South Africa

Apartheid as Seen by the Boers: The Population History of South Africa

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Editorial note: This is Part 2 of an article that appeared in TOO in 2011 and, relevant to the current program of dispossessing White farmers, gives some of the background of the crisis faced by the Boers whose origins in South Africa date to 1652.

Part 1.

Apartheid: A Just War for Demographic Survival of Boer Afrikaners

South Africa was populated by White and Black settlers. The Whites arrived at the Cape in 1652, predominantly from the Netherlands, France, Germany and the United Kingdom, to find only the Bushman as indigenous natives. These were hunter gatherers whose mode of existence kept overall numbers small. In approximately 1770, the eastward migrating Boers came into contact with the southern migrating Xhosa Africans, originally from Central Africa, at the Fish River in the Eastern Cape. Population pressure disputes over the ownership of farming land and cattle resulted in what is known as the Cape Frontier Xhosa Wars. Many Boers then migrated north to found the Free State and Boer Republics.

One hundred years later, the first census in 1868 revealed a country of 1,134,000 of whom 50% were settlers originally of European origins, and 50% were Black and coloured settlers who arrived respectively from North Africa, or as slaves from the Far East.

In the next 80 years the European population decreased from 50% to less than 25%. By 1948 the census revealed South Africa’s population to be 11,957,000, of which Africans were 8,500,000 (79%) and Europeans 2,500,000 M (21%). Read more

Interview with Jack Sen, Part 4 of 4

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Part 1
Part 2
Part 3

You are quite familiar with the situation in South Africa. How would you describe it now, and how do you see it in 10–20 years? Given the conditions in South Africa, should White South Africans be allowed to immigrate to countries like the UK and the Netherlands where their ancestors originated? If so, how can this be facilitated?

I’ve been exposing the injustices facing minority South Africans for several years now.

My commentary on the ongoing genocide perpetrated against South Africa’s minority communities, of which my Afrikaner grandmother and Anglo-Indian grandfather were part of, and work as Director and Spokesman for the NGO, Stop the Killing, has been shared in literally dozens of English and Afrikaans South African publications, including Dan Roodt’s Praag.

Dan in fact wrote an open letter to Nigel Farage after my suspension, informing him that UKIP’s actions would result in the loss of tens of thousands of South African expat votes.

My desire to see political recognition of the genocide of all Western people was one of the primary reasons I became involved in UKIP in the first place — the one party I was hopeful would show concern for this very important humanitarian cause. UKIP also knew this early on. Read more

A South African White Ethnostate

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In 2012 I participated in a protest at the South African Consulate in Los Angeles on the genocidal treatment of Whites in South Africa. Reports on the protests, which was part of a coordinated effort in other cities, routinely put the word ‘genocide’ in quotes and implied we were all neo-Nazis — an entirely predictable response by the respectable media from left to right that seems incapable of seeing Whites as victims of racial violence.

So I was pleasantly surprised to see that Josh Gelernter’s article “The End of South Africa” appeared in National Review. Nothing that Gelernter writes would be a surprise to a race realist, and indeed TOO‘s Francis Carr Begbie made several of the same points in his May, 2014 article “A blind eye to murder of Whites in South Africa.” Gelernter:

Things are very bad in South Africa. When the scourge of apartheid was finally smashed to pieces in 1994, the country seemed to have a bright future ahead of it. Eight years later, in 2002, 60 percent of South Africans said life had been better under apartheid. Hard to believe — but that’s how bad things were in 2002. And now they’re even worse.

When apartheid ended, the life expectancy in South Africa was 64 — the same as in Turkey and Russia. Now it’s 56, the same as in Somalia. There are 132.4 rapes per 100,000 people per year, which is by far the highest in the world: Botswana is in second with 93, Sweden in third with 64; no other country exceeds 32.

Read more

A blind eye to murder of Whites in South Africa

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It’s business as usual in South Africa where the ANC has won a predictable victory in the first elections since the death of Mandela. It is unlikely there will be any big changes in a country mired by one corruption scandal after another, which is now the murder capital of the world and which is slowly sliding into economic chaos.

And one thing that will not be changing soon will be a relentless upward tick in the grim daily toll of murders of Whites by Blacks.  Around 50 murders take place in South Africa every day and according to Genocidewatch around 20 of these are of Whites by Blacks — a  grossly disproportionate figure for a minority who make up only nine per cent of the total population. This and the shrill, blood curdling threats from some Black politicians mean many Boers fear a White bloodbath in the future.

Since the beginning of Black rule in 1994 around 70,000 Whites have been murdered though exact figures are difficult to come by because the police have stopped breaking down victim statistics by race.

Ethnic hatred is a clear factor in these killings, with murder scenes often featuring such graffiti as “Kill the Boer” in blood. An unspeakable level of savagery is also a feature. Gruesome torture with pangas, electric irons or kitchen implements are frequent features and the average victim is elderly. On the day Mandela died, an 84-year-old Afrikaaner woman was robbed in her own home, held down and drowned in her bath. Read more

Helen Suzman’s Perpetual Rage Helped Create the Liberal Paradise of South Africa

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Helen Suzman

Helen Suzman

Heard these jokes about Jewish mothers?

Q: Why aren’t there any Jewish mothers on parole boards?
A: They’d never let anyone finish a sentence.

Q: What did the waiter ask the group of Jewish mothers?
A: “Is anything all right?”

Q: What’s the difference between a Rottweiler and a Jewish Mother?
A: Eventually, the Rottweiler lets go.

These jokes are funny because they reflect reality. Here is a real example of a Jewish woman using verbal aggression and self-righteousness to get her own way:

Helen Suzman deserves her tribute alongside Nelson Mandela

The forgotten saint of the anti-apartheid movement, her legacy to liberalism was to abandon the armchair. … For an astonishing 36 years Suzman was a flickering flame of white conscience in apartheid South Africa. For 13 of those years she carried that light alone, a one-woman party in a parliamentary sanctum of hostile men. While some came to admire her, most loathed her, and tried to drive her from their presence. They jeered her interventions with sexist, antisemitic, domineering abuse. The anti-apartheid activist Helen Joseph wrote that “even house arrest” must have been less lonely. Suzman’s resistance must be among the most courageous parliamentary careers ever. Read more

Reflections on Nelson Mandela and a Post-Mandela South Africa

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The death and funeral of Nelson Mandela have triggered a tsunami of commentary — an endless orgy of eulogies and tributes — from media talking heads, assorted scribes, and politicians. Beltway “conservatives,” such as Newt Gingrich and Ted Cruz, have praised Mandela. Bill O’Reilly even noted that Mandela was “a communist” before concluding that Mandela was a “great man.” The Daily Telegraph, a right-of-center newspaper, compared Mandela to Christ, noting

There are very few human beings who can be compared to Jesus Christ. Nelson Mandela is one. This is because he was a spiritual leader as much as a statesman. His colossal moral strength enabled him to embark on new and unimaginable forms of action.

What sets this coverage apart from similar media iconic myths is sheer volume. The nonstop reporting is virtually unprecedented. Shortly after Mandela’s death was announced last week, National Public Radio (NPR) devoted expansive news segment after news segment to the former ANC terrorist-turned-president of South Africa. A “special series” is posted on the NPR site, which spans several angles: “An ‘Incomparable Force of Leadership,’” “Nelson Mandela and the Virtue of Compromise,” the photo essay, “Honoring Mandela, In Gestures Large and Small,” “How Mandela Expanded the Art of the Possible,” and “U.S. Flags Lowered for Mandela, A Rare Honor for Foreign Leaders.”

You know you’ve made it big when Maya Angelou memorializes the deceased with a poem. The U.S. Department of State, of all places, commissioned Angelou to write a tribute poem — “His Day Is Done” — which has been featured on countless news programs. Not to be outdone, the New York Times obituary, written by Bill Keller, is 6,500 words.

The Sunday “news” shows explored Mandela’s death with the usual “civil rights leaders,” which included the predictable semi-literate insights of Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton of Tawana Brawley rape-hoax fame, and the verbose, hyper-opinionated Michael Eric Dyson.

From which one may conclude that the canonization of Mandela is far more about reinforcing the elite consensus on multiculturalism, immigration, and the general eclipse of White political power than it is about Mandela. Just as Whites ceded power in South Africa to non-Whites, Whites throughout the world should accept the moral imperative of giving up political power as their countries are inundated by non-Whites. Read more

A Deal with the Devil: The Strange Case of Israel and South Africa

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Review of The Unspoken Alliance by Sasha Polakow-Suransky

Israeli checkpoints, concrete walls, and the ongoing blockade of the Gaza strip continue to reinforce the growing opinion of Israel as an apartheid state. Sasha Polakow-Suransky’s The Unspoken Alliance details Israel’s ties to the original apartheid state—South Africa. The book describes how “material interests gave birth to an alliance that greatly benefited the Israeli economy and enhanced the security of South Africa’s white minority regime.” (p11)

The background to this cooperation is complex. South Africa’s governing political party, the National Party, primarily represented the Afrikaner people. These were the descendants of Dutch, French, and German Protestants. They were marked by their staunch Calvinism as well as their unique ethnic identity. Despite early opposition to Jewish immigration and some pro-German sympathies during the Second World War, the Afrikaners were not inherently anti-Jewish. The strong Protestant religious feeling that shaped much of Afrikaner identity played a role in their perception of Israel as the ‘Holy Land.’ As Polakow-Suransky notes, “Afrikaner nationalists drew heavily on Jewish history and symbolism.” (p14) In 1953 South African Prime Minister D.F. Malan would become the first head of government to visit Israel while in office. During the 1967 Six-Day War the South Africans cheered the Israeli success as a David-and-Goliath victory against Soviet-backed regimes. Read more