Andrew Joyce resenha Julius Evola O mito do sangue: a gênese do racialismo

A história do meu interesse por Julius Evola é a prova de que nem sempre a primeira impressão é a que fica. Eu devia ter uns 25 anos, quando adquiri o meu primeiro livro do filósofo italiano — um bonito volume de capa dura de Revolta contra o mundo moderno. Eu fiquei pensando em encomendar o livro depois das referências de alguns amigos e outras pessoas de minhas relações, até que, finalmente, decidi comprar o livro depois de assistir ao discurso/palestra de 2010, como sempre excelente, de Jonathan Bowden, sobre Evola, intitulado The world’s Most Right Wing Thinker [O pensador mais direitista do mundo]. Após tantas recomendações, minha expectativa era bem alta e, talvez por isso, ou pelo conteúdo mesmo, no final eu estava decepcionado com o livro. Até então, eu havia feito algumas incursões nos trabalhos de Nietzsche e Heidegger e na filosofia anglo-americana, ou seja, a tradição da filosofia analítica, que parecia bastante atrativa para mim. Por conseguinte, eu desenvolvi um tipo de preconceito contra a filosofia continental (e contra os filósofos continentais), atribuindo-lhe como suas marcas a pose das mais pretensiosas, os argumentos tautológicos ou repetitivos e, entre estes, o aroma de marxismo mais do que suave. Ideologicamente falando, Evola estava a anos-luz de alguns charlatães de sua época, como Jean-Paul Sartre. Durante a leitura de Revolta, entre as suas elucubrações meio místicas, eu percebi que decerto Evola tivesse pensamentos extremamente importantes a oferecer. Daí mesmo decorreu a grande frustração de minha parte, porque o autor, não obstante as coisas de enorme valor que, aparentemente, tinha a dizer, expressou tudo numa linguagem enrolada, sem necessidade disso, e as ideias acabaram perdidas na confusa estrutura textual, infelizmente. Chateado com essa experiência, eu não voltaria a ler Evola nos anos seguintes. E esta foi uma reação de que hoje eu me arrependo.

 

No período que vai da minha leitura de Revolta até a posterior descoberta que fiz de Evola, começou a aumentar a importância atribuída ao italiano no meio hegemônico da academia, graças ao número crescente das traduções e à favorável recepção de sua obra. Os dois trabalhos mais importantes dos últimos anos são, provavelmente, os de Francesco Germinario e Paul Furlong. O primeiro escreveu Razza del Sangue, razza dello Spirito; Julius Evola, l’antisemitismo e il nazionalsocialismo (1930-1943), publicado pela Bollati Borlinghieri em 2001. O segundo escreveu Social and Political Thought of Julius Evola, publicado pela Routledge em 2013. No seu livro, Paul Furlong predicamenta Evola como o maior pensador anti-iluminista. Outro acadêmico, Marcus Hunt, diz de Paul Furlong que nesse seu livro ele “descarta de forma convincente a alegação que faz o acadêmico Roger Griffin [esquerdista e “antifascista”], assumida por muitos outros, de que Evola seria meramente um filósofo do fascismo, sugerindo, ao contrário, que o autor italiano deva ser compreendido ‘no contexto do pensamento conservador europeu desde 1789’”.(1)

 

O pensamento de Evola crescia em proeminência desde a década de 1970, quando se tornou influente, especialmente na Nova Direita francesa. Alguns dos notáveis textos daquela época são os seguintes: Julius Evola, le visionnaire foudroyé (Michel Angebert e Robert de Herte, 1977),  Julius Evola e l’affermazione assoluta (Philippe Baillet, 1978), La Terre de lumière: Le Nord et l’origine (Christophe Levalois, 1985), L’Empire Intérieur (Alain de Benoist, 1995) e Enquête sur la Tradition aujourd’hui (Arnaud Guyot-Jeannin, 1996). Isso, por sua vez, levou a uma crescente (e ainda presente) reação de preocupados acadêmicos esquerdistas, evidenciada, especialmente, nos trabalhos de Thomas Sheehan(2), Elisabetta Cassina Wolff(3), Stéphane François(4) e Franco Ferraresi, autores que descreveram Evola in 1987 como “o mais importante intelectual da Direita Radical na Europa contemporânea”.(5) Aliás, quando foi da vitória de Trump, a histeria midiática concentrou-se por certo tempo na declarada admiração de Steve Bannon pelo filósofo italiano.

 

Até essa altura, eu tinha conhecimento de que a mídia estava em polvorosa, mas não sabia nada de desenvolvimentos mais profundos até que, no ano passado [2017], eu encontrei um livro de Evola, por acaso, num sebo. O título era A Handbook for Right-Wing Youth [Guia para a juventude de direita]. Eu o peguei, dei uma folheada pela simples curiosidade e, então, tive um choque ao perceber o novo Evola dentro dele. Com cerca da metade do tamanho de Revolta, o livro que encontrei tinha um tom mais brando, porém era mais incisivo e direto. Não havia mais misticismo. O texto tratava, exclusivamente, de questões práticas, de ação. Era notavelmente atemporal, também, contendo sabedoria e alento que seriam efetivos e úteis para qualquer militante de nossa causa hoje. Gostei bastante do Handbook, Evola ganhou um lugar permanente na biblioteca da minha casa. Passei, então a estudá-lo, buscando conhecer os trabalhos dele e a recepção que estavam tendo da parte do hegemonismo acadêmico. Foi com grande interesse, nessa altura, que tive conhecimento de que a editora Arktos estava preparando a tradução e publicação de um outro trabalho de Evola — um livro da década de 1930, tratando da questão da raça e do racialismo. Mais intrigante ainda era o título provocativo: O mito do sangue. O livro da Arktos já circula com uma elegante capa alusiva ao estilo decô. Quando eu o abri, entretanto, eu pensava no que se me iria deparar ali. Seria o Evola místico que não me tinha interessado? Ou seria ainda outro lado do eclético pensador?

 

Desde a parte pré-textual, o livro já ganhava muito com o prefácio do tradutor. Em treze páginas muito bem escritas, John Bruce Leonard presta o utilíssimo serviço não só de explicar relevantes questões linguísticas como também de recapitular a história do texto, referindo que o livro fora originalmente publicado duas vezes — a primeira em 1937, a segunda em 1942. A publicação reiterada e as motivações por trás dela justificam o resumo de Leonard na declaração de que O mito do sangue é “em certos aspectos livro muito peculiar na obra evoliana, um que exige explanação especial”. Em O mito do sangue, o que Evola faz é, basicamente, indicar as referências que o seu mais completo parecer sobre a raça deveria considerar. Por isso o texto foi apresentado por Evola como a primeira parte de um estudo do assunto composto de duas partes — consistindo a segunda parte no livro Synthesis of the Doctrine of Race (tradução em preparação pela Arktos). Evola publicou Synthesis depois de 1937 e logo em seguida julgou que deveria republicar O mito do sangue com algumas significativas alterações. Estas mudanças, explica Leonard, resultaram de uma série de fatores, incluindo o fato de as ideias de Evola terem se tornado mais refinadas desde 1937. Ele pretendia, basicamente, revisar alguns dos trabalhos anteriores de acordo com as conclusões mais sólidas que alcançara na altura da publicação de Synthesis.

 

Entretanto, o mais importante, talvez, terá sido a mudança acentuada na ambiência imediata de Evola quanto ao pensamento racial. Um ano depois da primeira publicação de O mito do sangue,  foi aprovado como lei o Manifesto della razza — diploma legal explicitamente decalcado na legislação nacional-socialista, mas depreciado por Evola em O caminho do cinábrio como “trabalho atabalhoado”. Isto não quer dizer que Evola discordasse do princípio da legislação racial.    Na verdade, ele sentia que tais leis eram necessárias na Itália, “devido, principalmente, ao Império Italiano que emergia na África; elas eram convenientes para estabelecer um páthos de distância da parte dos italianos na interação deles com os africanos”. A objeção de Evola dizia respeito ao estilo, ao espírito, ao sentido da legislação racial em alguns relevantes aspectos. Com efeito, O mito do sangue representou a contribuição de Evola para a crítica construtiva do racialismo científico e materialista.

 

O livro divide-se em doze capítulos, abrangendo o que Evola chamou de “genealogia”, em vez de história, do pensamento racialista. Essas seções tratam de muitos tópicos dessa temática: as origens profundas da reflexão racialista, desde os tempos bíblicos até o século XVIII; a obra do conde Gobineau; a ciência racial de finais do século XIX; o trabalho de Houston Stewart Chamberlain; os pareceres do próprio Evola sobre a teoria da hereditariedade e a “tipologia racista”; as crenças contemporâneas concernentes à raça norte-atlântica; a historiografia de influência racial do tipo da produzida por Alfred Rosenberg; a Questão Judaica e o antissemitismo; o racialismo e a lei; as visões de Evola quanto às leis raciais da Alemanha; e, finalmente, a compreensão do próprio autor a respeito do pensamento racial de Adolf Hitler. De um ponto de vista puramente histórico, deve estar claro, agora, que O mito do sangue oferece notável conjunto de juízos sobre alguns dos mais relevantes e controversos assuntos da temática racial, tanto do tempo de Evola quanto do nosso.

 

Evola disserta sobre essas questões interligadas de modo bastante descritivo, objetivo, fazendo que, para alguns leitores, o texto possa parecer obscuro quanto ao sentido exato (ou essencial) em que consiste a sua crítica ao racialismo científico. (Furlong já sugeriu que Evola explica melhor o que as suas ideias não são do que o que elas são.) Minha própria impressão — e estou muito preparado para aceitar outras leituras, se necessárias — é que a crítica de Evola cifra-se a duas postulações principais recorrentes sutilmente ao longo de todo o texto.

Esses reparos podem ser expressos nos dois pontos seguintes:

  1. a) Evola acredita faltar ao pensamento racial em geral uma visão da raça de mais acentuado viés aristocrático, ou seja, ele critica o pressuposto de que ser ariano dependa apenas do nascimento, indicando se tratar também de uma questão de espírito, nobreza, caráter. Ferraresi cita Evola quanto à significação de povo: “Só em referência a uma elite pode-se dizer ‘é de raça’, ‘tem raça’ [no sentido dessa palavra no francês, isto é, ‘boa cepa’]: o povo é só gente, massa.” Em outras palavras, Evola defende um conceito de raça radicalmente anti-igualitário e aristocrático;
  2. b) Evola revela preocupação ou mesmo irritação com o lugar privilegiado concedido ao tipo nórdico em detrimento de outras raças europeias.

Essas críticas colocam as interpretações estritamente biológicas da raça numa condição especial no pensamento de Evola. Olindo de Napoli usa o descritor “racismo espiritual” para designar tal pensamento na Itália dos anos de 1930 e descreve Evola como “o ponto de referência para todos os racistas espirituais”.(6) Segundo a avaliação que Napoli faz de Evola, o trabalho altamente influente (pelo menos na Itália) do filósofo e sua “complexa teoria do racismo não tinham sido purgados de elementos biológicos: estes foram, meramente, subordinados aos componentes voluntarísticos num emaranhado de relações”. Da mesma forma, Wolff caracterizou o pensamento de Evola como,

 

racismo “totalitário” ou “tradicional”, inspirado pelo livro de Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss intitulado Rasse und Seele [Raça e alma]. De acordo com essa doutrina, as raças superiores são constituídas por pessoas dotadas de propriedades biológicas específicas, o que não é estranho ao racismo antropológico, mas essas pessoas possuem, ao mesmo tempo, características “espirituais”: são homens de um forte caráter, capazes do governo de si mesmos e do domínio sobre as próprias paixões, pelo que seguem “naturalmente” os valores da Tradição. Evola pretendeu, com o racismo totalitário, prover as diretrizes para a seleção de uma super-raça que pudesse dominar o mundo: uma combinação das raças aríaco-alemã e romana. O antissemitismo de Evola consistia também nesse mesmo tipo de racismo totalitário. Os judeus não eram estigmatizados enquanto exemplares de uma raça biológica, mas como aqueles identificados a uma mundivisão, a um modo de ser, a um modo de pensar — ou, mais simplesmente, a um espírito — que Evola associava ao que de “pior” e “mais decadente” existe na modernidade: a democracia, o igualitarismo e o materialismo.(7)

 

No primeiro capítulo, “Origens”, Evola diz que o racismo descansa sobre três princípios. O primeiro é que a humanidade é uma ficção abstrata. “A natureza humana é fundamentalmente diferençada.” Entre as raças diferentes prevalece a desigualdade, e a desigualdade é o dado original e a condição normal. O segundo, um princípio mais abstrato, é que cada raça possui um determinado “espírito”, refletido nas características físicas que lhe correspondem e nos métodos que lhe são próprios de construção civilizacional. O terceiro é que para uma raça importa permanecer fiel ao seu espírito e tipo, cumprindo as leis da hereditariedade e a não mistura de sangue papel de importância vital na história da raça. Evola afirma que os corolários desses princípios podem ser identificados em crenças da Antiguidade:

Depara-se-nos, já na Antiguidade, a ideia das diferenças inatas, congênitas e, nalguma medida, até mesmo “fatais”, entre os seres humanos, porque sua origem remonta a estádio pré-humano da evolução humana. Daí, por exemplo, aquela tradição, tradição também romana, pela qual todos aqueles conectados com as influências do Sol seriam dominus natus, ou seja, homens destinados, natural e inevitavelmente, à condição de dominadores.

 

Eu creio que Evola faz analogia mais apropriada ao mencionar os princípios raciais da Bíblia, contidos, especialmente, no Velho Testamento ou Torá. Em seu livro A people that shall dwell alone [Um povo que habitará só], Kevin MacDonald trata desses princípios de forma mais clara e científica, mas Evola está correto ao indicar “certos elementos racistas na teoria da descendência” de antigos textos judaicos. Julgo, também, bastante interessante a discussão de Evola sobre as ideias raciais do imperador Juliano, o Apóstata. Juliano rejeitou a ideia judaica, e depois cristã, de que toda a humanidade seria originária de um só par humano (isto é, Adão e Eva). Em vez disso, e conforme  com o pensamento gentílico, Juliano notou “como são tão diferentes os corpos de germanos e citas em relação aos de líbios e etíopes”, insistindo em que a criação dos diversos povos teria ocorrido separadamente.(8)

 

Passando aos períodos da Idade Média e do Renascimento, Evola faz referência à doutrina dos quatro humores, teorizada por Hipócrates e Galeno, considerando-a antecedente da compreensão biológica da raça, e refere, de passagem, os aditamentos que ela recebeu, posteriormente, de Paracelso, Jean Bodin e Pierre le Charron (este, em 1601, criou uma tipologia étnica). Evola vê a reflexão racial e eugênica, também, na obra de Tommaso Campanella (1589-1639). O autor de A cidade do Sol fazia chacota dos europeus de seu tempo, que “se dedicam com grande zelo ao melhoramento das raças de cachorro, cavalo e galinha, sem se dignarem de fazer o mesmo pela raça dos homens”. Evola revela que, para chegar à sua própria compreensão espiritual da raça, leu os trabalhos de Herder (com o seu conceito de Volksgeist [Espírito do Povo]), Fichte, Franz Bopp, August Friedrich Pott e Jakob Grimm.

 

No segundo capítulo, Evola muda o campo da sua genealogia da reflexão racial, que passa das considerações filosóficas para as categorias biológicas. Embora intitulado “The Doctrine of Count Gobineau” [A doutrina do conde Gobineau], o capítulo explora, contextualiza e conecta os trabalhos de Johann Friedrich Blumenbach, Peter Camper, Anders Retzius, Paul Broca, Fabre D’Olivet, Gustave D’Eichtal e Victor Courtet de L’Isle. Evola atribui à contribuição de Gobineau a descoberta das causas raciais da morte das civilizações. Evola escreve:

A chave para explicar o declínio da civilização é, segundo Gobineau, a degeneração étnica. Um povo degenera “porque ele deixa de ter o mesmo sangue em suas veias, porque a adulteração continuada do seu sangue termina por comprometer a sua qualidade”. Em outras palavras, apesar de a nação manter o nome dado por seus fundadores, esse nome não mais corresponde à mesma raça”.

 

A mim me pareceu interessante a ponderação de Evola a respeito de Gobineau, não apenas pelos conhecimentos e sua síntese, mas também pelo fato bastante óbvio de que Evola não gosta de certas coisas no trabalho do francês. Principalmente, por exemplo, não lhe agrada a discussão de Gobineau sobre a “Roma semítica”, na qual este questiona a infusão de sangue negro no estoque genético da população do Sul da Itália. Evola não explicita nunca o seu desagrado (aliás, compreensível), mas esse é um sentir velado que, certamente, se pode perceber em todo o tratamento mais amplo dado não só a Gobineau como a todos os outros pensadores nórdicos que vieram depois, mais sensíveis à questão da pureza racial. Dada a tacitez da discordância, o texto não se torna uma contestação aberta do tipo “bateu-levou”, mas a tensão discreta que o permeia só eleva, para mim, pessoalmente, a qualidade e o interesse de sua leitura. Na verdade, Evola mostra admiração pela maior parte do trabalho de Gobineau e abre o terceiro capítulo fazendo altos elogios ao francês, em cuja pessoa identifica a “manifestação de um instinto aristocrático”.

Nesse terceiro capítulo, “Desenvolvimentos”, Evola lida com o pensamento posterior a Gobineau, ocupando-se, máxime, com outro francês, o conde Georges Vacher de Lapouge. Ele atribui a Lapouge o crédito (se este for o termo correto) de haver dividido a raça branca, indo-europeia ou ariana em categorias como “o homem alpino”, “os homens oeste-atlânticos” etc. Em Lapouge, ele vê a origem da ideia do ariano nórdico como um loiro dolicocéfalo. Eram tantas as preocupações de Lapouge quanto a ângulos faciais e proporções cranianas, que ele profetizou: “Eu estou convencido de que, no próximo século, milhões de homens estarão nos campos de batalha pela diferença de um ou dois graus no índice cefálico”. Evola cita Lapouge desapaixonadamente, mas o leitor fica com a forte impressão de que ele aponta no francês um dos mais claros e piores exemplos de racialismo materialista. Mais ambivalente é seu tratamento de outros antropólogos, como Ludwig Wilser, Friedrich Lange, Ludwig Woltmann e Heinrich Driesmans.

No quarto capítulo, é considerada a obra do nordicista pangermânico Houston Stewart Chamberlain. Evola é implacável nas críticas a Chamberlain, notando quanto ao livro Foundations of the Nineteenth Century [Os fundamentos do século XIX] que “O leitor fica meio perturbado com a falta de sistematicidade de Chamberlain, que divaga entre um assunto e outro, movimento que costuma ser a marca bem marcante do diletante”. E, novamente, se percebe o desagrado de Evola, desta vez diante do desprezo de Chamberlain para com os latinos, excluídos do conjunto das raças superiores, reservado apenas aos celtas, teutões e eslavos. Até mesmo a discussão de Chamberlain sobre a espiritualidade contém, segundo Evola, “violento sentimento anticatólico e antirromano”. Como se não bastasse, Chamberlain também emprega a palavra “latinização” para significar a “fusão caótica de povos”, irritando ainda mais o conde italiano que, desta vez, perde a paciência: “O racismo de Chamberlain apela aos mais banais e simplórios lugares-comuns encontradiços na interpretação não tradicional da história e no iluminismo liberaloide e profano”. Na conclusão do capítulo, Evola reserva dizeres mais amenos e nuançados para o maior discípulo de Chamberlain: Joseph Ludwig Reimer.

 

Os capítulos quinto e sexto abordam a teoria da hereditariedade e a tipologia das raças. No segundo destes tópicos, Evola fala quase exclusivamente da obra de Hans F. K. Günther, especialmente de sua taxionomia antropológica. A discussão, tão refletida e densa, não pode ser resumida sem injustiçar o conde. Basta dizer que Evola parece apreciar a classificação de Günther por não ter considerado apenas as diferenças físicas entre as raças, mas também aspectos psíquicos, psicológicos e outros quase espirituais.

No sétimo capítulo, “O mito do Ártico”, Evola passa em revista as teorias que tratam da origem polar da raça branca. Mais uma vez, de forma sutil, transparece a pouca paciência de Evola ao lidar com essa linha de pensamento. Ele vê, na hipótese do Ártico, o mesmo persistente e desarrazoado nordicismo já visto alhures.

No oitavo capítulo, “A concepção racista da história”, O mito do sangue volta-se para temas mais contemporâneos (principalmente o pensamento nacional-socialista) pelo restante do texto. Esta última quarta parte do livro é extremamente interessante. Em “A concepção racista da história”, Evola examina o estudo de Alfred Rosenberg. Fica evidente, desde o começo, a forte antipatia de Evola em relação a Rosenberg. Aliás, o próprio título do livro pode ser visto como uma resposta a O mito do século XX, título do livro de Rosenberg. O primeiro erro de Rosenberg é “ter extraído o seu princípio mais importante das teorias de Chamberlain”, e o seu segundo erro é exibir “uma ainda mais forte coloração anticatólica”. A não ser por esses pontos, Evola dá à história racial de Rosenberg o devido reconhecimento, apenas lamentando a sua “incompreensão dos valores estéticos e a depreciação deles ante os valores marciais”. A crítica seguinte de Evola, que a esta altura deve nos parecer familiar, recai sobre a discussão que faz Rosenberg sobre os povos do Mediterrâneo, especialmente os antigos etruscos. De acordo com Rosenberg, os etruscos eram um “povo misterioso e forâneo (levantino), cuja sombria e subversiva influência nunca se obliterou, realmente, apesar das incursões nórdicas”. Assim, pois, Rosenberg reconhece, na descrição do Inferno que faz Dante em A Divina Comédia, um exemplo das “medonhas representações do além-túmulo típicas dos etruscos […], de seus ritualismos supersticiosos, seu satanismo obsceno de tipo levantino”. Como amante da obra dantiana, especialmente de A divina comédia e da majestosamente cavalheiresca A vida nova, acabei concordando, mais ou menos, com o retrato que Evola faz de Rosenberg como profundamente ignorante de questões culturais que requeiram maior sensibilidade.

 

Dito isso, parece difícil evitar a sensação de que O mito do sangue arrisca-se a se confundir com uma apologia racial e filosófica dos não nórdicos. O que salva o texto, continuamente, de acusações nesse sentido é a persistente atitude de Evola com relação ao elitismo e a recorrência deste tema por todo o livro. A principal e, de certa perspectiva, a mais devastadora crítica de Evola contra Rosenberg e outros nacional-socialistas como ele é que a sua ideologia mantém forte sentido igualitário. Evola escreve:

 

A tradição do homem da raça norte-teutônica, de acordo com esses estudiosos, não teve continuação em Carlos Magno, mas sim na linhagem dos saxões pagãos erradicados por esse imperador e, depois, nos Príncipes da Reforma, insurgidos contra a autoridade imperial. Von Leers identifica na revolta antiaristocrática e comunitarista dos camponeses alemães “a última revolução nórdica do Medievo”, sufocada em sangue. E Rosenberg, da mesma forma, identifica nesse evento uma insurreição contra a servidão romana na tríplice forma dada pela Igreja, pelo Estado e pelo Direito, antevendo que essa revolta espiritual voltará a se acender no século XX para a vitória final. Ainda mais fortemente, essas ideias são defendidas por Walter Darré, cujo último trabalho sobre O campesinato como fonte de vida da raça nórdica obteve larga difusão e sucesso na Alemanha, o que gostaríamos da atribuir a causas extrínsecas… O tipo nórdico verdadeiro não é aquele do conquistador, mas aquele do camponês: um camponês armado (pasmem!), pronto para a autodefesa, mas ainda um camponês.

 

Evola fica abismado com o que diz um tratadista como Carl Dryssen, entre outros, para quem era necessário “reconhecer a tradição do socialismo agrícola como tradição teutônica, e daí reconhecer que a Alemanha está basicamente ligada ao Oriente, ao elemento eslavo-bolchevique, ao bolchevismo — um regime também nascido dos agricultores-soldados livres — e deve fazer causa comum contra o ‘Oeste’”. Francesco Germinario resume essas críticas de Evola como,

atacando o caráter grosseiro e plebeu do ‘racismo de sangue’ do nazismo. O nazismo, ele acreditava, definia a raça ariana muito amplamente e, ao mesmo tempo, muito estreitamente: fazendo a raça coextensiva a todo o Volk germânico, os nazistas ofereciam o nobre título de Ariano a qualquer zé-pregueté da comunidade nacional. Disso também decorreu o erro de situar a legitimidade no seio das massas e não nas mãos de seus chefes. Um retorno radical à tradição iria, ao contrário, requerer de fascistas e nazistas o completo abandono do nacionalismo populista em favor de um “imperialismo pagão”. Por outro lado, ao preconizar que os povos nórdicos do Noroeste da Europa eram os únicos arianos, os alemães excluíram, tolamente, outras elites raciais da Europa, com o que demonstraram a inadequação da ideologia nazista para servir de base para a Nova Ordem ou para um ressurrecto Sagrado Império Romano.(9)

 

Essas mesmas críticas reaparecem no décimo capítulo (“A concepção racista do direito”), no décimo primeiro capítulo (“A nova legislação racista”) e no décimo segundo capítulo (“O racismo de Adolf Hitler”). O conteúdo desses capítulos é interessante e merece atenta leitura, mas seu tratamento exaustivo ocuparia muito espaço. Além disso, dado o caráter central e subordinante de tais críticas, qualquer síntese delas arriscaria tornar repetitiva esta resenha de maneira tal que faria deste texto uma injustiça. Pelo restante da resenha eu irei, em razão disso, focar num capítulo do livro que deve ser, ao mesmo tempo, o mais interessante e o mais fora de lugar. Refiro-me ao nono capítulo de Evola — “Racismo e antissemitismo”.

 

Esse capítulo é o mais fora de lugar, porque Evola evita de apresentar um ponto de vista que ele depois critica ou questiona. Em vez disso, e imediatamente, ele coloca a Questão Judaica fora do pensamento racial normal e, então, destaca as especificidades dessa mesma questão que exigem  tal colocação. Evola tinha muita familiaridade com a Questão Judaica. Antes de escrever O mito do sangue, ele editara na Itália Os protocolos dos sábios de Sião. No capítulo “Racismo e antissemitismo”, ele argumenta contra a ideia de que os judeus constituam raça pura semelhante a um Ur-Volk, assegurando que, ao contrário, eles são “povo de origem híbrida” que se tornou biologicamente distinto. Ele admite que a mistura das raças remonta a tempos muito remotos, mas afirma que o povo que vemos hoje foi forjado pelo judaísmo em quamanha medida que acabou desenvolvendo “instintos e atitudes de um tipo especial, os quais se tornaram hereditários na passagem dos séculos”. Ele cita o judeu James Darmesteter como tendo escrito que “os judeus têm sido modelados, para não dizer inventados, pelos seus livros e seus ritos. Assim como Adão foi plasmado nas mãos de Jeová, assim ele [o judeu] foi plasmado nas mãos dos rabinos”. Essas referências, claro, condizem muito bem com a exposição de Kevin MacDonald sobre a função quase biológica do judaísmo em seu A People That Shall Dwell Alone [Um povo que habitará só].

 

De acordo com Evola, o judaísmo não tomou a forma atual no tempo de Cristo, mas sim em período posterior — na época do Talmude. Foi durante esta época que “formulações da Lei judaica reforçaram ainda mais e distinguiram o modo de ser judeu e seu instinto, sobretudo no que respeita à sua relação com os não judeus”. Evola concorda com René Guénon quanto a serem os  judeus que abandonaram a Lei judaica ainda mais perigosos do que os seguidores dela, pois “aquele que não tem raça se volta contra as raças; aquele que não tem nação se volta contra as nações”. Ele também aprova a visão de Heinrich Wolf, que vê o elemento judeu como,

estranho, furtivo, um apátrida em cada pátria… o próprio princípio antirracial, antitradicional, anticultural: não a antítese de determinada cultura, mas de toda cultura, se racial ou nacionalmente determinada… com o espírito dos nômades, dos povos desertícolas sem ligação com nenhuma pátria, os judeus infundiram em vários povos — a começar do romano — o vírus da desnaturalização ou universalismo, do internacionalismo da cultura. Sua ação consiste na corrosão incessante do que quer que seja diferenciado, qualitativo, ligado ao sangue e à tradição.

 

A discussão de Evola sobre a noção dos judeus de que agem como “a luz das nações” é excepcional e de valor inestimável, dizendo respeito ao que Evola refere como o autoconceito judeu de ser o “homem da salvação”. Ela merece ser lida e assimilada completamente, mas basta  dizer aqui que a ação do “homem da salvação” redunda na “contaminação e degradação de todo valor mais alto”. Similarmente, Evola vê, na crença dos judeus como sendo o “Povo Eleito” predestinado à dominação de outros povos, a manifestação de “um profundo e desenfreado ódio a todo não judeu”, que se efetiva num círculo vicioso [de profecia autorrealizável]”. A seguir, Evola cita passagens antigentílicas do Talmude que confirmam as suas preocupações.

Evola insiste em que, desses problemas, embora radicados profundamente na história e nos primeiros escritos do Talmude, nenhum está hoje resolvido: “Aqueles preceitos afetaram, durante séculos, a formação do judeu no âmago do seu caráter: eles deixaram marcas indeléveis”. Evola apresenta o que, na verdade, pode ser uma primitiva versão, datada da década de 1930, da teoria  da estratégia evolucionária de grupo, que depois consagraria Kevin MacDonald. Em vez de falar, estritamente, de genes e traços, Evola menciona um “complexo de instintos” que apenas foi laicizado e se tornou funcional na modernidade. Ele argumenta que esses instintos são, basicamente, revolucionários, “podendo atuar por si mesmos, sem nenhuma dada condição externa, como o fermento de agitação e subversão permanentes”. Evola argumenta contra algumas cogitações antijudaicas do seu tempo envolvendo certas teorias conspiratórias. Em vez disso, ele aventa o parecer de que, dadas as reiteradas situações de persistente participação judaica em atividades subversivas, “não estamos lidando com nenhuma intenção particular ou plano, mas com instintos, com um modo de ser que se manifesta natural e espontaneamente”. “Misturam-se o instinto e a inspiração em convergência. Não se pode dizer que os judeus sejam culpados: os judeus não podem agir senão assim, como o ácido não pode senão corroer. É o ser deles, determinação atávica das suso citadas causas raciais”. O mesmo é dizer “estratégia evolucionária de grupo”, expressão de Kevin MacDonald, parafrasticamente.

Esse nono capítulo termina com uma discussão sobre Os protocolos, mas toda a sua segunda metade, antes disso, está repleta de percepções e comentários dignos de referência. Uma citação de Theodor Fritsch clama por ser incluída aqui: “A comunidade judia tem menos características de  religião do que de conspiração”. Evola entrega até mesmo uma espécie de versão primitiva em ponto menor da Culture of critique (trilogia de Kevin MacDonald), ao esclarecer o sentido maior e subjacente nos trabalhos de Freud, Adler, Claudio Lombroso (criminologista judeu), Nordau, Wasserman, Hirschfeld e Durkheim, observando que,

 

esses são exemplos frisantes, que poderiam ser multiplicados, de ações com mil faces, mas com um só efeito: desintegrar, degradar, subverter. Isso se chama Schadenfreude [chadenfroide ou maletícia em português (n. do trad.)] ou seja, a alegria obtida da desmoralização, da espoliação, da sensualização, da libertinagem, da abertura das portas dos repartimentos “subterrâneos” da alma humana, desliando os seus laços para saciá-la — eis o atributo da Schadenfreude que marca a alma judeo-levantina, a alma do “homem da salvação”.

 

******

O mito do sangue é um livro notável sob muitos aspectos — como documento histórico; como contrapeso do moderno e científico pensamento racialista; como exemplo de um radical pensamento anti-igualitarista; como contribuição para discussão da Questão Judaica; como resposta influente e importante dada às visões nordicistas mais rígidas da civilização europeia (do passado, do presente e do futuro); e mesmo como relevante desenvolvimento na obra de Evola. Eu posso dizer com alguma certeza que ninguém concordará com tudo o que Evola tem a dizer no texto, mas eu posso afirmar, por outro lado e da mesma forma, que ninguém precisará se esforçar muito para encontrar nele grandes valores. O livro desafia e provoca, escarnece e cativa, norteia e edifica. Eu fiquei meio frustrado com o conde Evola, que também me deixou perplexo, mas com ele eu aprendi profundas lições. Agora, como no distante 1936, ele não admite ser ignorado.

 

(1) HUNT, Marcus. Review: social and political thought of Julius Evola by Paul Furlong. Political Studies Review, v. 13, p. 239-316, 247. 2015.

(2) SHEEHAN. Thomas. Myth and violence: the fascism of Julius Evola and Alain de Benoist.  Social Research, v. 48, n. 1, p. 45-73. 1981.

(3) WOLFF, Elisabetta Cassina. Apolitìa and tradition in Julius Evola as reaction to nihilism. European Review, v. 22, n. 2, 2014), 258- 273; maio, 2014. Cf. também “Evola’s interpretation of fascism and moral responsibility,” Patterns of Prejudice, 50:4-5, 478-494.

(4) FRANÇOIS, Stéphane. The nouvelle droite and “Tradition”. Journal for the Study of Radicalism, v. 8, n. 1, p. 87-106, 2014. .

(5) FERRARESI, Franco. Julius Evola: tradition, reaction, and the Radical Right. European Journal of Sociology, v. 28, n. 1, p. 107-151, 1987.

(6) NAPOLI, Olindo de. The origin of the racist laws under fascism; a problem of historiography.  Journal of Modern Italian Studies, v. 17, n. 1, p. 106-122, 2012.

(7) WOLFF, Elisabeta Cassina. Evola’s interpretation of fascism and moral responsibility. Patterns of Prejudice. p. 483.

(8) Embora Evola não a tenha mencionado, eu fui levado a me lembrar da passagem dos Edas em que um deus nórdico (para alguns estudiosos era Ódin, para outros, Heimdall) vem ao mundo e procria, gerando três tipos humanos imutavelmente diversos em aparência, espírito e capacidade.

(9) MARTIN, Benjamin. Review: Francesco Germinario: Razza del sangue, razza dello spirito; Julius Evola, l’antisemitismo e il nazionalsocialismo (193043), Modern Italy, v. 9, n.1, p. 124-125, 2004.

________________________

 

Fonte: The Occidental Observer. Autor: Andrew Joyce. Título Original: Review: Julius Evola’s “The Myth of the Blood: The Genesis of Racialism”. Data de publicação: 18 de setembro de 2018. Versão brasilesa: Chauke Stephan Filho.

 

Russia’s Intelligence Community Is Almost Certainly Compromised; at Odds With Itself

Back in the day, the USSR used to actually engage in what is referred to as “active measures.” That is, they would work to create networks of sympathizers in the West related to culture, business and politics. The topic of Soviet interference in the West is rather intricate and worth exploring in detail another time. To simplify it drastically, the nature of Soviet subversion in the West was dependent on the kind of sympathy for the USSR that was found in the West. With the counter-revolutionary cultural reforms of Stalin onwards, the USSR suddenly found itself suddenly more culturally conservative than the West in many areas. This cost them a lot of support among the progressive culture-creator caste of the West. In short, support for the USSR began to dwindle in the West once rock and roll and party drugs came to dominate Western culture. The USSR came to be seen as stiff, militaristic and anti-fun, which it was, and their outreach efforts suffered as a result.
In the non-aligned world, the USSR engaged in more active active measures right up through to the day of its collapse. They focused on funding counter-insurgencies, education of Third-World elites, arming rebels and the like.

After the collapse, the reorganized FSB was reformed as an internal police force by the satrap government of Boris Yeltsin, with the intention of preventing a revisionist Socialist/Nationalist leader rising up from the ruins of post-Soviet Russia. They have been largely successful with their primary mission. And they stopped engaging in any active measures abroad. However, a special exception was made for Ukraine with the establishment of the rumored 5th Service/Department of the FSB. It was almost certainly the FSB that was tasked with planning the SMO in Ukraine leading to the failed Kiev Coup of the early weeks in the war and also the failed seizure of many other critical cities in Ukraine. As is becoming clearer and clearer now, the plan was to seize these cities by coming to a deal with the politicians who ran them and by activating pre-prepared networks of agent operatives. This explains why the Russian military dashed in lightly armed, and then proceeded to sit around waiting for something to happen. In Kherson, the operation succeeded, as evidenced by the fact that the city was taken without any bloodshed. And then surrendered later, of course. In Kharkiv, the Russian motorized columns were almost lured into an ambush that they escaped from by the skin of their teeth. In Kiev, running gun battles in the streets may have been more than just freshly armed local militias running around and settling old scores, but rather the work of an insider network that was activated on the eve of the arrival of Russian troops.

More puzzling has been the Russian government’s half-hearted effort to conduct the war in Ukraine and take necessary measures at home to prepare the country for war with NATO. On the level of rhetoric, the Kremlin claims that they have been at war with NATO in Ukraine since the start. However, if the situation is indeed so serious, it begs the question: why they are treating the whole affair so lightly? Russia’s economy has not been put on war footing and all public pronouncements by the government and Putin himself vociferously deny that there will be any “nationalizing” of the economy. Despite all this, many oligarchs continue to leave Russia, friends of Putin even, their billions intact and in tow. The same neoliberal pro-Western creatures continue to occupy their posts of power as well. Elvira Nabiullina is probably the most egregious case. Thanks to her, Russia lost billions of rubles that had been kept in the West. And despite the fact that Russia is in a position to benefit from a classic Keynesian war-economy situation, she continues to pursue neoliberal austerity measures that stifle the economy in the name of controlling inflation. This is not idle speculation on my part. Big names in Russia like Sergey Glazyev, who is quite popular in English-speaking alt-media, have come out and condemned the Kremlin’s policies as nonsensical—and suicidal as well. It was a shock to everyone when Nabiullina, who was up for re-nomination this year, retained her position, despite the fact that she had even counter-signaled against the war and was one of the most unabashed pro-Western voices in the Kremlin.

Meanwhile, many Russian-language analysts and commentators on Telegram have pointed out the “lag” with which President Putin speaks about developments on the front. Unlike Zelensky, Putin stays far away from the frontlines. Also unlike Zelensky, who Putin personally promised the Israelis that he wouldn’t assassinate, he probably does fear being assassinated himself.

Times of Israel:

Former prime minister Naftali Bennett said in a video published Saturday that Russian President Vladimir Putin assured him, in the early days of the war, that he wouldn’t kill Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. 

“He gave me two great concessions,” Bennett said of his March 5, 2022, meeting with Putin, when he flew to Moscow in an effort to mediate shortly after Russia began its invasion.
“I knew Zelensky was under threat, in a bunker. … I said to [Putin], ‘Do you intend to kill Zelensky?’ He said, ‘I won’t kill Zelensky,’” Bennett recalled in the interview, which was published on his own YouTube channel.
“I need to understand. Are you giving me your word that you won’t kill Zelensky?” Bennett said he asked Putin.
Bennett said the Russian president repeated: “I won’t kill Zelensky.”
Bennett said he called the Ukrainian president immediately after the three-hour encounter with Putin, and told him, “I’ve just come out of a meeting — [Putin] is not going to kill you.
“[Zelensky] asked me, ‘Are you sure?’ I said 100 percent. [Putin’s] not going to kill you.”

Bennett recalled: “Two hours later, Zelensky went to his office, and did a selfie in the office, [in which the Ukrainian president said,] ‘I’m not afraid.’”

Both Evgeniy Prigozhin, the CEO of Wagner, and Dmitri Rogozhin, the former head of the Roscosmos agency, survived assassination attempts while in the Donbass. Rogozhin, in particular, came very close to losing his life and got wounded.

Now, the war from the Russian side is being run by the Security Council, which is headed up by Nikolai Patrushev, the head FSB guy, among other high-level spooks. Also, the information from the front that makes its way to Putin’s desk comes via the FSB. So, if there is any informational “lag” then there can only be one culprit behind it, raising the uncomfortable question of whether or not Putin is being deliberately kept in the dark and at a distance from his generals.

Another interesting data point and one of the least commentated on phenomenon of the war so far was the campaign of sabotage occurring all across Russia and then later Belarus. The reason why the Russian media refused to implicate Ukraine in the near-constant occurrence of refineries and warehouses and factories going up in flames was that it would be an admission of yet another intelligence failure. How was it possible for the heavily-guarded Crimean bridge to be blown up? For Darya Dugina to be assassinated?

All of this seems to indicate serious intelligence agency failures at the very least, or worse, a compromised intelligence state. There are still many other little clues that we can look at when testing out this hypothesis.

We should consider the following rather strange occurrences:

The first being that American intelligence accurately predicted the start of the Russian SMO and warned Kiev. This was dismissed at the time by various pro-Russia alt-bloggers and even vociferously condemned by Russian officials like Lavrov and Peskov who condemned the very idea that Russia would be the initiator of any violence. In other words, many Kremlin officials were kept in the dark and left with an egg on their face. But American intelligence learned about the invasion anyway. Furthermore, privileged oligarchs like Roman Abramovich had advance notice as well, allowing them to take evasive measures with their fortunes. This same Abramovich arranged for the release of Azov prisoners from Russian captivity and subsequently toured them around in his private jet, feeding them tiramisu. He has not faced any consequences for this disastrous domestic PR fiasco from Russia’s authorities. But he has, amusingly, had to deal with the UK seizing some of his fortune, that is, Russian money, to fund the government in Kiev.

When the situation is looked at in it’s entirety, the disastrous early days of the SMO, the inability to secure Russian funds abroad, the prior notice available to American intelligence and privileged Russian oligarchs, the subsequent successful sabotage and assassination campaigns, Putin’s slow reaction times, the economic foot-dragging, and other strange occurrences that can only be speculated about now, the prognosis starts to look grimmer and grimmer for Russia indeed.

So far, I have only listed events that have occurred that cannot be denied and are therefore not conspiratorial, really. If I were to dip my toes into more conspiratorial theories regarding the compromised Russian intelligence state, I would mention the extremely suspect grain, steel, ammonia, and gas deals that have been made since the start of the active fighting. The most egregious example was the surrender of Snake Island by the Russians. The island was first officially abandoned because it was deemed indefensible by Russia. But, since its abandonment, the Russians have never attacked it, acting as if it were impregnable. To justify this strange action, the Kremlin then came out and said that it was a gesture of good will. Around this time though, frozen grain supplies started flowing again, raising eyebrows in Russia about whether humanitarian concerns were really the cause of the island’s surrender as opposed to financial ones. Similar subsequent episodes have occurred where military objectives may or may not have been sacrificed to secure financial deals regarding the trading of steel and ammonia. There is no smoking gun here though, so we cannot make any definitive verdict, but if such events were occurring, they could only be occurring under the watchful eye of the Russian intelligence community.

In the meantime, a new player has emerged on the Russian political scene: a mercenary outfit with close ties to Putin and a seemingly almost limitless slush fund of government money to tap into. I am referring, of course, to Wagner. In recent days, Evgeniy Prigozhin, its CEO, has come out with a statement in which he announces that Wagner no longer recognizes the governments of several formerly Anglo countries as legitimate.

I have written about the emergence of this powerful new political player in Russia’s internal politics before, and will have lots more to say in the context of their relationship to the GRU, the military intelligence organization which helped create the organization and which seems to be at loggerheads with the FSB now.

But this statement by Prigozhin is really a game-changer, at least on the level of rhetoric. It reads as follows:

I hereby inform you that the Wagner PMC commanders’ council has signed the protocol. ‘The council was attended by 427 people (quorum has been reached). The following decisions were made:

1. To consider as illegitimate government bodies of the USA, Great Britain and Canada.
We know for certain that the policy of these countries is based on the creation and use of terrorist organizations, as well as terrorist methods in the following spheres: military, economic, biological, information, telecommunications (cyberterrorism), humanitarian (resulting in various forms of genocide and neo-colonialism: the oppression of the black population of Africa, the Slavic peoples in particular, Russians, oppression of Asians on racial grounds), as well as confessional terrorism, especially towards Christians and Muslims.
2. Recognize as invalid the following documents: the US Declaration of Independence (ratified 4 July 1776), the Treaty of Union of Great Britain (ratified 1 May 1707), the Constitutional Act of British North America (adopted March 29, 1867).
Accordingly, having all the necessary information about the 2016 and 2020 US elections, as well as the documented facts of fraud during the latter, we determine the 2020 US election to be illegal. We recognize Great Britain as a state whose citizens currently live in a “troubled time of anarchy.”
We challenge the sovereignty of Canada due to the fact that it is a territory of the Commonwealth led by King Charles.
Based on the above, the governments of the United States, Great Britain and Canada are recognized as terrorist and illegal:
Clauses 4 and 9 of paragraph 7 of the Charter of PMC “Wagner” apply to the following chief terrorists.
US President Joseph Biden, King Charles III of Great Britain and Canada must give an explanation for what reason they illegitimately hold power in the above states, oppressing the peoples of the USA, Great Britain and Canada.
In turn, PMC “Wagner” will provide the peoples of these and other oppressed countries all kinds of assistance in countering the terrorist structures, such as the government of the United States, British and Canadian government, Islamic State, Al-Qaeda, Boko Haram, Katiba Masina, etc. We will protect and support the civilian population of states, that has been exposed to genocide, neo-colonialism, terrorism by private, public and supranational entities.
Putting aside the clumsy wording of the document, the meaning behind it is clear. It is a declaration of war. Also, since the founding of the modern Russian state, talk of this kind has been strictly avoided. This may sound strange for someone who grew up during the Cold War, but Russia well and truly surrendered to the West and simply bit its lip and bore the various spook projects that were launched within the countries of the FSU and did nothing to respond in kind.

There were, however, isolated instances of resistance, like the GRU’s clandestine operations to help in Serbia, where Igor “Strelkov” Girkin first cut his teeth, and in Transnistria, where Strelkov and General Lebed intervened on behalf of the marooned Russians there, and, eventually, the creation of Wagner in Donbass by the GRU and their subsequent use in Africa, Syria, and now as a self-contained mini-army in Donbass again.

But the statement by Wagner indicates, on the level of rhetoric at least, that Wagner is not opposed to air-dropping Kalashnikovs to the MAGA people of America. And it is clearly a retaliatory response to being designated a terrorist organization by the US government.

For Russians who have been outraged by the passive and nonchalant way in which the Kremlin has been treating this war with NATO, this is welcome news indeed. Although Prigozhin is a “private individual” and so his statements do not reflect the official views and attitudes of the Russian government, perhaps it means that someone with power in Russia is willing to actually start fighting back seriously. However, if I had to make a prediction, I would wager that Wagner will be forced to take down the statement by the Security Council in the coming days and weeks. Stay tuned.

All in all, there appears to be yet another power struggle developing in Russia between the Security Council (FSB people) and the Wagner group (GRU people). This on top of the already existing conflict between the Not-So-Deep State and the Permanent Opposition. Meanwhile, Putin himself keeps to his tried and true strategy of governance: he sits on the fence between all these groups, acting as an arbiter between the internal squabbling parties.

Truth be told, I don’t foresee a MAGA-Hezbollah-CCP domestic insurgency supported by Wagner emerging in America any time soon, sorry. In fact, I have yet to see any proof, or even the faintest tangible rumor of Russia re-engaging in active measures in the West. This declaration by Wagner is literally the first and closest thing that anyone can point to. So, if a Russian shows up to your local book club offering assault rifles, I would suggest proceeding with extreme caution and possibly avoiding that social club for the foreseeable future.

Furthermore, Wagner already has its hands full in Donbass, Africa and Syria. With the return of Viktor Bout, a GRU man himself, I foresee an escalation of the conflict with NATO occurring in the Third World similar to how the game was played prior to the collapse of the USSR. Many Russian oligarchs have already moved into Africa and now battle it out against the French, American, Chinese and other players for access to the dark continent’s incredible mineral wealth. The rhetoric in the statement appears to be heavily skewed to appeal to Third Worlders anyways.

All in all, I think it is clear that Russia would be in a much better position if the GRU and Wagner were in charge of the intelligence community instead of the people who have been running Russia as a quasi-satrapy of the West for the last 30 years. This latest development because of the war-that-isn’t-a-war in the internal security structure of Russia is certainly worth paying attention to going forward.

Comments on The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews, Vol. 1

Besides their important position in the sugar industry and in tax farming, they dominated the slave trade…. The buyers who appeared at the auctions were almost always Jews, and because of this lack of competitors they could buy slaves at low prices…. If it happened that the date of such an auction fell on a Jewish holiday the auction had to be postponed.

The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews, Vol. 1: The Jewish Role in the Enslavement of Africans
The Nation of Islam

Once again, I am knee-deep in considering the Jews.

*          *          *          *

To the extent that any ethnographic study of the Jews is less than hagiographic, one can be sure that the long knives will be sharped and the attack on the critic of the Jews writ large will be ruined. In this, I am reminded of Gilad Atzmon’s trenchant observation in his pithy book, The Wandering Who, that, “it is not the idea of being unethical that torments [the Jews] but the idea of being ‘caught out’ as such.” If one keeps this maxim in mind—indeed, if one amplifies this maxim—it serves as a hermeneutic principle to understand why Jews react the way they do to any form of group criticism. Every cognizable group of human beings, no matter the basis of their association, is not beyond group criticism except the Jews—and if there were ever needed a demonstration of the incredible power that Jews possess in Western societies, it is their repeated ability to marginalize and destroy anyone who criticizes the Jews as a group concerning supporting Israel (an apartheid state), questioning the various narratives of Jewish victimology, or offering a counter-narrative of collective Jewish misconduct and abuse of power. This power is amplified since they, the Jews, excoriate other groups as a matter of sport—it is not “group” analysis per se that is the problem, it is a less-than-flattering portrait of the Jews that is objectionable. Conveniently the weapon of choice is prophylactically to brand such opposition, “antisemitism,” and, in this, I am again reminded of Atzmon who noted that, “[w]hile in the past an ‘anti-Semite’ was someone who hates Jews, nowadays it is the other way around, an anti-Semite is someone that the Jews hate.” And there is no one that Jews hate more than someone who dares to critique the Jews as a group.

This principle is integral to understanding that the Jews, fundamentally as a group, are congenitally illiberal people who, at least in the main, prostitute the liberal and modern academic tenants of self-criticism, self-reflection, and evidence-based scholarship to criticize and shame other groups. Even though the liberal academy is disproportionately populated by Jews who sanctimoniously make their living disparaging non-Jewish groups (and especially Christians and Europeans and their intertwined histories)—supposedly in concert with liberal principles—they close ranks when someone, really anyone, turns those liberal principles of a critical examination upon the Jews themselves. The blatant hypocrisy of Jewish “liberal” academicians knows no bounds.

Liberal historiography of any group matures from a juvenile self-favoritism and suspicion of the “other” into one that takes the perspective of the “other” and objectifies, at least in a sense, the motives of one’s group. This is fundamental to Western individualism and its universalist moral codes. So, for example, observant Catholics can—and do—take a moral inventory of their history and do not shirk from recognizing where they fell short of their ideals as a people historically. But the Jews have never reached this maturity—and indeed, if anything, they have regressed towards cruder historiographic fantasies in proportion with their power to project such historical lies. As such, there is something deeply unserious about the Jews—a lack of self-reflection that bespeaks an almost adolescent and constant defensive posture. Israel Shahak makes this point regarding the Jews in his incredible study of Jewish group psychology and history, Jewish History, Jewish Religion: The Weight of Three Thousand Years (1994, 22), when he writes about the totalitarian mindset of Jewish groups in which studies of Judaism are characterized by “deception, apologetics or hostile polemics, indifference or even active hostility to the pursuit of truth. … Modern totalitarian regimes rewrite history or punish historians. … When a whole society tries to return to totalitarianism, a totalitarian history is written, not because of compulsion from above but under pressure from below, which is much more effective. This is what happened in Jewish history.”

Again, understanding that the Jews are illiberal chauvinists infused with a totalitarian “groupthink” is necessary to reorient their projection of history as something designed, no more or no less, to empower the Jews and disempower the “other” whenever and wherever they find themselves. For the Jews, it would seem, life with the “other” is inevitably a zero-sum game in which the “other” can never be considered a neighbor. And when Jews do treat the non-Jew as a neighbor, it is always despite the dictates of Judaism and never because of it. It is for this reason that true community between Jews and non-Jews is, at least in my opinion, next to impossible to obtain.

*          *          *          *

Jews understand, or at least so it seems to me, that manipulation over the historical narrative operates to control the present and near-future. If groups are assigned historical gloss generally as negative group actors or positive group actors, that gloss itself operates to immunize or disable those same groups from acting in the present. That gloss also provides morale to the positive group actors while disheartening negative group actors. They are, at least in this regard, quite sophisticated in understanding how group dynamics play out. And because most people lack the sophistication, time, or inclination to study the alleged basis for this historical gloss, the gloss itself is reduced to a kind of group stereotype that is implicitly digested by the broader society without much thought. The Jews do everything that they can do to discredit any historian or intellectual who challenges the proffered stereotype of the Jews—the moral group historical gloss, as it were—that the Jews are a light to humanity who have always been unjustly persecuted everywhere. The virtually manic and automatic response of Jews instinctively to destroy any critical scholarship aimed at exploding this self-serving Jewish narrative (or offering a less panegyric narrative) in the most heavy-handed way itself indicates a deep-seated group psychosis. People, such as the Jews who are dominated by “groupthink,” take criticism of the group as always representing an existential threat.

Indeed, when we speak of “the Jews,” we are not necessarily speaking of a conspiracy, which is another way that Jews assert control over the historical narrative. “Conspiratorial” charges are a thin veneer to condemn those who critique the Jews: we are, or so they claim, “crazy” because they trot out the strawman that we assert—presumably wearing tinfoil hats—that the world’s Jews scheme their plot to “control” the world in some sort of group conference. Questioning Jewish power, which is obvious as the day is long, becomes tantamount to the thoughts of an unhinged insane person, which is the perfect example of what “gaslighting” is. The charge of “conspiracy” is yet another defense mechanism put forward by the Jews to make the critic of the Jews seem weird and ridiculous, and therefore not worthy of consideration based upon the lack of credibility of the critic himself (as opposed to the merits of the critique proffered). Like the charge of antisemitism, which is used to paint the critic of the Jews as a moral leper, labeling critics of the Jews as “crazy” is another way to ensure that critic’s marginalization. Either way (crazy or immoral), the Jews seek immunity from group criticism by viciously attacking and ostracizing the messenger. The critique of the Jews, however, does not require a conspiratorial predicate (or a mendacious heart)—it could be that they collectively have lousy ethics (they do); it could be that they collectively are inbred enough (they are) that they have developed certain psychological and genetic predilections to act collectively albeit unconsciously in the way that they do; and it could be that most Jews believe the propaganda foisted upon them by their leadership and respond accordingly. And it could be a conspiracy amongst the leadership of the Jews. Concerted action by a group does not necessarily require a conscious plan and the idea that criticism of the Jews requires it is a deflection by them to silence the criticism itself.

Contrary to the moral historical gloss that the Jews want to put forward, there is another one worth considering. The Jews, everywhere and always, have been terrible neighbors to the non-Jewish people with whom they have co-inhabited geographic space. They have treated their non-Jewish neighbors (the “goyim”), at least as a rule, as something less than human—and because of that, they have always and everywhere attempted (and often succeeded) in taking advantage of their non-Jewish neighbors in every conceivable way. Setting aside their collective psychological profile, they cheat, steal, and kill the goyim without the normal human sense of moral compunction—and they always have. The Talmud itself—the key religious source material for Judaism in the post-Second Temple era—is replete with examples condoning or encouraging exactly that type of behavior towards the goyim. We, the goyim, are objects to be fleeced. And this, as much as the goyim’s alleged “antisemitism,” explains why every non-Jewish nation in history has, at least on occasion, been forced to take punitive actions against the Jews living within their midst. Moreover, it also explains why anti-Jewish sentiment has percolated in so many for so long; it is not that goyim—that is, all of non-Jewish humanity—have had ingrained hard hearts towards the Jews, it is rather that some of the goyim see the Jews accurately for who they are and what they have done (and continue to do) and project back upon the Jews the same level of objectification that the Jews themselves project outward towards the goyim. None of this is said, especially as a Catholic, to justify any harm done to any Jews. After all, we have a different ethic concerning the humanity of the Jews than the Jews have concerning us. That differential ethic means necessarily that we play by different rules and judge our conduct differently than they judge their own. But what continues to amaze me is that the Jews never consider what it is about them that elicits such a universal sense of animosity: for a people allegedly so bright, that they never consider that it might just be them—and not the rest of humanity—is almost beyond credulity. Indeed, it is so far beyond credulity that I don’t believe it: the Jews know they are hypocrites as it relates to the goyim, but they do not care—their hypocrisy is simply another long con.

*          *          *          *

My professional life has been dominated by interactions with the Jews. And, on a personal level, I have no animosity towards any of the Jews with whom I have interacted because they are Jews. Know thyself is a maxim that is crucial to personal growth, and, at least as it relates to the Jews, I know that my opinions about the Jews as a group have nothing to do with a personal animosity that I have towards Jews generally. If anything, my opinions are held despite my affection for so many Jews that have been a part of my professional life. And, to go one step further, I concede that many Jews have been good to me in my career and have even been friends. Candidly, I assume that a similar dynamic would be at play if I worked closely with Muslims or any other non-Catholic group—personal affection towards individuals is not inconsistent with evaluating the working out of group dynamics, for good or for bad. More to the point, there is no disability in racial or ethnic Judaism per se; if any Jew renounces Talmudic Judaism as a religion and as a series of unethical and dehumanizing principles, he can be as good as anyone else.

Perhaps one could accuse me of duplicity: obviously, I do not share my opinions on Jewish group dynamics with my Jewish colleagues. But I assume, for good reason, they have a public face to me, as a constituent of the goyim, and a private face as it relates to the goyim generally. I do not think that many of them see a contradiction in befriending me, as it were, yet still seeing the interactions generally between Jews and non-Jews as zero-sum. In any event, I was born into a Western society that is predominated by Jews in the professional classes—I am forced to navigate them if I too am to be a professional. For my part, I wish the Jews no harm, not at all.  I simply want for my people the same thing that they want:  a homeland in which our shared faith and culture predominates without foreign influence. I recognize that Europe once had that until the Enlightenment freed the Jews to wreak havoc. And I would like that back.

Virtually every Jew that I have ever encountered has a favorable opinion as it relates to the State of Israel. They doggedly support the preservation of that national experiment built upon the backs of the Palestinian people who lived there before the advent of Zionism. Thus, the vast majority of Jews unashamedly supports a homeland for Jews in which the Jewish identity, in all its various forms, is cultivated, respected, and perpetuated. That they could care less that that “homeland” necessarily involved the dispossession of another people ought to be a telltale sign of who they are. That others might feel the same affection about their people—religiously and ethnically—never appears to dawn on the Jews. Indeed, the Jews have a sense that any such aspiration by the goyim (and especially the Christian goyim) is “bad” for the Jews. Parenthetically, there is something so threadbare about Jewish ethics as such—it really can be reduced to evaluating whether something is good or bad by asking the simple question: is it good or bad for the Jews. And worse, my conclusion is therefore that the Jews, as a group, do everything that they can to thwart the same aspiration of identity and autonomy in others (especially the autonomy of Christians and Europeans who are, at least in Talmudic literature, associated with Israel’s eternal foe, Edom). Everywhere they predominate, which is everywhere in our Western societies, they sow discord and distort our history to squelch our aspirations to achieve what we would seek except for their gaslighting. Along with their utter lack of self-reflection, their hypocrisy is so galling.

To put a coda on this, at least personally, I do not hate the Jews—indeed, I am not allowed by my creed to hate them—but I recognize them collectively for what they are: civilizational adversaries, not friends or allies. And yet this is another difference between us and them: they know they are at war with us, and we do not.

But more than anything else, the Jews, at least as a group, are liars, and they are never to be trusted when it comes to their proffered analysis as it relates to group dynamics or their account of history. Everything they say, write, or think on the group level has one goal—to gaslight and convince themselves and the “other” of Jewish moral superiority and the “other’s” moral inferiority. If we keep that principle in mind, we should never trust their account of anything they claim relating to history (or anything else) because it is so often contrived. In that context, they have always possessed a revolutionary spirit of division that is as toxic as it is diabolical. Another way to understand their collective conduct is to realize that their identity as a group was forged by their rejection of Christ, which coincided with the destruction of the Second Temple. As such, they are a people of negation. They are the remnant of people who rejected the direct and personal invitation of the Logos, and they are, as a result, opposed to the Logos in a way that is different from all other groups. It is wrong to consider them to be a people cursed by God, but it is accurate to say that they bear the collective scars of being the people who rejected— and continue to reject—God intimately. Given that their subsequent history as a people after the Incarnation has been one marked by the continuing rejection of Logos, their very identity has been admixed with a special and unique hostility to European Christians. To be a serious Jew then is to harbor a special animosity towards Christian goyim and it follows therefrom that for Christians to entertain anything that Jews have to say about history seriously as beyond naïve. It is dangerous.

Finding and reading work critical of the Jews is no easy task. Not only is such work difficult to publish in the first place because of the social suicide it represents for the author, but it is also difficult to find because the Jews exert their influence to censor such books from commercial venues even after the author is willing to sacrifice himself to publish it. For example, Amazon regularly censors books that the Jews find objectionable. Moreover, websites that present such material are regularly hounded off the internet and often deprived of even the ability to accept electronic payment processing. Just google, “Kevin MacDonald” or “E. Michael Jones”—both bright and scholarly non-Jewish academics who have been reduced to crazy bigots for merely taking cognizance of the Jews with less than encomium. Or google, “Israel Shahak” or “Gilad Atzmon”—both Jews who are openly dismissed as Jewish traitors and Jewish anti-Semites for critiquing from within the malice of the Jews. But a few intrepid souls carry on, and, with a little diligence, the material can be found. And what makes finding it enthralling is how such material exposes the carefully constructed Jewish edifice for what it is: a diabolic structure built upon deceit. Eventually, the Truth is revealed—either now or in the next life—and the ruse of the Jews will not persist in perpetuity.

*          *          *          *

One unexpected book I recently heard about, The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews: The Jewish Role in the Enslavement of Africans, is an ethnographic study of the Jewish involvement in the African slave trade following the European discovery of the New World put out by the Nation of Islam headed by Minister Louis Farrakhan. Before delving into the work, I must make one more preliminary observation: there is no small irony in the Nation of “Islam” decrying African slavery when the greatest slaving religion known in human history is Islam. While there was something especially toxic about African chattel slavery in the New World, which we Christians sadly own as a part of our history, Muslims enslaved more people (by multiple factors) over a much longer period than anyone in history—all with express religious sanction from the Quran. That fact is glossed over by the Nation of Islam in its work—the most that The Secret Relationship is willing to concede is that the Jews and Europeans were abetted by “African race traitors” who helped procure their fellow Africans for bondage. What is not mentioned is that those “race traitors” were Muslim, and, further, at least as many Africans boarded slave ships during this period were bound for Muslim ports and Muslim slave markets. But what should be remembered is that the Nation of Islam, for good or bad, is not a Muslim sect as much as it is an African American separatist sect with a thin Muslim façade. In any event, as it relates to the slave trade, the Nation of Islam found the rampant Muslim involvement either too inconvenient or too troubling to flesh out.

The Secret Relationship, first published in 1991, is fascinating: it has an unnamed editor and does not indicate personal authorship. The title page declares that it was “Prepared by The Historical Research Department [of] The Nation of Islam.” And it is undoubtedly scholarly with a short bibliography and more than 1,200 footnotes. Its opening “Note on Sources” asserts that it “has been compiled primarily from Jewish historical literature.” The obvious strategy of the authors was to rely upon Jewish sources to document Jewish involvement in the slave trade. Nothing like hoisting your enemy upon his own petard. As a work of scholarship, what then can we say of The Secret Relationship? It is comprehensive and it is academic. It is not a work primarily interested in American slavery but in the entire arc of New World slavery. And the thesis is nothing less than assigning primary culpability for the slave trade to the Jews. In developing that thesis, which, I admit, came as a revelation to me, the compilers work very diligently and methodically to catalog the almost mind-numbing and outsized influence of the Jews in the slave trade.

Every major settlement and colony—no matter its country or trading company founder—is cataloged and the impact of the Jews as it relates to slavery is recounted. The authors work through slavery in Colonial South America and the Caribbean, Brazil, Surinam, Essequibo, Guiana, Barbados, Curacao, Jamaica, Martinique, Nevis, Saint Dominique, Saint Eustatius, and Saint Thomas. The authors then follow the migration of the Jews from the south into Colonial America (New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Georgia, and the West). Historically, the book culminates in consideration of the antebellum United States and the Civil War, the role of the American Rabbinate leading up to and during the Civil War and the lack of an abolitionist movement with American Judaism, the double-dealing profit-making of the Jews during the Civil War and Reconstruction and the eventual exploitation of the freedman following the Civil War by the Jews. The book concludes with a study of census data, Jewish wills, slavery in Jewish law, and the rape of Black slaves by Jewish slaveholders.

Two related themes that play themselves out throughout the book are the almost complete lack of remorse or moral questioning of the slave trade or the degradation of Africans. The Jews, virtually to a person, never took part in the abolition movement in any conceivable way. Relatedly, the opinion of the Jews towards the Africans was one of an almost unrelenting dehumanization. Taken together, the authors paint a picture—again, derived almost entirely from Jewish historical sources, that the Jews of the slave trading and slaveholding era were not merely participants for it but were fanatical supporters of the practice, and in large measure they based their economic livelihood around slavery in one way or another. The Secret Relationship then is their comeuppance. And when the rabbis walked hand-in-hand with the Civil Rights leaders in the 1960s—and when Blacks could be manipulated and used by the Jews for their political purposes—the inconvenient history of Jewish leadership in the economy of the slavocracy had to be whitewashed.

As I said, the book is comprehensive, and every quotation and analysis cited comes from a Jewish scholar’s voice describing the topic (albeit an older voice not attuned to the modern horror at the concept of African slavery). It seems that earlier Jewish scholarship reflected the more positive defense of slavery that was, for the most, put forward by the Jews leading up to the American Civil War. To put it differently, and in a way that serves as an indirect verification of the thesis of the book, the Jews were so knee-deep in slaving and slave-trading for hundreds of years in the Americas without any moral compunction that it took multiple generations of Jews to turn on slaving and slavery. In other words, the first generations of Jewish scholars after the American Civil War carried within them a defense of it and the Jews’ role in it that took time to unwind. Stated still differently, the first instinct among Jews is to defend Jews, and the first generation of Jewish scholars was candid and relatively unapologetic in defending the outsized role in slaving and slavery. Contemporary Jewish scholars would like to silence these older Jewish voices and the Nation of Islam was no small irritant in providing them a venue to be heard again. The moral outrage of today’s academic Jews at slavery is ironic—they have no standing for indignation at others until they address the moral pox upon their own house.

As mentioned above, the book relies upon Jewish secondary sources of a distinct vintage to make the case that the Jews not only dominated the African slave trade but were instrumental in it. It recites statistics, censuses, correspondence, and charters to demonstrate that Jews were integral to founding settlements (particularly Dutch and Portuguese ones), shipping slaves, and creating the sugar plantation system that sprung up all over the Caribbean and Central/South America. As animosity grew between Jews and European Christians, The Secret Relationship shows how Jews would move from one colony to another, from one country to another, to continue their slaving economic practices—switching countries and trading companies without any compunction. The Jews, as has been long pointed out, never possessed patriotism to the various host countries in which they resided—even if they had lived in those countries for hundreds of years. This phenomenon continues to this day—and the only patriotism that contemporary Jews ever show is directed at their fanatical support of Israel.

Taken together, The Secret Relationship exposes a dark underbelly of Judaism, which is made even more nefarious by the constant liberal posturing by today’s Jewish liberals. The whitewashing of history—that is, the leading Jewish role in African slavery—is a vivid demonstration of Jewish gaslighting that is taking place in real-time. Perhaps that is the single biggest victory by the Nation of Islam’s publication of this book: yes, it brings to light the Jewish involvement in slavery in stark relief, but it does something much more. It shows what Jews are doing now is the historical airbrushing to preserve the Jewish cult of moral superiority.

*          *          *          *

The Secret Relationship’s publication was like a broadside against Jewish academics who use the Atlantic African slave trade as a cudgel against European Christians. In one fell swoop, The Secret Relationship deprived the Jews of their customary and favored role as a perpetual victim by casting them as the chief villains in the slave trade and driving a wedge between the relationship between Blacks and Jews that had been carefully constructed by Jews to encourage Black hatred towards Whites. In response to The Secret Relationship, multiple Jewish academics took up the challenge to show that it was wrong, and they published book after book allegedly debunking The Secret Relationship. Interestingly enough, Amazon censors The Secret Relationship but oddly offers myriad rebuttals for sale. For my copy, I had to order it directly from the Nation of Islam. The problem for the Jewish academic rebuttals was that they were forced to have this historical battle on terrain not of their choosing. And the best that they could muster is, and I paraphrase thousands of pages of their rebuttal scholarship by multiple authors, is essentially, “yeah, Jews were involved in the slave trade like everyone else … so what?”

So much for moral superiority. And now, some thirty years later, even a cursory review of the fallout from The Secret Relationship and its rebuttal scholarship is that The Secret Relationship has been allegedly “discredited”—and one only must peruse the Wikipedia entry on The Secret Relationship to see how strident and over-the-top the response to it has been.

The whole thing stinks of “[t]he lady doth protest too much, methinks.”

There is, however, something certainly lurking in the background of the criticism of The Secret Relationship. Why focus on the Jews? The angst is perhaps best summarized by a Jewish historian from Columbia University:

Jonathan Schorsch of Columbia University, has also written about the slave trade—most recently in his 2009 book Jews and Blacks in the Early Modern World and in an article published in the journal Jewish Social Studies. Schorsch sees even the facts surrounding Jewish involvement as being contentious. “There seem to have been a handful of Jewish firms, proportionate to their population. A lot of things that don’t make anyone feel good.” About The Secret Relationship, Schorsch said, “The claim in the narrow sense is just. Why are they harsher toward Jews? Is it because they are afraid to antagonize Christians? Jews did their share of persecuting and discriminating, of being persecuted and discriminated. Neither Blacks nor Jews are as perfect as one would wish. Did Black Nationalists want to puncture Jewish pride? There are real stakes here—government funding and so forth. Then there’s the victim game—who’s the biggest victim? It makes some Jews very uncomfortable.”

Here, we get down to brass tacks—yes, why the Jews? It must be that the Jews have been so self-deceived that they cannot comprehend the role that they have played in the world. To read that they have always been engaged in the slave trade, usury, double-dealing, and smuggling—among so many other anti-social and destructive practices as it relates to the goyim—punctures the carefully constructed myth of Jewish moral superiority that most Jews, like Professor Schorsch, have evidently and wholeheartedly swallowed. Thus, Professor Schorsch’s anguished question, “why are they harsher towards the Jews” bespeaks an almost plaintive cry of pain—and it ignores that the Nation of Islam was “harsher towards the Jews” because, notwithstanding the Jews’ self-deception, the Jews merit it. And it is no small irony that this book is about the slave trade, which is something the Jews have trafficked in since time immemorial. Indeed, the Jews did not simply happen into the Atlantic African slave trade after the New World was discovered—they had been long involved with slaving when they sold countless European Christians into slavery in Muslim slave markets for hundreds of years before Columbus.

So, why does the Nation of Islam target the Jews for special recognition? Because the Jews were better at the slave business than their contemporary European Christian competitors—they had been doing it for much, much longer. Only now, when human trafficking and slavery have taken on a special odium do Jews run from their history. “Why us?” Why you? Because you deserve the opprobrium that accompanies the special role you played in, among things, slaving—not just in the Americas but everywhere. That is why.

The Jews have a playbook for disciplining White Christians who critique them, and they likewise have a strategy to marginalize individual Jews who publicly air the Jews’ dirty laundry. However, the Nation of Islam presented them with a more difficult task because it represented a not-insignificant Black voice that the Jews supposedly support. In any event, the damage from The Secret Relationship was potentially too detrimental for them to ignore—they struck hard against Farrakhan and have largely succeeded in characterizing the work as “pseudo-scholarship,” which it is anything but. What is sad, and this too can be googled, is how many African Americans have jumped to the defense of their Jewish friends in Hollywood against Farrakhan. Add Louis Farrakhan to the long list of non-Jews that have been tarred by the Jews for daring to critique the Jews—had he limited his vociferousness to merely condemning European Christians, I have little doubt that he would have received a generous subsidy from the Jews, and they would have passionately defended his attack on European Christians.

One of the most telling critiques of The Secret Relationship is not that it is not scholarly but that it relies upon “old” scholarship. Consider the following analysis by Professor Winthrop D. Jordan published in The Atlantic in 1995:

Footnotes matter because verifiability depends on them. In the Karp-Korn instance we are nearly home, though we do not yet know when the article was published—and, of course, the date matters greatly. We can determine it only by consulting actual copies of the article, which turns out to be “Jews and Negro Slavery in the Old South, 1789–1865,” which originated as an address by the president of the American Jewish Historical Society and was first published in 1961. The date [1961], it turns out, falls within a period when Jewish scholarship about the history of Jews in the United States was moving away from predominantly filiopietistic studies of ancestry and achievement and toward a more sophisticated assessment of the role of Jews in American culture. Korn’s article contains a great deal of specific information to which The Secret Relationship has been thoroughly faithful. … Dating such historical writing is critical, given the shifting state of historical scholarship over time. Many of the works cited in The Secret Relationship are so old that it would be generous to call them outdated. Of the first sixty-odd, nearly a third date from before 1950 and eight from the 1890s. In contrast, a recent pamphlet on the Atlantic slave trade that was published by the American Historical Association as an aid to scholars and teachers cites four sources that date from 1949 through the late 1960s and twenty-eight published since 1970.

In other words, The Secret Relationship may be scholarly, but it relies upon “old” scholarship that was produced during a less contemporary era in which Jewish scholars took no pains to hide the involvement in—and domination of—the Atlantic African slave trade. When convenient, the Jews cannot hide their pride in dominating anything, and this included a time when the Jews could not hide their pride in dominating the Atlantic African slave trade. So, we get an apologist for modern Jewish scholarship’s revision of the Jewish involvement in the slave trade by claiming, in nearly incomprehensible language, that we should minimize scholarship that was created during a brief but less “filiopietistic” era. What the author failed to understand is that every era that Jews write about is written in “filiopietistic” terms. The only thing that changes is what is considered historically acceptable. The Jewish scholars from the 1890s through the early 1960s were being “filiopietistic” in trumpeting the domination of the slave trade by the Jews—only later, when the slave trade became a toxic liability did later “filiopietistic” Jewish academics decide that airbrushing the Jewish role was the better course.

More to the point, the fact that later scholarship minimized the Jewish role is proof positive of a collective Jewish agenda to protect Jewish identity and Jewish victimology. Now Jews care about what Blacks think—and indeed the Jews are doing the best to instrumentalize Blacks against Whites (parenthetically, it is no accident that “Blacks Lives Matter” is largely underwritten by Jewish money)—so celebrating a past commercial achievement of Jewish cleverness in the Atlantic slave trade and defending earlier Jewish conduct within it takes a distinct backseat to contemporary Jewish needs. At least, the author acknowledges the danger:

YET surely the compilers of The Secret Relationship will feel that such disparities merely confirm their case—that by avoiding these older historical writings, the history establishment has been hiding the facts about the important role played by Jews in the enslavement of Africans and their descendants in the New World. The [American Historical Association’s] pamphlet does not, in fact, even mention Jews. The compilers will no doubt take this omission as further confirmation that the participation of Jews has been kept a secret.

To this observation, no rebuttal is offered. Professor Jordan’s critique of The Secret Relationship simply—and almost autonomically—moves on to yet more criticism of the book. Yes, someone has been hiding this seeming big historical fact—the Jews played a leadership role in the Atlantic slave trade—and this is a story unto itself. Credit Professor Jordan for recognizing this point but his failure to rebut this charge of “hiding” is quite telling. Ultimately, after conceding that the Jews did, in fact, play an outsized role in the slave trade—albeit mostly in the early years of European settlement, Professor Jordan offers a strange defense of the Jewish role in the African slave trade:

The reasons for the important role of Jews in the early years of the slave trade are not hard to find. To put the matter in summary [apologetic] terms, Jews in medieval Europe had effectively been pushed by the Western branch of the Christian Church away from land ownership and into commerce and financial dealings. During those early years of western overseas expansion many Jews continued to find opportunities for drawing wealth from commerce and finance. Under heavy threat in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, many Portuguese and Spanish Jews found refuge in the Netherlands, a quasi-nation that by that time had a widely reputed tolerance for religious diversity. Jewish citizens of the Netherlands were able to participate in domestic and foreign trade, including the slave trade on the coast of West Africa and in the Americas. These Jews, along with many Christian Dutch traders, supplied slaves not only to the Dutch colonial enterprises in Brazil and Surinam but also to Curaçao and other islands in the Antilles for transhipment to the New World colonies of other European nations. Ironically, Jews were therefore able to make major investments in landed enterprises—which in tropical America meant slave plantations—in Brazil and then Surinam. This brutal trade in human beings was carried on by various African peoples and sociopolitical entities in West and West Central Africa. The participation of these groups also waxed and waned over the 500-year period. Internal developments in Africa played an important part in determining how the trade varied from place to place and from time to time … . One aspect of the present issue, however, is utterly clear: by focusing on the importance of the activities of one internationally distributed religious group of Europeans, the Jews, this book ignores diversities in Africa.

In other words, it is … the Catholic Church’s fault. And the Africans? And the Jewish role in the slave trade in Roman times and for centuries in the Muslim world? The extensive discussions of slavery and lack of disapproval of slavery in Jewish religious writing dating from the ancient world? Hmmm. Meanwhile, nary a word of disapproval of the Jews. It is hard to believe that Professor Jordan had any self-respect left intact after he published this drivel

*          *          *          *

The Secret Relationship is a difficult and disturbing read. Notwithstanding that the focus is upon the Jews and their disproportionate role in the African slave trade, the general dehumanization of Africans is appalling. The business of chattel slavery is a black mark indeed for every participant—Christian and Jew alike. Turning human beings into objects—taking away their natural liberty, subjecting their women to outrages and forced concubinage, and separating families—is horrible. Something is galling about the Jewish liberals who cast aspersions profusely at the European Christians who engaged in chattel slavery. They, like us, bear an ignominy regarding it. Yet they are cagey to the point of dishonesty concerning their substantial part.

The Nation of Islam has ironically done the world a great favor in publishing this remarkable work. Even though it has been “discredited,” its very existence has forced the Jews to account for their role in the slave trade. As a coda to this work, one of the critics mentioned above, Professor Jordan, made a broad criticism of The Secret Relationship that is noteworthy for the irony lost on the critic:

Far from asking any question at all, [The Secret Relationship] begins with an answer—that Jews were especially important in exploiting Africans. It is able to demonstrate, at least ostensibly, that they were. This is the central difficulty: the book sets out to prove a thesis and pays little attention to evidence that might modify or contradict it. If one were to inquire more neutrally into what role Jews played in the Atlantic slave trade, one would find that it was a considerable one during the formative years of the trade, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and a very small one when the trade reached much greater volume, in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.

Here, Professor Jordan admits that the Jews played a “considerable” role during the formative years of the slave trade but criticizes the work for beginning the work with an “answer” and then, according to the critic, “ostensibly” supporting that same answer. What? What is the criticism—that the compilers should have consulted other sources to nuance the answer? As a professional historian, one might assume that an appreciation might be given to the Nation of Islam for pointing out how the Jews’ “considerable” role in the slave trade had been obliterated by contemporary historians to the point that no one knows of that role at all.

Where is the apology demanded of the Jews for that “considerable” role?  Instead, all we get is prevaricating and dissembling. The entire episode—both the work and the furious Jewish response—is a microcosm of Jewish malfeasance and Jewish gaslighting.

Saint Peter Claver, Pray for Us.

 

Sweet Dreams of Christian Nationalism (But What About the Protestant Deformation, Globalist Churches, and Jewish Political Theology?) Part Two

Stephen Wolfe

Go to Part One.

Nations and Ethnicity

When discussing the meaning of nationhood, Wolfe rejects “the so-called creedal nation concept” according to which a nation is “united around a set of propositions that creedalists consider universally true or at least practically advantageous for all and so readily acceptable by all.”  His target is the “egalitarian themes and rights-talk” characteristic of mainstream American political discourse.”  He concedes, however, that his argument “does not preclude political or social creeds that serve to unite a people.”  He gives as an example of a “universally true statement” the proposition that “Jesus is Lord,” claiming that it “certainly serves to unite the people of a Christian nation.”  Wolfe claims that “Christianity is the true religion” as another example of a universally valid spiritual proposition.[1]  One wonders whether and how that spiritual truth was recognized during the religious wars of the seventeenth century in Europe or the American Civil War during the nineteenth century.

Wolfe acknowledges that such Christian propositions cannot and do not serve as the “foundation for nations.”[2]  The question then, of course, becomes: What is the foundation or basis for nationhood, Christian or otherwise?  Unfortunately, Wolfe never provides a clear answer to that question.  The cover of Wolfe’s book with the image of a cross radiating beams of light superimposed upon a map of the lower forty-eight United States suggests that his project will be focused upon an American version of Christian nationalism. But, as one of his critics observes, “the interior of his 478-page tome tells a very different story.  Indeed, America hardly comes up in the first nine [of ten] chapters, and much of what he writes could be applied to any Christian (by which he means Protestant) nation.”[3]

For Wolfe, it is axiomatic that every “Christian nation acknowledges God as the author of nations in general and as the providential author of their particular nation.”  But the “universal truths of Christianity do not nullify national particularity.  Each Christian nation has a distinct way of life.”  It is true, he says, “that fellow Christians, regardless of nationality, are united spiritually, as fellow members of the kingdom of God.” But this “is chiefly a heavenly or eschatological relation, made possible by grace, not nature.”  The spiritual brotherhood making man “fit for a heavenly kingdom” is not well suited to provide the practical tools (such as a common language) enabling the everyday cooperation between individuals and families necessary “to procure the full range of goods required for living well in this world.”[4]

While Wolfe recognizes the particularity of every nation, he locates the sources of that particularity in a “lived experience” shared by everyone, a “sense of familiarity with a particular place and the people in it.”  This “sense of we,” is not “rooted…in abstractions or judicial norms (e.g., equal protection) or truth-statements.”  He appears not to notice that he grounds his own argument in a general “truth,” applicable to all nations, tribes, and peoples, before and after the fall.  All of us, Christians and non-Christians alike, share “a pre-reflective, pre-propositional love for one’s own, generated from intergenerational affections, daily life, and productive activity that link a society of the dead, living, and unborn.”  Particularity, for Wolfe, is a property attached “to a people in place.”  He describes his concern for the “lived experience” of particular peoples in particular places as a “a sort of phenomenological topography.”[5]

He admits that the “idea of a nation is notoriously difficult to define, and identifying true nations is equally challenging.”  But he is careful to deny that nationhood can or should be identified “on the basis of a modern racialist principle.”  He disavows any suggestion that his position is “a ‘white nationalist’ argument.”  On his view, “the designation ‘white,’ as it is used today, hinders and distracts people from recognizing and acting for their people-groups.”  Having rejected the concept of race, Wolfe then uses “the terms ethnicity and nation almost synonymously,” if not necessarily very consistently.  His use of the terms as synonyms is especially confusing when he announces that he will use “nation…to emphasize the unity of the whole” since “every people-group has internal differences” (e.g. those based on class) “though no nation (properly speaking) is composed of two or more ethnicities.”[6]  Most readers, I suspect, would take the latter observation to imply that there can be no American nation.  After all, is not the United States today composed of a patchwork of different ethnicities (not to mention “races”)?

But Wolfe almost immediately begins to fudge the issue of ethnic and national identity.  “Ethnicity, as something experienced,” he declares, “is familiarity with others based in common language, manners, customs, stories, taboos, rituals, calendars, social expectations, duties, loves, and religion.”  All of these permit communication and completion of common projects.  What about blood ties?  According to Wolfe, while a “community of blood” may be “crucial to ethnicity.  But this should not lead us to conclude that blood ties are the sole determinant of ethnicity.”  He prefers to think of ethnicity or nations as a function of “soul” or “spiritual principle.”[7]

Accordingly, “the ties of blood do not directly establish the boundaries of one’s ethnicity.  Rather, one has ethnic ties of affection because one’s kin conducted life with other kin in the same place.”  In other words, if a Southern White man’s kin lived in a particular place alongside the extended families of Black slaves or sharecroppers, together they would leave “behind a trace of themselves and their cooperation and their great works and sacrifices.”  Both groups, White and Black, could then be said to share a common Southern or even American ethnicity because their collective kinfolk “belonged to this people on this land,” and were bound together by a common Volksgeist.[8]

Wolfe never specifies his own ethnicity.  Instead, he waves the issue away with the commonplace observation that “white Americans” often assign their ethnicity “to some distant European ancestry.”  The closest he comes to coming out of the closet is when he writes that “I might say that I’m Italian, German, and English” without making it clear whether that is an autobiographical fact or, instead, just a hypothetical example of a typical White American response to the question of personal “ethnic identity.”[9]  Perhaps Wolfe actually is just some random Euromutt castaway.  On the other hand, he could be related somehow to the prominent Anglo-Irish family of the eighteenth-century English Major General James Wolfe.

Once upon a time (not so very long ago), every English-Canadian schoolchild literally sang the praises of General Wolfe as “the dauntless hero” who “planted firm Britannia’s flag on Canada’s fair domain.”  Wolfe died on the Plains of Abraham near Quebec City, having defeated the French General Montcalm.  British North America was thereby rid (for a time) of a dangerous imperial rival.  Ironically, Wolfe’s victory smoothed the path of rebellious American colonists ready to break with the British Crown to create a continental empire of their own.

Many English-Canadians, including myself, would be proud to claim General Wolfe as an ancestor.  (Indeed, though I can boast no such connection, I have a large print of Benjamin West’s famous painting of Wolfe’s death hanging on the wall of my library).  Wolfe of West Point, however, prefers to believe that one’s genetic origins, while “not entirely irrelevant…say little about who you are, at least with regard to your everyday life.”  At most, they provide little more than “some mildly interesting fact you use in small-talk.”[10]

Relating ethnicity primarily to the topography of lived experience has the effect of obscuring the intertwined significance of history, biology, and culture.  Wolfe has no apparent interest in either in the historical origins or the “ethnic genetic interests” of his own people, whoever they might be.  Indeed, he writes that “Given my friendships and associations with people of different ancestry, I can say that being ‘white [much less of British ancestry] is unnecessary both to recognize themselves in what I describe and to cooperate with someone like me in a common national project.”[11]

Remarkably, in Wolfe’s mind, ethnicity can cross racial lines.  According to Neil Shenvi, Wolfe has affirmed in a personal conversation that “People of different ancestral origins can be part of the same ethnicity.”[12]  How else can Wolfe entertain the hope that an American Christian nationalism will emerge?[13]  Kevin DeYoung remarks that “the all-important concept of ‘nation’ sometimes operates in Wolfe’s thinking more organically like an ethnicity, sometimes more loosely like a culture, sometimes more locally like a love of people and place, and sometimes more traditionally like a nation-state with a recognizable set of laws, a governing magistrate, and the power of the sword.”[14]

Wolfe argues that all nations can be Christian nations seeking “their temporal and eternal good through their own civil arrangements.”  He devotes a chapter to defend the proposition that a Christian nation has “a natural law right to revolution against tyrants to that end.”  Of course, so long as “a legitimate ruler uses civil power to command what is just and the people disobey this command, they are disobeying God himself…because the law itself, though human, is an ordinance of God.”  But God does not bestow civil authority “to command what is unjust…for God’s ordinances to man are always just.”  It follows that no unjust command can bind the conscience.  A tyrant, “though he may have the appearance of civil authority, is but a man ordering fellow men to great evil.”  If necessary, forcible resistance to such commands may be justified.  Even a Christian minority may “revolt against a tyranny directed against them and, after successfully revolting, establish over all the population a Christian commonwealth.” [15]

In Wolfe’s Christian political theory, it is axiomatic that “although civil administration is fundamentally natural, human, and universal” it “was created to serve Adam’s race in a state of integrity, as an outward ordering to God.”  In our redeemed state of grace, “those who are restored in Christ are the people of God.  Thus, civil order and administration is for them.”  This raises the question of the political status of non-Christians in a Christian commonwealth.  Any answer to that question is a matter of prudence, recognizing, of course, that the civil administration “must guarantee equal protection and due process with regard to human things for all people…But this does not entail equal participation, status, and standing in political, social, and cultural institutions.”  Non-Christians cannot “be expected to take an interest in conserving the explicit Christian character and ends of these institutions and of society.”[16]

Wolfe invokes the Anglo-Protestantism practiced in Puritan New England as a source of inspiration in shaping any future Christian commonwealth.  There and in the new nation during the founding era, liberty of conscience was to be respected.  No one could be compelled to believe or profess the Christian faith.  The civil power dealt with heresy or dissent with a view to “practical considerations” relating to the “public harm caused by public error and on the limitation of civic action for spiritual reformation.”  Accordingly, the civil power acted not to wreak vengeance on the enemies of God but “as a means to safeguard the souls of those under the magistrate’s care.”  Punishment was meted out only to those who publicly sought to promote heresy and unbelief, to subvert the established church, to denounce its ministers, or to instigate rebellion against Christian magistrates.  The fundamental Anglo-Protestant view was “that the Gospel and religious belief cannot be coerced; it is a matter of persuasion, and one must decide for oneself.”[17]

What went wrong?  Why did the American republic not remain as a Christian nation, on the Anglo-Protestant model?  Wolfe’s answer in a nutshell is: modern R2K theory.  That is to say, the mainstream Anglo-Protestant view still rests upon a two kingdoms theology distinguishing church and state but the radical two kingdoms view is that only pastoral vocations in the church are part of God’s kingdom while the state rests on a natural law that applies in a neutral fashion to all men everywhere, Christians and non-Christians alike.  This, of course, begs the question: how did the R2K position come to dominance in the church?  To answer that question requires a realistic political ethnotheology of Christian nationhood, one willing to confront a number of highly-charged issues that Wolfe is at pains to avoid and obfuscate.  What was it about the Anglo-Protestant tradition that led to the erosion of its earlier determination to create and preserve a Christian nation in America?

The Elephant in the Room

One scholar suggests that WASPs were their own worst enemy.  According to Eric Kaufmann, the decline of Anglo-America was not due to external factors; in particular, it did not follow an organized campaign by rival ethnic groups seeking to challenge WASP hegemony.  He contends that the decisive “forces of dominant-ethnic decline” emerged instead “from within Anglo-Protestant America.”[18]  There is a large element of truth to the Kaufmann thesis. The modern American corporate capitalist society that emerged in the late nineteenth century was the unique product of the interaction between a kind of person, a kind of economy, and a kind of religion.[19]

Brian Gatton suggests that the most significant psychological and spiritual force driving WASPs to commit hari-kari was the other-directed nature of the “social self” fabricated by the corporate system.[20]  In the early modern period a God of Will was worshipped by the bourgeois individual of the Protestant ethic, whose enterprising ways helped the modern capitalist economy to take off.  But while the driven personality of the inner-directed Protestant supplied power on the runway, once in flight the economy relied on technique, not on character, to keep itself aloft.  As Donald Meyer put it in his study of the American gospel of positive thinking, “if at the center of nineteenth century social imagination stood a man, in the twentieth he was replaced by a system.”[21]

The dominant ethos of the Anglo-American corporate system depends upon a novel blend of psychology, economics and theology.  The economy became an object of religious devotion for the managerial and professional classes.  Today, in all sectors of society and culture, economic development has become an occasion for dependency rather than belonging.  Our abject subjection to the mysterious movements of the global economy parallels the relationship of Protestant believers to their “hidden God, the God of Will” who can be known “only in His works, not in His nature.  In an awful recurrence, we are returning to the situation of the early Protestants as an abyss opens up between us and an economy invested with all the attributes of divinity.  Its inner workings surpass ordinary human understanding. Among our elites and opinion leaders, insight, knowledge, and intelligence can do no more than serve the disembodied forces animating the society of perpetual growth.  It is not the courage or the strength of our political and corporate leaders, nor our respect for tradition that sanctifies the system.  It is faith alone.  Awesome and inscrutable, spectacular and self-propelling, the system invites adoration.[22]

No doubt the emergent other-directed character of the WASP middle-class was a uniquely Anglo-American adaptation to the organizational imperatives of corporate capitalism.  But if the home-grown “corporate self” provided the seed-bed for the cosmopolitan spirit of the Progressive Era, the WASP clerisy had plenty of help from other ethnic groups, especially Jews, in nurturing a full-blown cult of the Other.  Indeed, Kaufmann credits Felix Adler, a leading Jewish intellectual, with a leading role in awakening Progressive reformers to the possibilities inherent in this new pluralist vision of American national identity.[23]  In his own recent book, Whiteshift, Kaufmann, too, is remarkably sanguine about the demographic, cultural, and political impact of mass third world immigration on the future of the White majority in Anglo-American society.[24]

An interesting comparison can be made between Eric Kaufmann and Stephen Wolfe on the issue of immigration-induced cultural change.  In principle, Wolfe advocates limits on immigration from culturally alien sources, even though they might be Christian.[25]  Kaufmann, on the other hand, treats “white opposition to mass immigration as a problem to be solved, not as an expression of legitimate ethnic interests or democratic will.”  Both are confident, however, that, so long as the rate of change is less than alarming, assimilation of cultural outsiders will be possible.  Kaufmann merely cautions that whites must be allowed “some social space to express their identity.”[26]

Both are what Frank Salter describes as “ethnic traditionalists” in the sense that “they support immigration so long as the immigrants assimilate, regardless of the impact on [White] ethnic identity, even if [the White majority] eventually disappears.”[27]  It may be that the differences between them with respect to the scale of immigration reflect differences in their respective racial and ethnic identities.  Whatever the precise weight any given European ethnicity may have contributed to Wolfe’s identity, he is unquestionably White.  Kaufmann’s ancestry is noticeably more exotic: part-Jewish, part-Chinese, and part-Hispanic.  Perhaps that explains why Kaufmann promulgates the ideal of a “whiteshift” over the next century or two when he expects (and hopes) most Westerners will become “what we now term ‘mixed-race.’”[28]

For his part, Wolfe certainly does not actively promote race-mixing as an end in itself; nor, however, does he accept that a “community in blood” is “the sole determinant of ethnicity.”  Sensitive to accusations of “racism,” he is not opposed to intermarriage in principle.[29]  Nor does he approve inter-ethnic or inter-racial marriages merely as particular exceptions to a general rule requiring respect for ethnic and racial boundaries.  Hannah Arendt, by contrast, frankly accepts that “every mixed marriage constitutes a challenge to society.”  While opposing the legal prohibition (but not social disapproval) of interracial marriage, Arendt preferred to treat mixed marriage as a private matter between individuals “who have so far preferred personal happiness to social adjustment that they are willing to bear the burden of discrimination.”  On Arendt’s realist view, such discrimination is a necessary evil.  If people (and, presumably, churches) are not free to shun those whose private lives, social mores, or ethnic identity they disapprove, “society would simply cease to exist and very important possibilities of free association and group formation would disappear.”[30]  By contrast, Wolfe treats race-mixing as a positive good which, over time, will create the “bonds of affection” that will enable the formation of “various brotherhoods and tribes and shared or public pastimes.”  Nationhood, for Wolfe, is a spiritual phenomenon, not a matter of hematology.[31]

Despite their differences, however, neither Wolfe nor Kaufmann examine the role of ethnic rivalry (much less antagonism) between Jews and WASPs as a major contributing factor to the decline of Anglo-Protestant “cultural Christianity.”  Such reluctance to tackle the Jewish question directly is noteworthy given their joint preoccupation with the immigration issue.  After all, Jews led the long campaign to overturn the national origins regime (adopted in 1924), designed to radically restrict the numbers of immigrants to the USA from areas outside northwestern Europe.  Elsewhere in the Anglosphere, too, Jews have been active in promoting non-White immigration, especially after the passage of the 1965 Hart-Celler Act in the USA.

A secular, part-Jewish, cosmopolitan such as Kaufmann cannot be expected, perhaps, to highlight the prominent role played by Jews in undermining the institutional supports for Christian nationhood.  But, given the prominence that Wolfe gives to his discussion of “the good of cultural Christianity,” it seems strange that he completely ignores the issue.  Wolfe understands cultural Christianity as “the force that normalizes Christian culture,” even for many who neither attend churches readily nor publicly profess Christian beliefs.  It is a “social power” which “directs people to activities wherein they can procure the things of eternal life, both inside and outside the instituted church.”[32]

Much to the amusement of cosmopolitan urban sophisticates (“cloud people”), Wolfe holds up the fictional North Carolina town of Mayberry (home to the “dirt people” of the 1960s’ Andy Griffith Show) as the avatar of cultural Christianity.  This folksy, small town was “a community of few and small concerns, high social trust, and an ease of life.”  Wolfe remarks that “any American” watching that show today “cannot but feel nostalgia for an America lost by negligence and malevolence.”[33]

Note that Wolfe attributes the destruction of the world of Mayberry, a place where everybody went to church and probably “all the kids were above average,” to both negligence and malevolence.  But, surprisingly, even West Point graduate Wolfe declines to identify the foremost enemy of American cultural Christianity.  This reflects the fatal flaw in Anglo-Protestant political theology: the absence of an explicit ethnoreligion anchored in the history and destiny of the Anglo-Saxon peoples.  Jews are far more ethnocentric than even the ethnic traditionalist minority among WASPs.  The most important difference between Jews and Anglo-Protestants is the propensity of the former community towards a high level of what Salter labels “ethnic nepotism.”  In other words, Jews are much more likely to exhibit a strong belief “in the unity of family and racial kinship.”  Jewish parents are much more likely than WASPs to see their children as an essential “contribution to the immortality of their race.”[34]

Arguably, Jewish elites believe that it is in their ethnic genetic interest to dismantle the institutional supports for Christian nationhood and have pursued legal, political, and cultural strategies to achieve that end.  This campaign included a battery of legal challenges which successfully ended school prayers and bible reading.  A famous book entitled The Authoritarian Personality, sponsored by the American Jewish Committee, appeared in 1950 and inspired a multi-pronged attack on the Christian family which continues down to the present day.  Mass third-world immigration, feminism, pornography, contraception and abortion, and, more recently, transgender rights have all been weaponized by Jewish activists waging a concerted war on cultural Christianity.[35]

The reconstitution of Christian nations in the USA and the rest of the Anglosphere will require the emergence of a counter-elite ready, willing, and able to contest the Jewish Ascendancy, not just within the state, but also on the terrain of civil society, in the corporate sector, the media, academia, and the legal profession.[36]  Any such counter-elite must be driven by an ethnoreligious spirit if it is to have any chance of success.  The greatest weakness of Wolfe’s vision of Christian nationhood is that he treats the particularity of each people and place as adiaphorous, a thing indifferent, not affecting the universal spiritual unity of the kingdom of God.

Conclusion

For Wolfe, Christ redeemed humanity as a whole; the constituent elements of mankind’s transient life in this world were to be perfected by ordering the various Christian nations/ethnicities to Christ.  Wolfe takes it for granted that humanity has a telos in common, already known to Christian theology.  But what if race is not just a social construct but also possesses an intractably biological dimension?  What if the phenomenology of place is ultimately grounded in the evolutionary history of distinctive biocultures?  Race is a trinitarian phenomenon: race-as-biology, race-as-culture, and race-as-theology, all develop together within a complex differentiated historical process.  Every “people-group” (the tender-minded synonym for tribes, nations, and races) possesses its own language, culture, patterns of experience, and goals; they cannot all be squeezed together into the simplistic schematic structure of a neo-Augustinian metanarrative.

Anglo-Protestants desperately need to situate themselves within a theologically informed ethnohistory.  Such an ethnotheology must come to grips with biocultural science, with genetic similarity theory, and with a consciousness of the importance of ethnic genetic interests to the physical and spiritual well-being of their people.[37]  Only in that way can Anglo-Protestants hope to understand the rise, decline, fall, and possible restoration of Anglo-Saxon Christendoms throughout the Anglosphere.

As things stand now, Anglo-Protestant theology bears a large share of responsibility for the deformation of Christian nationhood.  Perhaps the most telling symptom of the present crisis is Wolfe’s claim that there can never again be a chosen nation or people.  No Christian nation today, he writes, can be “a holy nation in the sense that Israel was holy when under the Mosaic Covenant.  No nation today is God’s nation by some special divine command or by exclusive divine favor.”  Wolfe acknowledges that a people can only become or maintain themselves as a Christian nation “in an explicit sense, [by] an act of national will.”[38]  But here he is intellectually crippled by the idealist, other-worldly character of his historical and political theology.  A more realistic account of the origins of the Mosaic Covenant might understand it as a product of a historical process in which both divine command and national will were involved.

As one writer, who goes by the name of Jung-Freud, contends, “if Jews believed in many gods for different peoples as pagan folks did, then there would have been no need for the Covenant.”  Instead, Jews took a different path “out of boldness, imagination, arrogance, megalomania, or whatever,” they “came to believe in only one God for themselves.”  But they also taught their children that no other gods were real and that it was a grave sin to worship them.  But why would that one God favor the insignificant small-time people of Israel over all other tribes?  That seemingly insoluble puzzle made it necessary for the Israelites to come up with the Covenant.  Without it, “there was no guarantee that God would stick with the Jews.”[39]

In light of the heroic role of Anglo-Protestants in the foundation of the nations of the Anglosphere, why should they, too, not feel in their bones that they can and should enter into a special covenant with God?  After all, the process by which a people enter into covenant with the divine must be akin to what has long been known to the Orthodox Christian tradition as the experience of “theosis” or “deification.”  Perhaps, a “stateless” people, such as the ancient Israelites on their exodus journey to the Promised Land, is more receptive to communion with the divine.

But the Jews are not the only people to experience “statelessness.”  In our own time, the “nation-states” of the Anglosphere have been subordinated to the hidden hand of globalist plutocracy.  As a consequence, the Anglo-Saxon peoples, both “at home” and in the diaspora, are now de facto, if not yet de jure, “stateless.”  Perhaps providentially, certainly ironically, such political and cultural dispossession may have created the conditions for a spiritual renaissance.  WASPs may yet rediscover the ethnoreligious spirit that once moved Alfred the Great to look to Covenant as the essential medium for the collective deification of his embryonic Angelcynn nation.[40]

Given that possibility, it is no wonder that organized Jewry does everything in its power to demonize the ethnoreligious spirit of Christian nationalism throughout the Anglosphere.[41]  But let us not forget that such cultural subversion also successfully targeted once-great Christian nations such as Germany as well—with the active cooperation of the Anglo-Saxon nations.  Anglo-Protestant theology happily sanctified the thirty-year war waged on Germany.  Now re-educated, guilt-tripped, and thoroughly demoralized by a systematic process of Überfremdung, Germany remains securely under the thumb of the globalist American regime overseeing its proxy war on Orthodox Christian Russia.  “Our” phony victories in those wars should be sources of shame rather than pride.  Compare the negative, dysgenic, maladaptive impact of Anglo-Protestant Woke political theology with the positive, eugenic, and adaptive success of the Jewish political theology grounded in the Holocaust Mythos. In the one case, blasphemy laws are conceived as a violation of human rights; in the other, “condoning, denying, or downplaying” Jewish suffering is a shocking offence against the laws of God and man, alike.

It is long past time for Anglo-Protestant political theology to identify and clearly distinguish friend from foe in the holy war we are compelled to wage for the earthly survival and spiritual salvation of the Anglo-Saxon race worldwide.  God save the King.

Andrew Fraser taught constitutional law and history at Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia for many years.  He is the author of The WASP Question (London: Arktos, 2011) and Dissident Dispatches: An Alt-Right Guide to Christian Theology (London: Arktos, 2017).


[1] Ibid., 119-120, 186.

[2] Ibid., 120.

[3] Mark David Hall, “The 500-Year-Old Case for Christian Nationalism” https://providencemag.com/2022/11/the-500-year-old-case-for-christian-nationalism/

[4] Wolfe, Christian Nationalism, 176, 199.

[5] Ibid., 120, 134.

[6] Ibid., 119, 135.

[7] Ibid., 136, 140.

[8] Ibid., 139.

[9] Ibid., 136.

[10] Ibid., 136

[11] Ibid., 119.

[12] Neil Shenvi, “Of Gods and Men: A Long Review of Wolfe’s Case for Christian Nationalism, Part III-Objections” https://shenviapologetics.com/of-gods-and-men-a-long-review-of-wolfes-case-for-christian-nationalism-part-iii-objections/

[13] Wolfe, Christian Nationalism, 431, 475.

[14] Kevin DeYoung, “The Rise of Right-Wing Wokeism” https://www.thegospelcoalition.org/reviews/christian-nationalism-wolfe/

[15] Wolfe, Christian Nationalism, 329-330, 334, 345.

[16] Ibid., 346, 392.

[17] Ibid., 390-392, 414-415.

[18] Kaufmann, Rise and Fall of Anglo-America, 4.

[19] Donald Meyer, The Positive Thinkers: A Study of the American Quest for Health, Wealth, and Personal Power from Mary Baker Eddy to Norman Vincent Peale (Garden City, NY: Anchor, 1966), 177.

[20] Brian Gatton, “Hari-Kari of the Anglo Elite,” (2006) 25(4) Journal of American Ethnic History 181.  For more on the distinction between inner-directed and other-directed character types, see David Riesman, The Lonely Crowd: A Study of the Emerging American Character (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001 [original ed. 1961]).

[21] Meyer, Positive Thinkers, 177.

[22] Ibid., 177-178.

[23] Kaufmann, Rise and Fall of Anglo-America, 91-95.

[24] Eric P. Kaufmann, Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration, and the Future of White Majorities (London: Penguin, 2018).

[25] Wolfe, Christian Nationalism, 199-204.

[26] Frank Salter, “The Ethnic Predicaments of the Shrinking White Majority,” (September 2019) 63(9) Quadrant 31, at 34-35.

[27] Ibid., 33.

[28] Kaufmann, quoted in Salter, “Ethnic Predicaments,” 33.

[29] Wolfe, Christian Nationalism, 139.

[30] Hannah Arendt, “Reflections on Little Rock,”[originally published in 1959] in Peter Baehr, ed. The Portable Hannah Arendt (New York: Penguin, 2000), 238-239.

[31] Wolfe, Christian Nationalism, 139-140.

[32] Ibid., 213..

[33] Ibid., 226.

[34] Salter, “Ethnic Predicaments,” 32-33.

[35] Simple internet searches for material on “the Jewish role” in each of those movements will yield ample evidence to support this proposition.  A more systematic academic introduction to these issues can be found in Kevin Macdonald, The Culture of Critique: An Evolutionary Analysis of Jewish Involvement in Twentieth-Century Intellectual and Political Movements (Long Beach, CA: 1st Books, 2002 [originally published by Praeger in 1998]).

[36] Andrew Fraser, Reinventing Aristocracy in the Age of Woke Capital: How Honourable WASP Elites Could Rescue Our Civilisation from Bad Governance by Irresponsible Corporate Plutocrats (London: Arktos, 2022).

[37] Good introductions to these fields can be found in Frank Salter, On Genetic Interests: Family, Ethnicity, and Humanity in an Age of Mass Migration (London: Routledge, 2006); J. Phillipe Rushton, Race, Evolution, and Behavior: A Life History Perspective Third Edition (Port Huron, MI: Charles Darwin Research Institute, 2000); and Andrew Fraser, The WASP Question: An Essay on the Biocultural Evolution, Present Predicament, and Future Prospects of the Invisible Race (London: Arktos, 2011).

[38] Wolfe, Christian Nationalism, 176.

[39] Jung-Freud, “Why the Euraces (Or European Races) Need Their Own COVENANT(s) in a One-Truth and One-Power World” https://www.unz.com/jfreud/why-the-euracesor-european-races-need-their-own-covenants-in-a-one-truth-and-one-power-world/

[40] I deal with this question in Andrew Fraser, “Anglo-Republicanism and the Rebirth of British History: Why Virtuous WASPs Must Challenge the Corrupt Globalist Plutocracy Misgoverning the Anglosphere,” (Fall 2021) 21(3) The Occidental Quarterly 3-58.  Available online at: https://mq.academia.edu/AndrewFraser

[41] See, e.g., Rabbi Deborah Waxman, PhD, “Ethnonationalism is a Grave Threat to Democracy” https://www.reconstructingjudaism.org/news/ethnonationalism-is-a-grave-threat-to-democracy/

Sweet Dreams of Christian Nationalism (But What About the Protestant Deformation, Globalist Churches, and Jewish Political Theology?) Part One

Introduction

Weak-willed Anglo-Protestants in Canada meekly acquiesced in official recognition by their federal government of Jewish political theology in the form of the Holocaust mythos.  This is hardly surprising in light of their failure a few years earlier to resist repeal of a milquetoast Criminal Code provision prohibiting only the most egregiously vulgar displays of blasphemous libel.[i]  Having already surrendered the historical theological hegemony of Protestant Christianity in English Canada, Anglo-Protestants hardly seem likely to resurrect the ethnoreligious mythos which inspired the Old English church of their medieval ancestors.  Such Protestant pusillanimity stands in stark contrast to the aggressively ethnocentric political theology of organized Jewry, not just in Canada, but across the entire Anglosphere.  If contemporary WASPs had any self-respect, they would rush to remedy the absence of a spiritually compelling, bioculturally adaptive, Anglican/Anglo-Protestant ethnotheology.

Optimism on that score is probably unwarranted, however.  Few WASPs know or care much about their ethnoreligious origins.  Even most members of the Anglican church believe that it came into being with the sixteenth-century Protestant Reformation.  It was then that Henry VIII formally broke with Rome for reasons of state.  Before then, the ecclesia Anglicana had been absorbed within the institutional framework of a papal monarchy asserting universal jurisdiction.  Allied with a French-speaking, Anglo-Norman ruling class, the Roman Catholic papacy had no reason to preserve the explicitly ethnoreligious character of the Old English Church.  Nor did the break with the papacy precipitate an Anglo-Saxon ethnoreligious revival; beyond replacing the Pope with the King as the formal head of the Church of England, the new state religion retained its traditional commitment to the catholicity of the Three Creeds enshrined in the Thirty-Nine Articles.  But, whatever the intentions of those who set the Protestant Reformation in motion, over the next few centuries, the combined impact of English and American Protestantism deformed beyond recognition the very idea of Christian nationhood.

As James Kurth writes, the doctrinal base of the Anglo-Protestant Reformation “protested against the idea that the believer achieves salvation through a hierarchy or a community, or even the two in combination.”  Of course, the reformed Church of England “accepted hierarchy and community for certain purposes, such as church governance and collective undertakings [but] they rejected them for the most important of purposes, reaching the state of salvation.”  Protestant reformers held that “the believer receives salvation through an act of grace by God.”  It is divine grace that “produces in its recipient the faith in God and salvation that converts him into a believer.”  Hence, “reformers placed great emphasis on the Word, as revealed in the written words of the Bible.”  They denied that only a priestly hierarchy could deliver the right interpretation of the Bible to individual believers.  Indeed, authoritative hierarchies were more likely to impede the work of divine grace upon individual believers seeking a direct relationship with God through personal study of the Holy Scriptures.[ii]

The initial “Protestant rejection of hierarchy and community in regard to salvation spread to their rejection in regard to other domains of life as well.”  From the beginning, “some Protestant churches rejected hierarchy and community in regard to church governance and local undertakings.”  Nowhere were such anti-institutional tendencies more pronounced than “in the new United States, where the conjunction of the open frontier and the disestablishment of churches in the several states enabled the flourishing of new unstructured and unconstrained denominations.”[iii]

Over the past five-hundred years, the Protestant faith gradually lost its spiritual intensity, a process which began when salvation by grace was replaced by the “half-way covenant” in which grace could be evidenced by works.[iv]  Then, even “the idea of the necessity of grace began to fade.”  Once “work in the world was no longer seen as a sign of grace but as a good in itself,” good works offered the promise of personal salvation.  The transformation of religious experience into a personal relationship to God was an early expression of Anglo-Protestant individualism.  In our own time, the transformation of religion into a personal and private matter has culminated in the recognition of universal human rights as the sacred birthright of every individual.  According to Kurth, “this means that human rights are applicable to any individual, anywhere in the world.”

Thus, “the ultima ratio of the secularization of the Protestant religion” has become an “expressive individualism” in which the imperial self is free to express his/her/its “contempt for and protest against all hierarchies, communities, traditions, and customs.”  In other words, Kurth writes, “the long declension of the Protestant Reformation has reached its end point in the Protestant Deformation,” producing a religion without God, “a reformation against all forms.”[v]

Expressive individualism in America was inspired by the romantic-humanistic ethic prevalent among Progressive reformers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, most of whom were middle-class WASPs.  But it was the massive wave of immigration from southern and central Europe which provided the raw material enabling the WASP clerisy to manufacture the cosmopolitan spirit characteristic of urban America during the Progressive Era.

Confronted with the tightly-packed masses of immigrants in New York and Chicago, middle-class reformers learned “to interpret Protestant Christianity in a very peculiar, almost secular way.”  In adapting “the tenets of egalitarian humanism to their polyglot, culturally-charged context,” the reform movement established “settlement houses” to assist alien newcomers in adjusting to life in America.  Anglo-Protestant reformers such as Jane Addams and John Dewey led the campaign to recognize and accept immigrant cultures “as a ‘gift’ to the American amalgam.”  They implored the American nation “to shed its Anglo-Saxon ethnic core and develop a culture of cosmopolitan humanism, a harbinger of impending global solidarity.”[vi]  Other Anglo-Protestant reformers such as William James urged their fellow WASPs to embrace a pragmatic approach to religious experience, choosing whichever “type of religion is going to work better in the long run.”  It did not matter much whether God was dead, so long as “we form at any rate an ethical republic here below.”[vii]

An American century later, Kurth notes that, by then, almost every nation with a Protestant religious tradition has “by now adopted some version of the human rights ideology.”[viii]  One might add that the many manifestations of Anglo-Protestant humanism in various corners of the Anglosphere do not always maintain logical consistency.  In Canada, for example, the offence of blasphemous libel was removed from the Criminal Code in the name of the universal human right to free expression just four years before the decision to criminalize anyone who condones, denies, or downplays the Jewish Holocaust.[ix]  No-one should be surprised to learn that organized Jewry overwhelmingly approved both pieces of legislation.  After all, Jews are now held up as exemplary victims of those who would deny or abuse human rights.  At the same time, however, neither measure appears to have encountered any serious opposition from Anglo-Canadian Protestants, even though both (especially taken together) would have been interpreted as deformations of Christian nationhood by earlier generations of Protestants in English Canada.  Almost everywhere in the Anglosphere, such Protestant deformations of traditional Christian mores have been consecrated, sooner or later, by globalist churches with the full support of the Holocaust industry.

All too often, either the Church of England or its Anglican successors in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States have been in the vanguard of that moral declension.  We need to understand the historical roots of such dysgenic institutional behavior.  Unfortunately, even the recent rise to prominence of “Christian nationalism” in the USA is unlikely to reverse the Protestant Deformation.

Christian Nationalism, American-Style

A recent book by Stephen Wolfe making The Case for Christian Nationalism has much to recommend it.[x]  As an unapologetic paleoconservative, the author blames the postwar Global American Empire (GAE) for undermining Christian nationhood at home in the USA, perhaps terminally.  “In the New America,” he observes, “the ground of patriotic sentiment is away from the Old America.  Thus, civic holidays, national heroes, memorials, and patriotic events are all colored according to the grand narrative of progress.”  Even mainstream conservatives are committed to the progressivist narrative of US history, so much so that they are the staunchest supporters of the military which, they believe, fights to defend “the American way of life.”  But, despite his experience as a West Point graduate serving in the U.S. army in the world-wide “fight for democracy,” Wolfe now advises young men not to get “blown up in the name of liberal imperialism; shed blood to open up markets for Netflix and Pornhub; [or to] make the world safe for dudes in dresses.”[xi]

He holds the GAE responsible for undermining the moral and cultural foundations of Christian nationhood.  Not only has the imperial regime imposed homosexual marriage upon all the states by judicial fiat, it also steeps young minds in critical race theory and gender-bending ideology.  Meanwhile, the floodgates have been opened to a tidal wave of non-Western immigration, further eroding the once-dominant Anglo-Protestant character of American national identity.  Nevertheless, in opposition to the relentless onslaught of nihilistic disenchantment, Wolfe holds out the hope that Christian nationalism could inspire a “true revolt against the modern world.”  He believes in the possibility of “the pursuit of higher life—both the life to come and a life on earth that images that life to come.”  Indeed, he insists that Christians can still regard the world as their “inheritance in Christ.”  With undisguised passion, Wolfe presents Christian nationalism as “a collective will for Christian dominion in the world.”[xii]

But what prevents Christians from exercising the biblical mandate to exercise dominion over this world?  The problem, as Wolfe sees it, is essentially psychological.  American Christians “have been so conditioned to affirm what we feel to be good that the feeling determines for us what is true.  Conversely, we deny any thought that we feel is bad.”  Some beliefs, notably Christian nationalism, are psychologically more difficult for churchgoers to entertain than others.[xiii]

Most Anglo-American Protestants, for example, have long been conditioned, by both church and state, to regard religion as a private and personal matter.  Wolfe’s vision of Christian nationalism cuts across the grain of those habits of religious privatism.  For example, Wolfe calls upon civil government to protect and preserve the exclusively Christian identity of the nation by penalizing “open blasphemy and irreverence in the interest of public peace and Christian peoplehood.”  Few mainstream Christians will be “comfortable” with his argument that “Sabbath laws are just, because they remove distractions for holy worship.”[xiv]

Similarly, Wolfe’s case for upholding the legitimacy of traditional gender hierarchies has already attracted accusations of “misogyny.”  On this issue, however, Wolfe pulls no punches.  He declares that Americans “live under a gynocracy—a rule of women.”  He concedes that this “may not be apparent on the surface, since men still run many things.  But the governing virtues of America are feminine vices, associated with certain feminine virtues, such as empathy, fairness, and equality.”  Any such defense of “toxic masculinity” runs contrary to feminist norms eagerly enforced by the established secularist regime.  But Wolfe remains unrepentant, declaring flatly that the “rise of Christian nationalism necessitates the fall of gynocracy.”[xv]

Inevitably, therefore, the very idea of Christian nationalism represents an existential threat to the Woke liberal regime.  Wolfe bluntly characterizes “the secularist ruling class” as “the enemies of the church and, as such, enemies of the human race.”[xvi]  At the same time, he recognizes that to resist the moral and political consensus enforced by a godless regime, Christians must summon the hitherto absent strength of will necessary to affirm what is true even when it causes them enormous psychological discomfort.

To his credit, Wolfe admits that many Christian leaders deliberately undermine political action in opposition to the secularist regime.  Instead, they “advance a sort of Stockholm syndrome theology” which excludes “Christians from public institutions” but requires them “to affirm the language of universal dignity, tolerance, human rights, anti-nationalism, anti-nativism, multiculturalism, social justice, and equality.”  Wolfe deplores the fact that any Christian who “deviates from these dogmas” faces exclusion from the ranks of respectable churchgoers.[xvii]  What, then, is to be done?  Wolfe turns to Christian political theory in search of an answer.  Unfortunately, the result, even for many of his Christian readers, leaves much to be desired.

Nationalism and Christianity

Wolfe’s book has attracted wide interest in a multitude of online reviews and podcast discussions.  Understood as a political program, Wolfe’s conception of Christian nationalism is often pronounced DOA, dead on arrival.  For example, Neema Parvini, author of The Populist Delusion, dismisses Christian Nationalism as a “political fantasy.”[xviii]  In fairness, however, Wolfe himself readily agrees that, on the national level at least, the idea has little chance of success.  He does not present the book as a viable “action plan.”[xix]  Instead, he sets out the principles that should guide any Christian nation.  Wolfe’s preferred model of Christian nationalism is grounded in a Reformed Presbyterian version of two-kingdoms theology which distinguishes between God’s redemptive work of salvation and his providential governance of earthly affairs.

Accordingly, he defines Christian nationalism in the following manner:

Christian nationalism is a totality of national action, consisting of civil laws and social customs, conducted by a Christian nation as a Christian nation, in order to procure for itself both earthly and heavenly good in Christ.[xx]

In other words, “Christian nationalism is nationalism modified by Christianity” which is to say that “the Gospel does not supersede, abrogate, eliminate, or fundamentally alter generic nationalism, it assumes and completes it.”  Apart from Christianity, therefore:

Nationalism refers to a totality of national action, consisting of civil laws and social customs, conducted by a nation as a nation, in order to procure for itself both earthly and heavenly good. [xxi]

According to Wolfe, “the specific difference between generic nationalism and Christian nationalism is that, for the latter, Christ is essential to obtaining the complete good.”  The ordering of people to heavenly life would have been “a natural end for even the generic nation” but for the fall.  “Had Adam not fallen, the nations of his progeny would have ordered themselves to heavenly life.”  Following the advent of Christ as the Redeemer, “the Gospel is now the sole means to heavenly life.”  If nations are to achieve their “complete good,” even “earthly goods ought to be ordered to Christ.”  Without Christ, pagan and secularist nations may be “true nations but they are incomplete nations.  Only the Christian nation is a complete nation.”[xxii]

Wolfe situates all nations and nationalisms, Christian or otherwise, within a Reformed Presbyterian vision of salvation history.  Wolfe describes his argument as a “Christian political theory” rather than a “political theology” grounded in his own biblical exegesis.  His understanding of Scripture relies instead upon the work of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Reformed theologians.  That Reformed tradition developed within a metanarrative framework established by Augustine of Hippo (354–430 AD).  Augustine and the later Reformed tradition posit a fundamental metaphysical distinction between the City of Man and the City of God.  Both interpret Scripture through the lens of a Hellenistic hermeneutic envisioning the creation ex nihilo and future destruction of the earthly world as the appearance and foreordained disappearance of corruptible material existence following the Day of Judgement.[xxiii]

Augustine’s neo-Platonic cosmology presupposed the absolute dependence of both mankind and the material world itself upon an omnipotent, omniscient, and omnipresent God.  Following in Augustine’s footsteps, Wolfe believes that modern Americans seduced by the delights of mortal life in Mammon have wandered far from heavenly goods, thereby losing sight of “the invisible things of God.”  Given the inherent difficulty mortal beings experience in apprehending such invisible divine “objects,” Wolfe, too, recognizes our spiritual debt to the revealed Word of God.  He holds fast to the Augustinian doctrine that, guided by the light of the Gospel, Christian nations should view their entire existence as a journey towards the unchangeable heavenly life, and their affections should be entirely fixed upon that.[xxiv]

It follows that “politics” in every Christian nation must be understood as “the art of establishing and cultivating necessary conditions for social life for the good of man.”  The point of a Christian political life comes from God; it must aim to create civil governments capable of shoring up the social order “for man’s complete good.”  In other words, the difference between generic nationalism and Christian nationalism is that the latter “expresses a Christian nation’s will for heavenly good in Christ and that all lesser goods are oriented to the higher good.” [xxv]

Presented in such universalistic, all-encompassing terms, Wolfe’s “Christian political theory” transforms “politics” into “public administration.”  Civil government, he says, must aim to identify the most effective earthly means within any given society to realize a heavenly destiny common to faithful believers in every Christian nation.

Action versus Behavior in Political Theory

In this context, the “totality of national action” is better understood as a socially ordered system of behavior premised upon the existence of one common interest, i.e., the interest of every Christian society not just in its own earthly survival and collective vitality but also in the heavenly salvation of every believer.  Public administration, as distinguished from politics, may become detached from natural persons and lodged instead in a social life-process which requires that human behavior conform to the developmental needs (both spiritual and material) of society.  Wolfe seems unaware that “politics,” strictly speaking, originally required the institutionalization of a realm of freedom in which civic action became possible.

The distinction between “action” and “behavior” was central to Hannah Arendt’s political theory.  In her view, “action” was the means by which the individual could distinguish himself from others in the public realm.  For a citizen to leave the private sphere of the household “to devote one’s life to the affairs of the city demanded courage” because entry into the “political realm had first to be ready to risk his life, and too great a love for life obstructed freedom, was a sure sign of slavishness.”  With the administrative victory of society over the public realm, the possibility of individual action gives way to the statistical regularities of human behavior, while the equality of men possessed of the acknowledged right to reveal themselves in their own distinctive public persona becomes degraded into conformism to the assumed common interest of society as a whole.[xxvi]

Not only does Wolfe’s “Christian political theory” fail to offer an “action plan,” it fails even to recognize the existential need for a public realm.  It is only in such a res publica that individuals, families, tribes, and nations are able to distinguish themselves, one from the other, through exemplary modes of civic action.  Such recognition of the distinctive character of political life has been the exception rather than the rule in human affairs.  Arendt may have been concerned primarily with the phenomenology of politics, but she well understood that the unique character of a civic mode of action was first discovered in ancient Greece, most famously in the Athenian polis.[xxvii]  To fully understand the early experience of politics and its decline in the totally administered societies characteristic of the modern transnational corporate welfare state, it is necessary to study, not just its biocultural preconditions but their historical development and the history of theological-political subversion.  Unfortunately, Wolfe’s argument treats Christianity, nationalism, politics, and civil government in generic, free-floating terms altogether detached from the biocultural history and theological presuppositions of any particular Christian nation.

Christian Meier observes that “ever since the Renaissance it has been possible to use the word politics to designate any action of which the state is capable.”  Wolfe simply assumes that this modern sense of the term effectively delimits its meaning, past, present, and future.  In classical Athenian democracy, however, the polis became identical with its citizens and “the majority of citizens gained supreme authority (with the help of those nobles who placed themselves in their service).”  For Aristotle, the word political meant “appropriate to the polis.”  His concept of politics denoted it as “the science of the highest good attainable through human action.”  Politics presupposed the unity of the citizenry as a whole: “the general civic interest…transcended all particularist interests.”  As a consequence, “there was no way in which anything resembling a state could establish centralized power or state institutions that were divorced from society.”[xxviii]

This great experiment in participatory politics rested on the “importance of familial and religious piety in Athenian democracy.”  Indeed, “those who failed in their familial, religious, or military duties” could be excluded from the polis.  The civic unity of the polis “was founded on family, patriarchy, community, military courage, common ancestry, and an intense patriotism.”  Indeed, it has been said that Athenian democracy was based upon a prototype of “racial citizenship.”  In contrast to other Greeks, “Athenians claimed to be racially pure…having supposedly sprung from the Attic soil as true autochtones.”  Bolstered by that myth of autochthony, the direct democratic politics associated with Athenian citizenship “was grounded in strong racial identity and pride in one’s lineage.”  In short, Athens was “a spirited and nativist democracy” in which even prominent residents not of Athenian blood (such as Aristotle) were excluded from citizenship.[xxix]

There was also an important geopolitical dimension to the character of the Athenian polity.  This can be seen in the contrast between Athens and Sparta.  In the eyes of an imperial power such as the mighty, multinational, military monarchy of Persia, Athens and Sparta represented a Greek power which “was that of patriotic, fractious little republics, defined by civic freedom.”  The particular forms of civic power in each city-state emerged out of very different geopolitical circumstances.  Sparta was a land power characterized by autarchy, hierarchy, community, and a rigorous military discipline organized to guard against the danger of rebellion by an enslaved population of helots.  Athens was a sea power in which international trade and a strong navy encouraged a commercial culture, democracy, individualism, and technology.[xxx]

Guillaume Durocher suggests that “Athens embodied the long-term superiority of dynamic commercial, democratic-individualist, and technologically advanced systems over static, austere, hierarchical-communitarian, and primitive ones.”  Like the modern, Anglo-Saxon thalassocracies in Great Britain and the United States, Athens was “dynamic and expansive in peacetime” while “able to adopt sufficiently hierarchical-communitarian characteristics in wartime.”[xxxi]

At the same time, the high level of social solidarity in both polities and its vital contribution to their respective war-fighting abilities gave the Greeks a sophisticated and distinctive understanding of the friend-enemy distinction.  A bright-line distinction was drawn between one’s enemies inside the polis and outsiders threatening society as a whole.  The modern German jurist Carl Schmitt identified the difference between friend and foe as the existential essence of politics.  He took note of the gradations in the Greek understanding of enmity encoded in the koine dialect of ancient Greek and later carried over into the New Testament.  Unfortunately, the linguistic precision of the Greek original was lost when translated into English or German.  As we have seen, Wolfe relies upon English versions of Reform theology for his rare forays into biblical exegesis.  He may never have recognized, therefore, that the (mis)translation of Matthew 5:43-44 conceals a fundamental fault line between idealist and realist political theologies.

When Jesus enjoined his followers to “love your enemies,” he was not laying the moral foundation of Christian pacifism.  Wolfe is no pacifist, however; he vigorously defends the martial virtues “as a necessary feature of masculine excellence.”[xxxii]  Nevertheless, like most Christians, Wolfe strenuously resists the temptation to build our identities by discriminating between “us” and “them.”  Having internalized the anti-discrimination ethos of the civil rights revolution, many Christians mistakenly believe that Jesus asked his followers to “love” their persecutors.  As a matter of fact, he merely urged them to “pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you” (Matt.5:44).  Carl Schmitt took a more realistic view of the Sermon on the Mount.  He tackled the translation issue, clarifying what Jesus meant when asking his audience to love their “enemies.”  In the Greek original, Jesus uses the word echthroi to denote persons who might be “private” or “personal” enemies of their fellow citizens (or, in this context, fellow Jews engaged alongside him in a spiritual battle to fulfill the law of Old Covenant Israel).  He was not talking about the “public” or “alien” enemies (polemoi) of the Jewish people as a whole.[xxxiii]

Unless one keeps that distinction in mind, Christian charity can easily degenerate into a pathological altruism incapable of addressing existential threats to one’s nation as such.  Christian nationalism should be based upon a realist political theology which, in turn, should ground itself in a multi-dimensional understanding of the history and biocultural foundations of every Christian nation.

The Origins and Ends of Mankind in History and Christian Mythology

History can be understood as an intellectual discipline providing narrative or analytical accounts of past events based upon the empirical investigation of more or less reliable sources.  It is worth noting that “scientific” history in this sense was the product of two Greeks writing in the fifth century BC.  According to R.G. Collingwood, Herodotus and Thucydides “quite clearly recognized both that history is, or can be, a science and that it has to do with human actions.”  Their histories were not legends; they were research.  They were “an attempt to get answers to definite questions about matters of which one recognizes that one is ignorant.”[xxxiv]  Nothing could be further from this methodology than Wolfe’s universal, one size fits all, and thoroughly unscientific schema of salvation history.

Needless to say, the study of human biocultures is also a scientific enterprise which relies upon the empirical study of interactions between biological and cultural phenomena as they have evolved within various population groups.  By contrast, Wolfe’s account of Christian nationalism simply presupposes a neo-Augustinian vision of the divinely-ordained stages of the salvation history of mankind, a generic “Christian narrative of creation, fall, redemption, and glorification.”[xxxv]  This story presents the past, present, and future of humanity in general as it unfolds in four stages: a state of integrity; a state of sin; a state of grace; and, finally, the state of glory.

Wolfe’s speculative account of the prelapsarian state of integrity is truly breathtaking in what one critic describes as its intellectual irresponsibility.  He spends an entire chapter describing the sort of “civil fellowship” that Adam’s progeny would have arranged but for the fall.  As Bob Stevenson observes, Wolfe’s vision of the prelapsarian world rests on the biblical account found in

61 verses, comprised of 1,253 words describing the world before our first parents saw the goodness of the forbidden fruit, took and ate.  If we only include the parts where humanity exists—and thereby human society, sociability, diversity of gifts, normative roles etc.—that number is reduced to 36 verses, consisting of 764 words.[xxxvi]

It is impossible to construct an account of what a counter-factual prelapsarian world would look like on the basis of those 764 words.  Wolfe’s uses his own reason and imagination to reconstruct the structure of the unfallen world that might have been.  Wolfe contends that families, tribes, nations, and cultural diversity would all have been natural in the original state of integrity.  So, too, would have been hierarchy and the need for the masculine leadership and the martial virtues essential to self-preservation.  Wolfe’s portrait of the state of integrity calls to mind the image of the sinless noble savage and is equally devoid of evidence grounded in physical or cultural paleo-anthropology. Wolfe appears to be one of those Christians for whom it has long been “standard doctrine that every member of the human race is descended from the biblical Adam.”  How interesting, therefore, that it was a seventeenth-century “Calvinist of Portuguese Jewish origin from Bordeaux” who challenged Christian orthodoxy with the “beguilingly simple” claim “the human beings existed before the biblical Adam.”[xxxvii]

The impact of Isaac La Peyrère (1596–1676) on theological hermeneutics was such that many modern Christian scholars now accept that, in Hebrew hermeneutics, Adam need not be, and probably was not conceived as the first human being (see also Andrew Joyce’s comments, here and here).  On that reading, sin was in the world well before Adam.  Adam’s story was not about universal human origins but rather about the origins of Israel.  Having been created at the exodus and brought to the promised land of Canaan, Israel was bound by a law which it disobeys, suffering exile as a consequence.  In this way, “Israel’s drama—its struggles over the land and failure to follow God’s law—is placed into primordial time.”[xxxviii] In other words, the biblical Adam is better understood in mythical terms as proto-Israel.

In any case, after the fall, according to Wolfe’s rendition of the orthodox Reformed hermeneutic, the world becomes subject for the first time to sin, creating the need to augment the powers of civil government to suppress sin and maintain civil order.  With the advent of Christ, however, the redemption of mankind becomes possible and “Christians take up the task of true and complete humanity.”  Wolfe contends that “restorative grace sets the redeemed apart on earth—constituting a redeemed humanity on earth—and, on that basis, Christians can and ought to exercise dominion in the name of God.”  In that way, “grace perfects nature.”  Christians “are perfected for heavenly life but also restored in their perfection for obedience in earthly life.”[xxxix]  Wolfe never considers the possibility that the mission of the historical Jesus was limited in scope: i.e., the redemption of Old Covenant Israel, not humanity at large.


[i] Few people were ever prosecuted for blasphemous libel in Canada, the last in 1935.  This was probably a consequence of the giant loophole in s. 296(3) of the Criminal Code:No person shall be convicted of an offence under this section for expressing in good faith and in decent language, or attempting to establish by argument used in good faith and conveyed in decent language, an opinion on a religious subject.”  There is a similar exemption [see, s. 319(3)(1)(c)] in the recently enacted law prohibiting denial, downplaying, or condoning of the Holocaust.  One might reasonably expect more vigorous efforts to be pursued by organized Jewry in contesting the application of that exemption clause whenever cases of public skepticism or outright denial of the Holocaust are deemed threatening to their theopolitical interests.

[ii] James Kurth, “The Protestant Deformation and American Foreign Policy,” (1998) 42(2) Orbis 221, at 225-226.

[iii] Ibid., 227.

[iv] Perry Miller, “The Half-Way Covenant,” (1933) 6(4) New England Quarterly 676.

[v] Kurth, “Protestant Deformation,” 229, 236.

[vi] Eric P. Kaufmann, The Rise and Fall of Anglo-America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 95-98.

[vii] Eugen McCarraher, Christian Critics: Religion and the Impasse in Modern American Social Thought (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000), 15.

[viii] Kurth, “Protestant Deformation,” 237.

[ix] For the common law background to s.296 of the Criminal Code (as it then was) and an illustration of the liberal conventional wisdom successfully calling for its repeal ten years later, see Jeremy Patrick, “Not Dead, Just Sleeping: Canada’s Prohibition on Blasphemous Libel as a Case Study in Obsolete Legislation,” (2008) 41 University of British Columbia Law Review 193.

[x] Stephen Wolfe, The Case for Christian Nationalism (Moscow, ID: Canon Press, 2022).

[xi] Ibid., 435-438.

[xii] Ibid., 443, 447-448.

[xiii] Ibid., 454-455.

[xiv] Ibid., 31.

[xv] Ibid., 448, 454.

[xvi] Ibid., 455-456.

[xvii] Ibid., 4-5.

[xviii] Neema Parvini, “Christian Nationalism Is a Political Fantasy” December 1, 2022 https://chroniclesmagazine.org/view/christian-nationalism-is-a-political-fantasy/; see also, The Populist Delusion (Perth: Imperium Press, 2022).

[xix] Wolfe, Christian Nationalism, 433.

[xx] Ibid., 9.

[xxi] Ibid., 11.

[xxii] Ibid., 15.

[xxiii] Augustine, City of God Against the Pagans, ed. And trans. R.W. Dyson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), bk. XX, ch.1, 965.

[xxiv] Cf., Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, (Radford, VA: Wilder Publications, 2013), 12-14, 22.

[xxv] Wolfe, Christian Nationalism, 89, 180.

[xxvi] Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958), 36, 40-44; see also, Hanna Fenichel Pitkin, The Attack of the Blob: Hannah Arendt’s Concept of the Social (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998).

[xxvii] Christian Meier, The Greek Discovery of Politics trans. David McLintock (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990).

[xxviii] Ibid., 14, 20-21.

[xxix] Guillaume Durocher, “Athens: A Spirited and Nativist Democracy,” (Fall 2018) 18(3) The Occidental Quarterly, 74-75, 78; See also, Susan Lape, Race and Citizen Identity in the Classical Athenian Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), ix, 59.

[xxx] Ibid., 72.

[xxxi] Ibid., 73, 80.

[xxxii] Wolfe, Christian Nationalism, 76.

[xxxiii] Cf. Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political trans. George Schwab (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1976), 28-29.

[xxxiv] R.G. Collingwood, The Idea of History (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), 17-18.

[xxxv] Wolfe, Christian Nationalism, 41.

[xxxvi] Bob Stevenson, “The Case for Christian Nationalism: A Review (Part Two).” https://bobstevenson.net/the-case-for-christian-nationalism-a-review-part-ii-84384e87eab1

[xxxvii] David N. Livingstone, Adam’s Ancestors: Race, Religion, and the Politics of Human Origins (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), 5, 26,33.

[xxxviii] Peter Enns, The Evolution of Adam: What the Bible Does and Doesn’t Say About Human Origins (Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press, 2012), 65-66.

[xxxix] Wolfe, Christian Nationalism, 100, 101, 110-111.

Jeffrey Epstein: A Jewish Individual? Review of “One Nation under Blackmail”

One Nation Under Blackmail: The Sordid Union between Intelligence and Organized Crime that Gave Rise to Jeffrey Epstein (Volume 1 & 2)
Whitney Webb
Trine Day, 2022

Far from being an anomaly, Epstein was one of several men who, over the past century, have engaged in sexual blackmail activities designed to obtain damaging information (i.e., “intelligence”) on powerful individuals with the goal of controlling their activities and securing their compliance.”[1]

Jeffrey Epstein is dead and Ghislaine Maxwell is locked away in prison, and the thought-makers of our world seem keen to let the more explosive parts of the scandal dissipate from the public consciousness. As far as the mainstream media is concerned, Epstein and Maxwell were little more than well-connected socialites who ran a sex-trafficking ring for the rich and the powerful, and the focus has shifted instead to the criminal and civil cases seeking to achieve redress for the victims of sexual abuse.

On occasion some newspaper articles will mention the hidden cameras littered across Epstein’s properties, others the reams of CDs and hard drives found within them during the FBI raids. Altogether missing from the Netflix documentaries (Jeffrey Epstein: Filthy Rich [2020] and Ghislaine Maxwell: Filthy Rich [2022]) or the articles that spend their time narrowly focusing on the links between Epstein and Bill Gates, is the acknowledgement of the true nature of Epstein himself and the ultimate purpose of this sex-trafficking of minors — a sexual blackmail operation.

Not everyone is cowardly enough to let these controversial aspects lie untouched, as the newly released two-volume book One Nation Under Blackmail by independent reporter Whitney Webb seeks to blow wide open this media-enforced blackout. Utilizing primarily open-source information (that is, publicly accessible information such as books, newspaper articles and government reports),[2] Webb’s book delves into the life and times of Jeffrey Epstein and his deep ties to Jewish billionaires and Israeli intelligence. The intersection of sexual politics with Jewish power has long since been of interest to this writer, and the case of Jeffrey Epstein is easily one of the most damning instances, as evident by the large amount of popular interest in the story. A selection of other books on the Epstein/Maxwell case has appeared in bookshops over the past two years, but a cursory glance through their pages and at their appendices, where the words ‘Israel,’ ‘Jewish,’ and ‘Zionism’ are conspicuously lacking, shows you how surface-level they are in comparison to Webb’s book.

As Webb details extensively throughout the first volume, using sexual blackmail[3] to achieve political ends is far from being an Epstein innovation; it is almost certainly a tactic he learned from others in the murky world where crime meets intelligence. Nor is it something exclusive to Jews. But one can’t help but notice a consistent ethnic pattern in the known major perpetrators of this sort of behavior in Western countries. I have previously written about the Australian variety, where Jewish underworld figure Abe Saffron acquired compromising pictures of prominent Australians (more often than not with underage prostitutes) and leveraged this for his own nefarious ends. Webb (in Chapter 2: Booze and Blackmail) outlines in detail the blackmail operations run by mob-linked figures Lewis Rosenstiel and Roy Cohn from a bugged suite at the Plaza Hotel in New York. Other non-Jews that Webb identifies as running parallel schemes, such as Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi or Craig Spence, were likewise deeply enmeshed in the same circles (Khashoggi in fact worked for Israeli intelligence).

Ultimately what is most frightening about the Epstein case, and what makes it stands out from the rest, is the sophistication of the operation, the high profile of the targets—from sitting US presidents to senior members of the British Royal Family—and the extraordinary lengths gone to in order to protect Epstein and avoid the true nature of his activities being exposed. It was as if there was something important at the heart of it all, something worthy of being protected by those in power, with lots at stake lest it be brought into public view. On a number of occasions Webb points to the underreported comments attributed to Alex Acosta, the attorney who gave Epstein his infamous plea deal in 2007, who allegedly told the Trump White House transition team that he backed off upon being told that Epstein “belonged to intelligence.”[4] At every stage where Epstein came under scrutiny, from his first legal conviction, to his second arrest and the questionable circumstances of his death, and even in the post-mortem coverage of his indiscretions, forces seemingly moved in the background to obscure and obfuscate, to clean up the mess and avoid as much detail be allowed to come to light as possible.

Like many books published by small dissident publishers with limited resources, both volumes would have been improved with editing for a more streamlined narrative, as neither makes for easy reading. Without a familiarity with the major events and actors described throughout each densely-packed chapter, the connections and the significance of the interactions between people are sometimes difficult to comprehend. Webb’s sources are conveniently compiled in endnotes at the conclusion of each chapter, and she uncovers a level of detail that makes it a worthy resource for your bookshelf that you will inevitably return to when trying to remember a name or make sense of a connection. Nevertheless, as this review concludes, the book falls short of providing a satisfying answer to the questions that readers of The Occidental Observer would go into it having, and shies away from responding to the most glaring aspects of the Epstein case of all.

ONE NATION UNDER BLACKMAIL

The central thesis of the book is that there has historically been a connection between organized crime and intelligence agencies in America, where the two are in some cases so intensely interwoven in their activities that it is difficult to tell where one ends and the other begins. This thesis, Webb claims, allows us to understand the nature of Jeffrey Epstein and his mysterious life, and that Epstein is one of many such nefarious actors who have operated on the margins of legitimacy. Volume 1 begins in the first half of the twentieth century, where Webb argues that the first connection between intelligence and organised crime was forged in America during the midst of World War II, in an undertaking known as Operation Underworld. This collaboration, specifically between the National Crime Syndicate (an alliance between the Italian and Jewish mobs) and the forerunners of the modern intelligence apparatus, came out of a sort of national security necessity that reaped geo-political dividends and continued after 1945 and into the Cold War.

Though intriguing, many of the chapters of Volume 1 deal with events and personalities of more limited relevance to the main Epstein blackmail story, covering the web of intrigue and scandal surrounding things such as Watergate, the BCCI, the China Lobby, and more obscure events like Billygate and Koreagate. Those chapters dealing with the spiritual forebears of Jeffrey Epstein are the ones that provide the most context and are the most enlightening to read. Webb presents a wealth of information about the history of the Jewish mob and other powerful Jewish figures during the middle years of the twentieth century, when wider Jewish political and cultural influence was beginning to solidify within America and the West. The cast of Jewish characters implicated in major American criminal, financial and political scandals, especially those with a direct line of descent to the Epstein blackmail operation, is staggering: the Bronfman family, Roy Cohn, Bruce Rappaport, Meyer Lanksy, Lewis Rosenstiel, Marc Rich, Max Fisher, Edmond Safra, and Robert Maxwell.

In Chapter 3, “Organised Crime and the State of Israel,” Webb underscores that much of the support given to the Zionist paramilitary groups that operated prior to the foundation of Israel—in the form of smuggled arms and funding—came from criminal networks. Canadian-Jewish liquor barons the Bronfman family, who participated in bootlegging during prohibition, financed the purchase of weapons for Haganah troops. Other Jewish mob figures with Zionist sympathies donated large sums and aided the Zionist cause during Israel’s formative years. This criminal collusion was, in Israel’s case, ongoing throughout its history and was “baked in at the very foundations of, not only its intelligence services, but the origins of the state itself.”[5]

Chapter 9, “High Tech Treason,” introduces us to Robert Maxwell, British media mogul and Israel’s Superspy, another figure of importance in Epstein’s younger years, who jumped almost seamlessly between the roles of organized crime associate and intelligence agent. Webb explores Maxwell’s involvement with the Eastern Bloc mob, including when he lobbied Israel to grant Semion Mogilevich an Israeli passport, allowing him access to the US financial system, and the PROMIS scandal, whereby Maxwell helped Israeli intelligence sell bugged computer software to governments and corporations around the world.

When MI6 attempted to recruit Maxwell for the service, it concluded, after conducting an extensive background check, that Maxwell was a “Zionist—loyal only to Israel.”[6]

Chapter 10, “Government by Blackmail: The Dark Secrets of the Reagan Era,” brings Volume 1 to a close, where many of the cast of disreputable characters revealed in earlier chapters come home to roost during the Reagan administration and the Iran-Contra scandal. The familiar figure of Roy Cohn appears again as a “political fixer” for the Reagan campaign, but Webb notes that Reagan’s intimacy with powerful Jewish figures with organised crime links goes all the way back to the very start of his career, with his mentor Lew Wasserman, the long-time president of Hollywood’s MCA, Inc. and “arguably the most powerful and influential Hollywood titan in the four decades after World War II,” acting as a political patron.

Roy Cohn meeting with President Reagan and Rupert Murdoch in the White House, circa 1983

JEFFREY’S SHIKSES

Volume 1 sets the stage for Volume 2, where the interwoven networks of people introduced come together to contextualize the world that Epstein sprang from. Webb covers the underreported early years of Epstein’s financial career in the 1970s and 1980s, which are filled with just as much criminal intrigue as his later years as sex criminal, including his role as a “financial bounty hunter” allegedly working for Saudi billionaire Adnan Khashoggi. His years as an investment banker at Bear Sterns, where he was seemingly brought directly into the company by Alan Greenberg,[7] sat for many years under a cloud of suspicion that he participated in an insider trading scheme carried out by the Bronfman-owned company Seagram. Epstein’s involvement with Steven Hoffenberg in what was at the time the largest uncovered Ponzi scheme in American financial history, Towers Financial Corporation, is yet another fascinating detail largely ignored elsewhere.

How and when Epstein was inducted into the world of intelligence cannot be accurately deduced, but Webb offers a number of potential scenarios, relating to his proximity to people such as Maxwell and Khashoggi. Elsewhere she points to the direct relationship Epstein seemingly had with the highest levels of the Israeli government. Former Israeli Prime Minister and military intelligence figure Ehud Barak, another close Epstein associate, claimed that he was first introduced to Epstein by none other than Shimon Peres.[8] Webb pins the beginning of the sexual blackmail scheme to some point in the early 1990s, around the time Ghislaine Maxwell latched onto Epstein following the death of her father.

Chapter 18, “Predators” deals with the nuts and bolts of the operation, exploring in detail the various methods both Epstein and Maxwell used to recruit and procure girls. Sometimes it was through friendships with the owners of modelling companies, other times it was as simple as Maxwell approaching a girl on the street and recruiting them for “massages.” Even literally purchasing underage Slavic girls from Eastern Europe was apparently a possibility for Epstein.[9] Their relationship with Les Wexner (Epstein was Wexner’s long-time money manager) also proved fruitful, using their connection with the popular Victoria’s Secret fashion chain—a brand owned by Wexner—to pose as recruiters.

Webb first came to my attention when she conducted an interview with Maria Farmer, considered the earliest Epstein victim to report him to the authorities. The interview is long, upwards of three hours, but well worth a listen, especially when Farmer begins to discuss how she was treated by the powerful Jewish figures surrounding Epstein:

I don’t know any White supremacists, but I know a lot of Jewish supremacists…They made is very clear that I was a servant [to them] because I was White.[10]

Farmer may be unfamiliar with the word shikse, but it perfectly describes how Epstein and Maxwell considered these young gentile girls ensnared in their net of abuse. The supposed “trope” of the Jewish man lusting after the shikse finds in Epstein yet another real-life example, with underage blonde girls being his victim of choice when satisfying his own urges. Former Ghislaine Maxwell friend Christina Oxenberg, quoted in the book from an at-the-time anonymous source, relayed a conversation she once had with Maxwell about who these women were that she was “recruiting.” Maxwell reportedly dismissed them with ease: “They’re nothing, these girls. They are trash.”[11]

On the other side of the operation was of course the hidden cameras and the recording equipment. The presence of these hidden cameras in Epstein’s properties is independently confirmed by a number of eyewitnesses, court documents and early newspaper articles that detail this curious addition to Epstein’s properties, and the existence of the CDs and hard drives to store the footage is a matter of public record, including from the latest FBI raid of Epstein’s New York mansion in 2019:

Per photographs taken at the time of the raid, hard drives were found inside a safe forced open by the FBI and numerous large black binders were found in a closet that contain “CDs, carefully categorized in plastic slipcovers and thumbnails with photos on them.” When shown in court, the “homemade labels” were redacted, as judge Alison Nathan had ruled that they contained “identifying information for third parties.” Did that information involve only the names of underage girls, the names of blackmail victims, or both?[12]

The FBI conveniently lacked the warrant to seize these items, and upon returning four days later with the correct warrant, the CDs and hard drives were gone. They were later handed over by Epstein’s lawyer, but having not had the chance to view what was on them, we can only assume that this was more than enough time to delete any incriminating files.

Epstein Schmoozing with elites. Left, from left: Epstein, Alan Dershowitz, Steven Pinker, unidentified man, and Larry Summers, presumably at Harvard. Right: with Ghislaine and Bill Clinton

Much has been made of the relationship that existed between Epstein and Donald Trump before they allegedly fell out with each other in 2004 over a property dispute in Palm Beach, Florida, but as Webb exposes in Chapter 16, “Crooked Campaigns,” Epstein and Maxwell had a far more politically intimate relationship with President Bill Clinton that coincided with his time in office and his early post-presidency years. Epstein visited the Clinton White House 17 times, and was apparently a prominent figure in the formation of the Clinton Global Initiative, which saw Clinton as a regular passenger on Epstein’s infamous plane, the “Lolita Express.” Webb refers to other attempts of sexual blackmail against Clinton, including in 1998 when Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu apparently threatened Clinton with tape recordings Israel had obtained proving outright that he had a sexual relationship with Monica Lewinsky, using them to pressure Clinton to pardon Israeli spy Jonathon Pollard.[13] It seems the Clinton White House, which was seeking a peaceful solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict, was of key interest.

Chapter 21, “From PROMIS to Palantir: The Future of Blackmail,” finishes off Volume 2 with the chilling insight that perhaps one of the reasons Epstein’s sexual blackmail operation collapsed was because it was allowed to collapse—it had become outdated and irrelevant. The advent of the permanent internet connection has brought about opportunities for far more widespread and even more intimate forms of blackmail, instead conducted and collected via electronic means. A technological panopticon whereby the cameras once placed by Epstein throughout his properties are instead now placed by big tech and social media companies in our own homes, omnipresent in our lives. After his 2008 conviction, both Epstein and Maxwell seemed to be shifting away from sexual blackmail and were making inroads in Silicon Valley and mixing with data-harvesting IT companies. Epstein’s previous ties with higher-ups at Microsoft and his financial support for John Brockman’s Edge Foundation gave him an in with plenty of big tech leaders, and he had re-branded himself as a tech investor, starting a company focused on collecting genetic data. Ghislaine’s siblings in the Maxwell family also have pedigree in the tech industry going back to the 1990s. As noted by Webb, “in a world where blackmail is overwhelmingly electronic, people like Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell become liabilities to be silenced, rather than assets to protect.”[14]

WHO, WHAT AND WHY?

Upon finishing Volume 2, I found that many of the questions raised by Webb still remained open. Who or what is “the system” that enabled Epstein and protected him from justice? If so many people knew, why was there such an institutional resistance to speak out about Epstein? And the most important question of all: what was goal behind collecting this sexual blackmail? Why were Epstein and his benefactors trying to control these victims? Unfortunately, Webb’s book does not provide a satisfying conclusion.

Webb does not shy away from pointing the finger at Israel or from discussing wider Zionist motivations and groups like B’nai B’rith. However, she stops frustratingly short of the obvious conclusions. Granted the reluctance is one that all those knowledgeable on the Jewish question are familiar with, and perhaps she simply avoids the discussion for the sake of keeping her book on Amazon and appealing to a wider audience, rather than have it be relegated to the ADL’s banned book department. But for an answer to the questions most readers are likely after, we are given nothing more than a few measly sentences concluding that the Epstein operation was instigated by Israeli intelligence and that those in the “power structure” and “the system”—the same people that made Epstein untouchable—have now strengthened their stranglehold over America. Ultimately, readers are given the impression that this blackmail was collected as control merely for the sake of control, power merely for the sake of power, without a deeper underpinning goal.

Upon being challenged during an interview by Jewish podcaster Adam Sosnick on the obvious Jewish identity of the key players, Webb retreats to the safe position: By referring to Israeli intelligence or Jewish criminals, one is not referring to all Jewish people, and one cannot conflate the Epstein network or powerful billionaire Zionists with the whole Jewish community, or ascribe any wider group motive to them. Sosnick also exhorts the listener to avoid speaking of groups and instead only of individuals, lest it breed hate.[15]

One is of course allowed to speak of the Chinese or Catholics or Russians in general terms and in a political sense as behaving out a sense of group identity and a sense of group interests, and it is sophistry to claim that the speaker is referring to every single Catholic in the world or every single Russian in the world. Regardless of which sociological theory of power you ascribe to, what is clearly being referred to is the organized community, the power structure that represents the wider in-group and operates towards a unique ingroup goal. In the case of the Russians, this is currently Putin and the Russian state apparatus, supplemented by the Russian military, media and business elite that do not dissent from achieving Russian strategic interests as determined by the state apparatus. For Catholics, it is the Vatican and the international network of dioceses, bolstered by the Catholic Universities, think tanks and charities. People are not forced to declare “not all Catholics” when dealing with the allegations of a cover-up of child sexual abuse within the church.

When one speaks of the Jews, it stands to reason that the same scenario should apply. That is, it quite reasonably refers to the organized Jewish community, including organizations like the ADL; the powerful figures in Israel and in the diaspora, as well as the religious and intellectual leaders, the business figures and the lobbying groups. Sure there are dissenters and outsiders, and of course there is internal debate and a difference of opinion on the best means for meeting its goals, but the organized Jewish community exists just the same, and remains firm in its fundamental goal of ensuring the security and survival of the Jewish people and the state of Israel.

Herein lies the problem for Webb and the reason behind the demand to treat Epstein as a mere “Jewish individual.” The network of powerful Jewish figures and institutions chronicled throughout Webb’s book is a network that is intimately connected to Jeffrey Epstein or to his blackmail operation: Robert Maxwell, the Pritzker Family, Larry Summers and Alan Dershowitz, Ehud Barak and Israeli intelligence, the world’s wealthiest Jewish families that formed the Mega Group (the Bronfman, Lauder and Wexner families). The list goes on and on. These are not powerless fringe figures or outsiders who are scorned by Jewish leaders or the wider Jewish community. They are the leaders of the organized Jewish community, some of whom practically direct Jewish-American cultural, political and even religious life. To remove them from the equation of power would be the equivalent of removing half of the highest-ranking members of the Vatican from the Catholic Church or leading members of the Chinese Communist Party from the Chinese state.

Using the phrase “the Jews” cuts the Gordian Knot at the heart of Webb’s attempt to understand Epstein, whom he was working for, and how he so effortlessly moved among the elite strata of society, why it was covered up, who stood to benefit from this blackmail operation, and what its ultimate aim was. With those two words, all the jumbled euphemisms of “elites” and “Zionists” melt away, and the confusing mix of organized crime and intelligence, legitimate and illegitimate enterprises seemingly working in unison with each other starts to become intelligible. The ease with which Epstein and Maxwell abused and then dismissed these young girls as mere “trash” makes more sense when you know the meaning behind the word shikse (an unclean abomination). The reason for the legal cover-up and the inhibition of the mainstream media to run the story, even when they have no direct connection to the Epstein network, is obvious when you know who the proprietors of most mainstream American media outlets are, and with whom both cultural and institutional power in the US now lies. All this interwoven association is merely two sides of the same coin—a system constructed to ensure the security of Israel and the survival of the Jewish people. To talk openly about Epstein’s true activities is to talk openly about the nature of Jewish power, and for that reason alone most will not do so, for fear of the Jews. In all, Webb has picked up the puzzle pieces and assembled them neatly on the board, but she refuses to take that final step back and honestly contemplate the picture she has pieced together.

What are we to make of the institutional silence and protection, and the dishonest shifting of the narrative to a mere sex-trafficking ring? What can you conclude from the attempt to declare anyone who dares point out the clear ethnic goal at the heart of this vile sexual blackmail operation an anti-Semitic conspiracy theorist? The only reasonable conclusion is that Epstein functioned with the support and backing of Jewry’s most powerful figures, and that the organised Jewish community is willing to conceal a criminal conspiracy of frightening proportions if it serves to benefit the Jews or would otherwise negatively affect them (by creating more anti-Jewish sentiment) if the American public knew the truth.

Had Epstein’s personal indiscretions not become too big to ignore and had it not all unravelled so spectacularly due to the pressure of the #MeToo movement, would Epstein also have been buried in honor like Robert Maxwell, with Israeli Prime Ministers and dignitaries lining up to give a tearful goodbye to yet another faithful servant to the Jewish people? If he had been released early from a prison sentence, would he also have been welcomed back to Israel with open arms like Jonathon Pollard? Epstein had already once been professionally rehabilitated by Jews after his first conviction, there’s no reason why it couldn’t have happened again.


[1] Webb, W 2022, One Nation Under Blackmail: The sordid union between Intelligence and Organised Crime that gave rise to Jeffrey Epstein (Volume 1), Trine Day, Oregon USA, p.IX.

[2] Webb does on occasion rely on interviews she conducted with figures close to the Epstein story such as Ari Ben-Menashe and Maria Farmer.

[3] As distinct from simply bribing someone with sex with a consulting adult, or honey pots traps, a tactic as old as time—think Samson and Delilah or modern versions such as the honeypot trap that captured Mordechai Vanunu.

[4] Vicki Ward, “Jeffrey Epstein’s Sick Story Played Out for Years in Plain Sight,” The Daily Beast (August 19, 2019). https://www.thedailybeast.com/jeffrey-epsteins-sick-story-played-out-for-years-in-plain-sight

[5] Webb, Op. Cit., p.93.

[6] Webb, Op. Cit., p.382.

[7] Webb, W 2022, One Nation Under Blackmail: The sordid union between Intelligence and Organised Crime that gave rise to Jeffrey Epstein (Volume 2), Trine Day, Oregon USA, p.6.

[8] Tarnopolsky, N 2019, ‘Ehud Barak: I Visited Epstein’s Island But Never Met Any Girls’, The Daily Beast, July 15, retrieved from: https://www.thedailybeast.com/israels-ehud-barak-i-visited-epsteins-island-but-never-met-any-girls

[9] Webb, Volume 2, Op. Cit., p.266-267.

[10] See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dtD02MeZU4o from 1:31 or so

[11] Webb, Volume 2, Op. Cit., p.276

[12] Ibid., p.58.

[13] Stoil, R. S 2014, ‘Netanyahu said to have offered Lewinsky tapes for Pollard’, The Times of Israel, July 23, retrieved from: https://www.timesofisrael.com/netanyahu-said-to-have-offered-lewinsky-tapes-for-pollard/

[14] Webb, Vol 2, Op. Cit., p.373.

[15] PBD Podcast 2020, The TRUTH About Jeffrey Epstein w/ Whitney Webb, Episode 198, retrieved from: https://youtu.be/GVVHWVoZ4kU?t=5978

Villains and Victims: An Unexpected Outbreak of Hate-Fact at the World’s Greatest Newspaper

Here’s a nerdy question that packs a powerful political punch: What is the etymology of “slave”? Few people know the answer and that’s just the way leftists like it, because the answer derails one of their central projects. And the answer is this: The word “slave” is derived from the word “Slav,” because the pagans of Eastern Europe were once routinely enslaved by the Christians of Western Europe. So routinely that the name of the nation became the word for the status.

Fair skin and beauty

It’s easy to see how this history derails one of the central projects of the left: to assign all villainy to Whites and all victimhood to non-Whites. Blacks are not unique in being violently seized and cruelly enslaved. Whites from Eastern Europe suffered the same fate. So did Whites from Western Europe. One of the most famous stories of early British history is — or used to be — that of how Pope Gregory the Great (540–604 AD) saw a group of beautiful children with fair skin at a slave-market in Rome. He asked what tribe they were from and was told that they were Angli, “Angles.” He replied: Non Angli, sed angeli, si forent Christiani — “Not Angles, but angels, if they were Christian.” Later in history, the fair skin and beauty of Whites were prized by the Muslim slavers who raided coastal settlements everywhere from Italy to Iceland. Muslims also obtained White slaves from greedy and unscrupulous Jewish slave-traders, as Andrew Joyce has described at the Occidental Observer.

Muslims enslaved Blacks in even greater numbers. And Muslims still enslave Blacks. But none of that history — the etymology of “slave,” the continuing Muslim enslavement of Blacks — helps the leftist project of assigning all villainy to Whites and all victimhood to non-Whites. So leftists do their best to ignore and censor it. As the liberal author Jeremy Black noted in his book Slavery: A New Global History (2011): “[The] period of Mamluk rule [in Muslim Egypt] was roughly equivalent in length to that of slavery in the USA, and it is an interesting sign of relative concerns that the attention devoted to slavery in the Mamluk empire and the USA is as a drop of water compared to an ocean.” (ch. 1, p. 33)

Jeremy Black is right: it is interesting. For example, it’s an interesting example of the left’s doublethink. One of the core principles of leftism is that we’re all the same under the skin. Blacks and Whites, men and women, gays and straights are all equally competent and capable and cognitively gifted. Only chance and historical contingency explain why a Polish woman called Marie Curie working in France made such seminal contributions to physics rather than a Shona woman called Timukudzei Machingaidze working in Zimbabwe.

High achievements and heinous atrocities

But the leftist principle of isohypodermatism — “sameness under the skin” — is used only to excuse non-Whites for their failure, never to exculpate Whites for their felony. On leftist principles, it’s also only chance and historical contingency that explain why Whites enslaved Blacks rather than vice versa. If we’re all the same under the skin and Blacks are capable of the same high achievements as Whites — as leftism insists they are — it inexorably follows that Blacks are also capable of the same heinous atrocities as Whites. At least, it follows by the laws of logic, but not by the strategies of leftism. However loudly leftists proclaim that they have principles, they are always and only pursuing power. They proclaim equality and pursue hierarchy, with themselves at the top and their enemies at the bottom. Among their chief enemies are ordinary Whites and Christians, whom they want to thrust to the bottom of society, far below non-Whites and non-Christians.

As I pointed out in “The Logic of Leftist Lies,” when leftists talk about “white supremacy” and the need to smash it, they really mean “white autonomy” and the need to strip ordinary Whites of freedom and enslave them. At the heart of this hidden leftist project is belief in the innate evil of Whites. Of course, this implicit belief in White evil contradicts the explicit leftist principle of equality and sameness-under-the-skin, but so what? A frogfish camouflages itself as a clump of seaweed, which contradicts its true identity as a voracious predator. This is because a frogfish needs to fool those it wants to eat, just as the left need to fool those they want to enslave.

“White people are cannibals”

And high-ranking leftists do sometimes abandon pretence and openly say that Whites are innately evil. Think of the egomaniac Jewess Susan Sontag (1933–2004) and her claim that “The white race is the cancer of human history; it is the white race and it alone — its ideologies and inventions — which eradicates autonomous civilizations wherever it spreads, which has upset the ecological balance of the planet, which now threatens the very existence of life itself.” Where Jews like Sontag have led, the non-Whites imported by Jews into the West have eagerly followed. This story, reproduced at American Renaissance, is about a White being righteously condemned by non-Whites for his innate evil:

A former Seattle city employee has filed a federal civil rights lawsuit alleging he was a victim of anti-White discrimination due to a “racially hostile work environment.” … As part of his RSJI [Race and Social Justice Initiative] training, the lawsuit alleges, Diemert was required to attend a two-day workshop in 2019 called “Undoing Institutional Racism,” during which facilitators declared, “white people are like the devil,” “racism is in white people’s DNA,” and “white people are cannibals.” … “Mr. Diemert’s colleagues used their work emails to berate and entertain violence against him, referring to him as ‘some a—hole,’ the ‘reincarnation of the people that shot native Americans from trains, rounded up jews for the camps, hunted down gypsies in Europe and runaway slaves in America,’ noting that it was not worth addressing his concerns because he would ‘just come back with more stupidity,’ and that someone should ‘get a guy to swing by when Josh is in the restroom and beat him bloody,’” the lawsuit alleges. (Seattle City Employee Sues Over Anti-White Discrimination, ‘Racially Hostile Work Environment,’ Fox News, 29th November 2022)

Remember: like the sexual enslavement of White girls in Rotherham and elsewhere, this is what is happening when Whites are still the majority of the population. If Whites don’t resist, much worse will follow as they slide inexorably towards being a minority of the population. What can we expect from non-Whites who believe that “white people are like the devil,” that “racism is in white people’s DNA,” and that “white people are cannibals”? Those statements utterly contradict the loudly proclaimed egalitarianism of the left but are being made by people whom leftists seek to set above Whites in their hierarchy of virtue and vice. Under leftism, non-Whites are innately virtuous and at the top of the hierarchy, while Whites are innately vicious and at the bottom of the hierarchy. There will be no nonsense about “minority rights” when Whites are the minority.

Triumph of the Villains

Instead, Whites will be punished for their success and their soaring achievements. After all, for leftists those achievements represent only the Triumph of the Villains, because Whites have stolen everything and invented nothing. The White West rose to unjust supremacy by enslaving and exploiting non-Whites. Or so leftists and their non-White footsoldiers believe. In reality, as I pointed out in “The Pale Male Paradox,” the invention of the screw does far more to explain the supremacy of the West than the enslavement of Blacks. If slavery were the key to success, one of the leading nations in the modern world would be Ethiopia, because until recent times slavery “was everywhere” in Ethiopia. And it wasn’t just everywhere: “It was the backbone of labour; it was the source of everything. It was not only landlords and the court of the emperor keeping slaves, but also rich peasants. If you had money, you had [slaves].”

Those quotes come from Ahmed Hassan, a “professor of history at Addis Ababa University” who’s talking about Blacks enslaving other Blacks without any White involvement or encouragement. Indeed, the article quoting him explicitly notes that Ethiopia was “the only African country to have successfully resisted European colonisation.” And where did the article itself appear? Was it in some web of white supremacy like American Renaissance or at some hub of heresy like the Unz Review? Not at all: much to my surprise the article appeared in the Guardian. It was what I call a Guardianista Goosestep — an eruption of hate-fact amid the general anti-White dishonesty and pro-Black deceit of the newspaper.

Diversity + Proximity = War

Even more to my surprise, the article went further than admitting that Blacks could be villains. It also admitted that diversity is weakness rather than strength. It didn’t explicitly quote Chateau Heartiste and say that “Diversity + Proximity = War.” But it might as well have done. Here is some of the article, so you can see the hate-facts and hate-history for yourself:

‘If you had money, you had slaves’: how Ethiopia is in denial about injustices of the past

Nothing hints at the dark past of the marketplace at Dalbo, a town in southern Ethiopia. Today, it is a thriving hub that draws farmers from the surrounding countryside each week, and doubles as a sports pitch on non-trading days. There are no plaques, monuments or inscriptions revealing that enslaved people were once sold here alongside livestock and cereals. Local people will often shut down the conversation when the subject is raised.

“They are hiding the story because they feel ashamed,” says Zerfe Argaw, who lives on a farmstead a few miles outside Dalbo. “It is seen as a closed subject; people don’t want to talk about it.” Zerfe is in her 50s, too young to have seen people being sold in the market, but she was told about the trade by older relatives. “I heard different stories,” she says. “Slave owners owned [entire] households as slaves and would sell whole families to buyers, including the children.” …

Histories of the country gloss over slavery and the subject rarely surfaces in public discourse. At the National Museum of Ethiopia in the capital, Addis Ababa, none of the exhibits deal with domestic slavery, while in Dalbo the chains once used to bind slaves have been melted down to make knives and farm implements. Little has been preserved. “Slavery is a controversial issue,” says Nigussu Mekonnen, a guide at the museum. “There is limited evidence and information about it.”

Most history is hotly contested in Ethiopia, a patchwork of 90 ethnic groups prone to outbreaks of inter-communal violence. The nation was forged through violent conquest in the late 19th century by Emperor Menelik II — whose empire was based on the culture of the northern highlands — and resentments from that era still smoulder. Later came famine, revolution and civil war. Today, the country is grappling with the fallout of a bloody civil war between the northern Tigray region and the federal government that has killed hundreds of thousands of people, and a simmering insurgency marked by ethnic killings in Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest state.

“We tend to ignore certain kinds of history that would shape the negative image of the country,” says Kiya Gezahegne, an assistant professor in the social anthropology department at Addis Ababa University. Instead, official narratives focus on Ethiopia’s ancient Christian civilisation and its reputation as the only African country to have successfully resisted European colonisation.

“We are taught to be proud of our identity, and bringing in this narrative of slavery would be a challenge to that discourse,” says Kiya. Yet slavery was once widespread in Ethiopia. Stretching back centuries, slaves served as soldiers, domestic servants and labourers, who were put to work at royal courts, in churches and fields.

Many were born into servitude. Others were captured in raids and during wars, or sold into slavery after they failed to pay debts. Much of the trade was domestic, although Ethiopian slaves were also sold across the Red Sea to Arabia and Turkey, where they were prized as concubines and servants.

Historical data on the slave trade is patchy. Ahmed Hassen, a professor of history at Addis Ababa University, says the number of enslaved people ebbed and flowed, especially during times of war, but estimates that up to one-third of Ethiopians were enslaved at different points in history.

In some districts, the proportion was likely even higher. The sociologist Remo Chiatti calculates that 50 to 80% of people were slaves in parts of Wolaita, a southern kingdom centred on Dalbo that was absorbed into the Ethiopian empire in the 1890s. “Slavery was everywhere,” says Ahmed. “It was the backbone of labour; it was the source of everything. It was not only landlords and the court of the emperor keeping slaves, but also rich peasants. If you had money, you had them.” …

Today, the impact of slavery is [still] keenly felt. After abolition, many slaves became part of the families of their former masters, but in some areas the descendants of enslaved people are seen as impure and are marginalised, barred from participating in ceremonies such as funerals or marrying into other clans. In Addis Ababa, it is common to hear light-skinned highlanders refer to darker-skinned people from southern Ethiopia as “bariya” (slave). … The polarised environment has made it harder to discuss issues such as slavery. A teacher in Addis Ababa, who did not want to be named, says he grew up with “zero knowledge” that slavery was once so widespread.“People are too preoccupied with ethnic-based politics,” he says. “If you talk about slavery, you are accused of trying to divide your group.”

He says: “I see a lot of posts online about George Floyd, talking about how racist America is, and of course that’s an issue. But we also need to talk about inequality here. There are still ethnic groups looking down on others.” (‘If you had money, you had slaves’: how Ethiopia is in denial about injustices of the past, The Guardian, 18th January 2023)

The article is typically leftist in the way it tries to incite resentment, induce shame, and sit in judgment on history. But it isn’t at all leftist in the people and places it targets for those things. Rather than condemning Whites for the way they’ve treated Blacks, it’s condemning Blacks for the way they’ve treated other Blacks. And it’s also admitting that reality does not conform to leftist lies about diversity being strength. Ethiopia is “a patchwork of 90 ethnic groups prone to outbreaks of inter-communal violence.” And it “was forged through violent conquest in the late 19th century” by the Black Emperor Menelik II. And later it suffered “famine, revolution and civil war.”

A curse, not a strength

How on earth did those hate-facts get through the heresy-filter at the Guardian? I don’t know and I don’t expect it to happen often in future. But the article itself is enough. It explodes the leftist myth of White villainy and Black victimhood. In Ethiopia, Blacks were both villains and victims. But the article doesn’t actually use the word “Black” and that would be too broad a word in any case. Although the article is full of hate-facts and does constitute a genuine Guardianista Goosestep, it doesn’t reveal the full complexity of Ethiopian history and “inter-communal violence.” I would predict that the “90 ethnic groups” in Ethiopia are genetically distinct in highly important ways. The “light-skinned highlanders” from the north are likely more intelligent and more cognitively equipped for waging war than the “darker-skinned people” from the south.

Compare the mountain-dwelling Alawites of Syria, who have come to dominate the country despite being a despised and once-persecuted minority. Syria too has suffered “civil war” and “inter-communal violence,” because in Syria too diversity is not a strength but a curse. That article about Ethiopia in the Guardian couldn’t have put it in those words, but it did let the hateful truth emerge. Diversity is not strength and Blacks are not virtuous victims.