people living in rural areas, when it is obvious that, as I have noted previously, the term is a code word for the white middle class. And he conjures Wall St. out of existence by arguing that financial markets are truly national and not centered in Wall St. Nice try. But it’s rather transparently lame.

This latest disaster may well have some very far-reaching effects on political rhetoric about Jews in the US, at least in the absence of a truly Draconian campaign that effectively keeps such rhetoric seething beneath the surface. And given that the financial crisis is now global, keeping Jewish involvement out of the public mind may be more difficult than ever given that many countries do not have the very powerful infrastructure of Jewish activism and media influence present in the US. In the age of the internet, the task of the ADL and activists like Alan Dershowitz is infinitely more  difficult.

Stay tuned.

Media Watch – Kannon Shanmugam: Unstoppable Ethnicity for the 21st Century

At 35, Washington, D.C. lawyer Kannon Shanmugam could very well have the most impressively perfect career of any living attorney his age:  a magna cum laude graduate of Harvard Law School, clerkships for Michael Luttig and Antonin Scalia, a stint at the ultra-prestigious Solicitor General’s Office, and now, partnership with powerhouse firm Williams & Connolly.

But the tittering from the legal press about what a fantastic success Mr. Shanmugam is overlooks the obvious:  He’s ethnically (East) Indian, and looks almost like Barack Obama.

To be clear, I do not believe for a minute that Mr. Shanmugam is the sort of affirmative action beneficiary who doesn’t have the brains to match his stations.  All evidence is to the contrary: The son of University of Kansas professors, he was apparently a talented math student from early on, and entered Harvard at age 16.

But to pretend that there is something inexplicable about his having become the first lateral partner of Williams & Connolly in 22 years is to deny the obvious:  He adds the all-important “person of color” to the roster.  In a likely helpful twist, he’s a political conservative.  You can just feel the self-congratulation oozing from the Williams & Connolly partners, known for tending white and liberal.

Yet to observe the observers, you’d think you’d stumbled onto the crowd in “The Emperor’s New Clothes.”  No mention of his ethnicity.

As it happens, East Indians are among the more desirable of non-whites in the United States.  I am not aware of any high crime rates or other problems they cause, and they often seem to understand even the arguments and positions of white advocates and the racially conscious right. Is it their grounding in the caste system?

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Men like Dinesh D’Souza and Bobby Jindal, for instance, are at least nominally conservative.

Still, they are non-white competitors in a country that is fast losing its white population — and that population is losing its power.  Whether elbowed aside by less-talented Hispanics or more-talented East Indians, American whites should be wary.  What’s needed is a more explicit in-group feeling that accepts Mr. ShanmugaM for what he is, but would not allow the general derailment of white society that he likely does not oppose.

Christopher Donovan is the pen name of an attorney and former journalist.

Ethnicity and the bailout: Wall Street and the Democratic Party

We are beginning to grasp the ethnic fault lines involved in the credit meltdown. Steve Sailerwas the first to point out that the push for greater minority home ownership was an important ingredient in lowering standards for lending. The result was that non-Asian minorities were more likely to get sub-prime loans with higher costs and with less documentation, and they have been more likely to default on these loans. Pretty much everyone  Republicans and Democrats were involved in this.

The second part of the ethnic fault line is evident in a recent column by James P. Pinkerton. Pinkerton notes a curious alliance between Democrats and Wall Street in backing the Bush Administration bailout plan originally developed by Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson, formerly of Goldman-Sachs. One might suppose that the Democrats would be highly critical of a plan that would benefit  Wall Street — except that Wall street is solidly Democrat and a major source of money for the Democratic Party. Instead, it’s the Republicans who represent Main Street that are creating opposition for the plan.

The Democrats are emerging as the new party of the rich, the party of Wall Street, the party that champions financiers at the expense of producers. For years now, the most affluent precincts in the country—mostly on the two coasts—have been solidly Democratic. And in 2008, the polls show that upper-income voters mostly support Barack Obama. And Obama, of course, guided by the likes of Robert Rubin, has been quietly supportive of the deal.  …

So it’s understandable that the Democrats would want to take care of “their” people at the top. That’s the revised Democratic model: The same old socialism for the poor, of course, in the form of the bureaucratic welfare state, and a new kind of socialism for the rich, in the form of this bailout.

In addition, the Democrats have some sordid secrets to protect—and Paulson & Co. are helping them keep hidden. Much of the overall financial crisis can be traced back to bad mortgages made to unqualified buyers at the behest of Democratic poverty advocates; it was a neat arrangement, poor Democrats got houses, as rich Democrats got richer by manipulating the financial paper.

Pinkerton is too polite or too desirous to maintain his position in the mainstream media to note the obvious: Wall Street is heavily Jewish and Main Street is basically a code word for white Middle America. The most affluent precincts in the country are solidly Democratic and strongly Jewish. As is well known, they provide the lion’s share of the funding for the Democratic Party. Indeed in the mid-1990s, Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab estimated that Jews provide 50% of the funding for the Democratic Party and Benjamin Ginsberg noted that 50% of Wall Street executives were Jewish.

That percentage is doubtless greater now because of the large increase in Jewish wealth with the  expansion of the financial sector of the American economy (see below) and the lessening political and financial clout of unions. The precincts on the East and West coasts that are wealthy, pro-Obama, and strongly Jewish are two of the main centers of Jewish power: Wall Street and Hollywood. At this point, investment firms have given about 50% more to Obama than McCain, while entertainment firms have given over 5 times as much to Obama as McCain.

And that doesn’t include individual giving. A recent Hollywood bash that raised $9,000,000 for Obama included a $28,500 per plate dinner. Guests were serenaded by  (who else?) Barbra Streisand, an icon of the Jewish left.

These political fault lines will only become more starkly obvious as we move into the future. As noted in a previous column, the current election is shaping up to be a watershed event in the polarization of American politics. The Democratic Party is dominated by minority identity politics — not only among the blacks and Latinos who support it because of affirmative action and poverty programs, but also because the elite that is bankrolling it is predominantly Jewish with an ethnic agenda of its own.

The role of Jewish identity politics is particularly striking. This pattern of Jewish voting and Jewish financial support makes no sense except in terms of Jewish identity politics. As the old cliché has it, “Jews earn like Episcopalians and vote like Puerto Ricans.” Jews vote with blacks even though blacks are the most conspicuously anti-Jewish constituency in the US. If past elections are any guide, around 75% of Jewish voters will vote for Obama in this election.

Fundamentally, Jewish identity politics is based on hostility to the white Christian majority of the  United States. This hostility spans the Jewish political spectrum, from the far left to the neoconservative right.

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This alliance between non-white minorities with great and ever-increasing electoral clout and Jewish financial and media elites is a deadly combination to the white Christian majority of the United States, especially given that white Christians will no longer be the majority in a few years. The ultimate folly is to voluntarily cede political power to hostile groups with long-standing historical grudges.

Pinkerton’s other point should also be underlined: the Democrats are “the party of Wall Street, the party that champions financiers at the expense of producers.”

White Middle America has been steadily marginalized as they have watched their jobs shipped overseas combined with a massive invasion of non-whites that has destroyed the labor market for less educated whites while increasing ethnic competition in education with the arrival of large numbers of Asians.

As Kevin Phillips has pointed out, the economic expansions of the current Bush administration and to a lesser extent the Clinton administration have not benefited the middle class. Previous expansions have sometimes left out the poor, but they have always benefited the middle class.

Instead,  since the 1990s, economic expansions have benefited the financial elite — the heart and soul of the Democratic Party and a major source of Jewish financial power. Financial services and complex financial products have assumed an ever larger percentage of the American economy, while manufacturing has steadily declined to the point where their relative percentages of the American economy have reversed.

And the entire pyramid is erected on a house of cards. Phillips writes:

My summation is that American financial capitalism, at a pivotal period in the nation’s history, cavalierly ventured a multiple gamble: first, financializing a hitherto more diversified U.S. economy; second, using massive quantities of debt and leverage to do so; third, following up a stock market bubble with an even larger housing and mortgage credit bubble; fourth, roughly quadrupling U.S. credit-market debt between 1987 and 2007, a scale of excess that historically unwinds; and fifth, consummating these events with a mixed fireworks of dishonesty, incompetence and quantitative negligence.

Phillips concludes with a quotation from British colonial secretary, Joseph Chamberlain, made in 1904 to a gathering of his country’s financiers: “Granted that you are the clearinghouse of the world, [but] are you entirely beyond anxiety as to the permanence of your great position? . . . Banking is not the creator of our prosperity but is the creation of it. It is not the cause of our wealth, but it is the consequence of our wealth.”

Excellent points. White Americans are now being asked to bail out Wall Street at a time when the divisions between Wall Street and Main Street have never been greater.