The Making of a Nazi Hero: The Murder and Myth of Horst Wessel by Daniel Siemens, Translation by David Burnett, I.B. Tauris, 2013.

Die Fahne Hoch: Three Biographies of Horst Wessel by Erwin Reitmann, Fritz Daum and Max Kullak, Translation and Introduction by Klokke Van Aelst. Antelope Hill Publishing, 2022.

In the summer of ‘68 rocker Mick Jagger lamented that, “in sleepy London Town there’s just no place for a street-fighting man.” The same could not be said for Berlin Town forty years earlier where violent clashes between political factions were a near daily occurrence. The mayhem, previously confined to the streets and beer halls, escalated in January 1930 when a communist gang shot and fatally wounded a Sturmabteilung (SA) leader in what today would be described as a home invasion murder. The conventional narrative views the life of Horst Wessel (Wessel) largely as a prop for Gauleiter Joseph Goebbels propaganda campaign. But a closer look finds a fascinating tale of violence, sex, and political intrigue. What more could a compelling story need?

The books considered here treat the same subject in two very different formats. Prof. Siemens’ volume is an academic work written within the general liberal-left perspective of contemporary academe, but with enough objectivity to be largely led by the evidence. What really makes Siemens an interesting read is the new archival material he uncovered. Records of the Berlin criminal police from this period were seized by the Red Army in 1945. Later they were locked away in possession of the East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi). After the fall of communism, they were “lost” until Siemens discovered them while researching his book. Thus he is the first historian to include this material. At times the use of police reports gives his account the feel of the true crime genre.

Die Fahne Hoch includes three short biographies of Wesswl published in 1933 or 1934, and written a year or two earlier. Erwin Reitmann was a fellow SA man and knew Wessel personally. His account is heavily politicized. Fritz Daum’s piece is the longest of the three and is aimed at young readers. Max Kullak’s contribution is the shortest, but to me the most interesting. Kullak was also a SA man and is identified as Prof. Dr. Max Kullak on the back cover. This collection conveys the mindset of the SA during the late Weimar and early days in power of the National Socialist German Workers Party (NSDAP).  It also contains the lyrics of many SA songs. The material was translated and published by Antelope Hill Press. The company has received the seal of disapproval from the Southern Poverty Law Center.

Horst Ludwig Georg Erich Wessel was born in 1907 in the city of Bielefeld in the province of Westphalia. His father, Wilhelm Ludwig Georg Wessel, was an up-and-coming Lutheran minister. His mother also came from a family of Lutheran clergy. In 1913 the family moved to Berlin after Pastor Wessel received a prestigious post at the Nicolai Church (St. Nicholas). Siemens describes Rev. Wessel as a volkisch theologian — a Christian ethno-nationalist. Having grown up in a liberal Lutheran church in America during the 1960s it is hard for me to imagine such a theological orientation. One element of Lutheranism that has not changed, however, is its emphasis on music. So it is not entirely surprising that a pastor’s son became a songsmith for the SA. Pastor Wessel died unexpectedly in 1922 when Horst was 15. Though in somewhat reduced circumstances, the family was able to maintain a very respectable middle-class lifestyle with a residence on (ironically) Jüdenstraße.

Horst’s father had been a strong supporter of the German National People’s Party (DNVP) and the boy was a nationalist from an early age. According to Kullak, Wessel took a six-week summer training program with the Black Reichswehr at the age of 16. The Black Reichswehr was a semi-secret organization which received some government funding and acted as an axillary to the German army which was then limited to 100,000 men by the treaty of Versailles. At 18 he joined the Bismarck League, the youth wing of the DNVP. Besides being a political organization Siemens writes that the league was influenced by a back-to-nature movement. Young Wessel enjoyed being part of this co-ed group, but ultimately found it too bourgeois for his growing militancy.

There were a multitude of right-wing groups in Germany in the mid to late 1920s and a year later Wessel joined the Viking League. This was a serious organization, the successor to Organisation Consul, described by Wikipedia as “an ultra-nationalist and antisemitic terrorist organization that operated in the Weimar Republic from 1920 to 1922.”[1] It had an adult membership, most of whom were five to ten years older than Horst. Kullak suggests a generational divide within the German Right at the time. Those of middle age who had been established before the war wanted a restoration of the old regime. Younger men who either had fought in the war or remembered the war but were too young to have fought, wanted radical change.

In April of 1926 Wessel enrolled in Friedrich Wilhelm University to study law. According to Reitmann, Horst joined the SA in May 1926, while Siemens writes he joined the NSDAP in December in that year. At the time one could be a member of one organization, or the other, or both. So young Wessel left reactionary nationalism behind and joined the revolutionary Right.

Siemens states that the SA was then “made up of workers and the unemployed . . . as well as right-wing nationalist-minded bourgeois academics.” In Kullak’s account, however, Wessel’s solid secondary education and university study set him apart from his mostly working-class mates. He was a middle-class college kid and “there were not many of them in the SA at that time.”  Reitmann, Horst’s SA comrade, called his fellows “an uneducated, unpolished crowd.” No matter. In the SA Horst had found his calling. His enthusiasm and courage propelled him into a leadership position where he became known for his ability as a recruiter and motivator.

Berlin at the time was a stronghold of the far Left. Hitler appointed Goebbels, a Rhinelander, as the party’s regional leader to fight the Battle for Berlin. If the SA could control the streets of the capital, it would send a powerful political message. But it would not be easy. The Reds ruled the streets of the Friedrichshain District. Official police statistics report 318 incidents of “political rowdyism,” or street clashes in 1928. That number increased to 579 in 1929. Although bold, Siemens states that “Wessel was hardly a good fighter, despite having trained intensely.” He had a defensive fighting style, perhaps due to “a debilitation and deformation of the arm” cause by a severe fracture from an equestrian accident.

Wessel is probably best known as a musician and song writer. He had a good strong voice and played the piano and guitar. His Die Fahne hoch, later named the Horst-Wessel-Lied, became the official anthem of the NSDAP. Siemens notes the role of music in the movement. The SA met “at central locations, sang songs, and marched through the streets with the aim of impressing curious sympathizers as well as provoking political adversaries.” He explains that songs “reinforce the singers’ sense of identification with the cause.” The rhythm must be suitable for marching because “the liberating power of song comes from the rhythm.”

To carry the tune Wessel created a shawm band. Today’s American Right appears to be musically deficient. In addition, Horst was an excellent orator; after all, his father had been known for preaching rousing sermons.

Fate determined that 1929 would be the high point of Horst Wessel’s short life. Die Fahne hoch was first sung in the streets of Berlin in May. In August as sturmfuhrer, sturm 5 he led his group to the party congress in Nuremberg where this song was also sung.

Earlier that year Horst met Erna Jaenichen a 23-year-old prostitute, a year older than Wessel. The fact that he would became associated with a former prostitute led to the smear that he was her pimp. Siemens, the detective historian, could find no evidence to support this claim. Far more likely the idealistic young SA man rescued her from the streets. Wessel came to blows with Georg Ruhnke, Erna’s former pimp. Ruhnke claimed he bested Wessel. Biographer Fritz Daum disputes this claim, but in any case, Ruhnke left the couple alone after the fight. This theme brings to mind the movie Taxi Driver (1976) where Robert DeNiro saves the young prostitute Jodie Foster. Going back further we have St. George saving the fair maiden from a dragon, or perhaps Perseus saving Andromeda.

By November Erna moved in with Wessel who had by now left his family’s home and was living in a cheap rooming house. He had also left the university without taking his degree. He became a “worker” while devoting most of his time to the cause. While I am sure there were “benefits” to having Erna as a roommate, she did complicate his life. Siemens quotes one SA leader: “Everyone knows her, no one likes her.” They tolerated her for Wessel’s sake. Daum writes: “When his comrades . . . once did not speak of her with the respect he thought was due her, he reprimanded them and told them he would become engaged to this faithful girl. From then on they all treated the quiet Erna with the greatest respect.” While this was the official party narrative there is suspicion that Erna, a former member of the Alliance of Red Women and Girls, might not have been as loyal to Wessel and National Socialism as she appeared.  I imagine that Horst’s mother, the widow of a well-known conservative clergyman, would not have welcomed a match with a former prostitute, a girl without education or family. But by this time her son had largely reject bourgeois society, though he was not estranged from his family.

There are three versions of the events leading up to Horst Wessel’s murder in the winter of 1930. One: Horst and Erna got into a dispute with their landlady Elisabeth Salm. Did Frau Salm demand additional rent now that two persons were occupying the premises? Or was she afraid that Erna’s reputation would reflect negatively on her establishment?  Widow Salm claimed to be apolitical, but her late husband had been a member of the German Communist Party (KPD). She knew some members of the Red Front Fighters League. Did she ask them to come over to beat up Wessel and throw him out of the rooming house? But Horst and Erna had already agreed to vacate by the end of the month, so why go to extreme measures to stop a stay of only two more weeks? There is probably an element of truth in this account, but it is hardly the main story.

Two: The communist version printed in the Die Rote Fahne is that Wessel was shot in a dispute between two pimps over a girl. There was nothing explicitly political about the attack. This was pure libel on the part of the communist press, and the KPD leadership knew it. Although this version has been repeated endlessly since January 1930, including in a Wikipedia entry, it was certainly not the case. Wessel was not a pimp, and the gunman was not Erna’s former pimp, but he was a KPD member.

The third version on which both the police and the NSDAP agreed was that Wessel was the victim of a political assassination. Due to his political activism, Wessel had a target on his back. He had been doxed 1930 style, and had received numerous warnings from friends and threats from foes. On the evening of January 14, 1930 Horst was expecting a visit from two SA members. He answered a knock on the door and was immediately shot in the face by Albrecht “Ali” Höhler, a communist who joined the party in 1924 and a petty criminal associated with a Ringvereine, a gang dealing in stolen goods and prostitution. Siemens reports that during this time the “KPD had close ties to the criminal underworld.”

According to SA physician Leonardo Conti the 9mm slug knocked out the victim’s front teeth and destroyed most of his tongue, uvula, and palate. The bullet lodged in a cervical vertebra but missing the brain. A report the next day by the criminal police put it more bluntly: “His case is said to be hopeless.” Yet Wessel lingered for weeks before a fatal infection set in. Without modern antibiotics this was, unfortunately, a common occurrence. U.S. President James Garfield survived for two months with festering wounds before succumbing to his assassin’s bullets.

A family tragedy three weeks before might have contributed to Wessel’s death. His nineteen-year-old brother Werner died of hypothermia “on a Nazi-organized winter excursion” in the Silesian mountains. A blizzard hit while the outing was on the trail. They were either on skis or snowshoes, accounts vary. Four young people, three boys and a girl, became separated from the group, lost their way and froze to death overnight on December 23, 1929. Understandably, Horst was deeply affected by his younger brother’s death and his funk might have made him less careful regarding his personal safety.

Wessel died on February 23, 1930. Gauleiter Goebbels, who had visited Wessel several times in the hospital, spoke at graveside. Hermann Göring was also in attendance. The police, fearing disorder, wanted a small funeral without swastika flags. The casket was draped with a swastika flag, but piled with flowers so it was not clearly visible. Thousands came out for the procession, most in support, singing the Horst Wessel Lied. The communists were also out shouting abuse and throwing stones, but there was no major disturbance.

Meanwhile Ali Höhler, who had been identified as the triggerman, was smuggled out of the country to Prague with the help of Red Aid, the KPD legal-aid organization. But Ali decided to returned to Berlin, was arrested, and cooperated with the police, no doubt hoping for a lighter sentence.

The first Wessel murder trial later that year was a sensation in Berlin at the time. The two main defendants were Ali Höhler, who fired the fatal shot and Erwin Rückert who also had been armed and accompanied Ali. There were also several other accomplices, part of the gang that stood guard at the rooming house. The landlady Elisabeth Salm was charged as well. The defense made two contradictory claims, the shot was “fired inadvertently” and that Höhler had fired in self-defense. Reitmann describes the trial: “The defendants were shady individuals with criminal records . . . defended by Jewish lawyers.” The defense must have done a pretty good job, Höhler received the longest sentence of only six years, Salm only got eighteen months.

After Hitler gained office in January 1933 things changed. Horst Wessel’s life took on almost mythic status. He became the role model for German youth. The man who wrote “Comrades shot by Red Front and reaction; March in spirit within our ranks” had been shot down by the Red Front, a martyr for the cause. There was also payback, the NSDAP took revenged on whom they thought had gotten off too lightly. A second Wessel murder trial was held in 1934. Before that happened there were a couple of extrajudicial executions. Elsa Cohn, who someone labeled “the Jewish ringleader,” was convicted in September 1930, but fled before sentencing. In May 1933 she was found dead by the side of the road near the east bank of the Oder River. Ali Höhler, now serving time in Wohlau Prison, Silesia, was transferred to Gestapo headquarters for interrogation in preparation for the second trial. On the way back to prison in September 1933 he was abducted after his transport was stopped by SA men serving as auxiliary police. The body was discovered a year later by a mushroom hunter. Of the persons convicted as participants in the Wessel murder, two were extrajudicially executed, two were judicially executed, four died in prison, and four survived the war.

Some criticized Wessel’s mother Margarete for trying to profit from her son’s fame. She fought unsuccessfully to gain copyright to the Horst Wessel Lied, much to the annoyance of Goebbels.  She did receive copyrights to two of Horst’s unpublished manuscripts, one a political testament and the other a travelogue of trips around Germany and Austria. She also sold his papers to the Prussian State Library. I guess one should give the widow a break, having lost her husband and two sons. Horst’s kid sister, Ingeborg, helped promote her brother’s legacy, speaking to many school groups around Berlin. She went on to become a physician and married a physician. They had one son, born in 1942, and named after his famous uncle.

Erna Jaenichen’s life took a different course. She was with Horst when he was shot. She testified at the first trial that she and Horst were engaged. The myth arose that she was spying on the KPD for Wessel. She denied ever spying, but she had connections with both the SA and the Red Front. Perhaps she was playing both sides. After the trial she seemed to have dropped out of sight until 1933 when she married Georg Ruhnke, her pimp back in ’29! The marriage did not last. In 1935 she married a guy named Fiedler. Then, after another change of name and address, she disappeared from the historical record.

Both the Siemens book and the Antelope Hill book tell us something about the beliefs and values of the SA during the late 1920s and early 30s. One thing that stands out is that they saw themselves as revolutionaries, opposed to both bourgeois capitalism and Bolshevik Marxism. They believed in the socialism of National Socialism. For Reitmann, socialism equals “social justice.” Kullak writes that being a nationalist is not enough. One must also be a socialist which meant building a national community that included “every decent German.” He advocated for the national welfare that puts common interest before self-interest—very idealistic indeed.

While not an apologist for the SA, Siemens seems to have some ambivalence towards Wessel and his cause. He notes that despite their tough guy image the SA had “echoes of the Wandervogel movement . . . and of German Romanticism too.” Ambiguously, Siemens maintains that Wessel was a man “whose intentions, however honourable in certain respects were morally discredited by virtue of his actions.” Finally, “Horst Wessel and his contemporaries can perhaps best be described as violence-prone and cold romantics behind whose ‘objective’ façade was really a burning desire for community.” One could say that there was a certain “innocence” to the movement in the late 1920s and early 30s to the extent that the SA was taking it from the Red Front and police as much as they were dishing it out.

Although neither book uses the term ‘Strasserism’, it is clear that the left-wing of the NSDAP was strong in the Berlin region at this time. This points to the fact that there were several currents within the party. Historians, who should know better, often read the history of the Third Reich backwards, that its conclusion was inevitable.  The disastrous policy in the east that led to catastrophic defeat for Germany then metastasized, evolved, and avalanched to enervate and corrupt the entire West. Surely there can be no stepping over or ignoring the topics of National Socialism and World War II. They were pivotal events in Western history that still shape today’s world. The present wars in Ukraine and the Middle East both make reference to World War II. During the Balkan conflict in the 1990s the parties involved used their experience during World War II to justify their ethnonationalism. If one thinks World War II is over in Eastern Europe, consider Belarus. Independence Day, celebrated on July 3, marks the date in 1944 when the Wehrmacht was driven out of Minsk, and the countryside is peppered with monuments to every battle and partisan action from 1941–1945.

Siemens writes that he seeks to “historicize National Socialism.” By this I believe he means to emphasize the larger historical context when interpreting this ideology. Having a temporal perspective is a good starting point for analyzing National Socialism, and it is the best we can do for now.

[1] For another account of right-wing activism of the time see: Nelson Rosit, “Political Violence in Weimar Germany: Lessons for the Contemporary US,” Occidental Observer (Sept 7, 2021).

“Like something out of a horror film.” It was Whites who invented film and all the complex, fragile technology needed to record and reproduce it. But it’s Blacks and non-Whites who excel at creating real scenes of carnage and cruelty, at committing crimes that are indeed “like something out of a horror film.” I’ve written many times at the Occidental Observer about stale pale Britain being un-staled and un-paled by energetic ethnic enrichers. Here are some examples of how they’ve brought horror-films to blood-soaked, flesh-destroying life:

• The Black son of Rwandan “asylum-seekers” who stabbed and slashed little White girls at a summer dance-club, killing three and horrifically wounding many more

• The Arab son of Libyan “asylum-seekers” who blew White children to pieces at a pop-concert in Manchester

• The five Blacks and one Albanian “asylum-seeker” who raped and tortured a White schoolgirl for hours, before stabbing her to death and slitting her throat as she pleaded desperately for mercy

• The five Pakistanis who stabbed, soaked in gasoline and incinerated a White schoolboy whom they’d kidnapped at random from a street in Glasgow

• The two Blacks who kidnapped a White woman, soaked her in gasoline and burnt her to death in a churchyard in the English Midlands

• The two non-White Muslims who sexually abused a White schoolgirl, then murdered her and dismembered her body before possibly disposing of it as “kebab meat”

• The Afghan “asylum-seeker” who stabbed two White women to death in Yorkshire, laughing and spitting on the corpse of one of his victims

• The Afghan “asylum-seeker” who threw flesh-eating alkali on a woman and her children in London, inadvertently destroying half his own face in the process

• The Sudanese “asylum-seeker” who raped and shattered the skull of a woman in Leicester. The woman luckily survived and described the attack as — wait for it — “like something out of a horror film”

Now I’m going to write about another non-White and another crime that thoroughly merits the dark description of “like something out of a horror film.” And this crime was dark in three big ways:

Butt-buddies before barbarism: two White gays with their Black future killer (image from BBC)

It was a gruesome double murder that shocked people across the nation. Yostin Mosquera, who had made extreme sex videos with Albert Alfonso, killed Albert, 62, and his ex-partner Paul Longworth, 71, in London before dismembering their bodies, placing them in suitcases and travelling 115 miles (185km) to Bristol. Police believe he intended to throw them off the Clifton Suspension Bridge after also stealing Albert’s money.

On Monday, Mosquera was found guilty at Woolwich Crown Court of murdering both Albert and Paul in July last year. Here we look at how events unfolded from the perspective of those closest to what happened.

Warning: This article contains details that some may find distressing, including violence and descriptions of a sexual nature.

“He could have committed almost the perfect murder,” Det[ective] Insp[ector] Neil Meade says. “He didn’t need to dismember them, he didn’t need to take them to Bristol. But he did what he did.”

It was Wednesday 10 July and England had just qualified for the European Championship [soccer] final with a last-minute goal. The Mall in Bristol’s upmarket Clifton village was showing the game and as the final whistle blew, the pub started to empty. It was a warm night and people were milling around outside. Roughly an hour earlier, Roger Malone and his son Giles were outside The Mall watching on as a man struggled across the road with two large suitcases.

“There was some activity going on with a tall man in black clothing and a hat covering his face,” 92-year-old Roger said. “Obviously this case was very heavy, this powerful guy was struggling with it.”

The man was Yostin Mosquera, a Colombian who unbeknown to Roger and Giles had killed Albert and Paul in their London home two days earlier, and dismembered their bodies. They were the only other people who lived at the address, with “nobody else” due to come home and find them. Mosquera could have flown back to Colombia, from where extradition would have been difficult. But instead he placed their heads in a chest freezer and their torsos in the red and silver suitcases he was dragging along the Clifton pavement.

He had hired a red van which had taken him from Shepherd’s Bush to Clifton.

Seeing Mosquera struggle Giles joked: “What have you got in there? A body?”

“Of course there was a deathly hush,” Roger said. “The guy didn’t reply.”

Roger and Giles say they briefly spoke to Mosquera over a mix up with their taxis. Mosquera was then driven to the Clifton Suspension Bridge — just 0.2 miles (321 metres) down the road. The distance was so short, the taxi driver says he questioned whether it was really worth the fare. The prominent landmark is well-lit with CCTV all over it, and when the taxi driver dropped Mosquera off, something red was leaking from one of the suitcases.

Mosquera, who is now 35 years old, said the liquid was oil, wiped it away and walked onto the bridge. CCTV showed him peering over the side into the Avon Gorge below, before being challenged by bridge staff and a cyclist. That cyclist was Doug Cunningham, who is a Spanish speaker. A statement from him read to the court said: “He [Mosquera] said he was from Colombia and he was trying to find a hotel. I asked him if the bridge staff could open the suitcase and he said ‘no’.”

But when a torch light revealed more of the red liquid, Mosquera broke into a run. He was chased by Mr Cunningham, who filmed his escape as he ran down Burwalls Road into the night. Bridge staff quickly called police to the scene, but they were not prepared for what came next.

“Opening those suitcases had a massive impact on those people,” Det Insp Meade said. Officers discovered not one, but two torsos — dismembered and decapitated. As Bristol woke up the following morning to news of the horrific discovery, Det Insp Meade was already investigating who the victims and suspect were, and how and why the suitcases were on the bridge. “My reaction was ‘this is big’,” he said. “At the time we knew that we had bodies that had been cut up. That’s really rare — that’s really rare in Avon and Somerset, that’s really rare nationally.”

On one of the suitcases, police discovered a luggage tag with an address that would lead them to Shepherd’s Bush in London. The address was that of Albert and Paul, and when Met Police officers got there they found blood in every room. Also found at the house were video recordings of numerous extreme sex sessions involving Mosquera and Albert.

One of them also showed Mosquera stabbing Albert to death — all caught in graphic detail by four different cameras. Det[ective] Ch[ief] Insp[ector] Ollie Stride, from the Metropolitan Police, said: “I remember I was sat in my office when one of the officers came in… he was white as a sheet.

“At that point it became quite obvious that it was going to be quite a traumatic thing to watch… it absolutely proved to be one of the most harrowing videos I’ve watched in my career. One moment they’re engaging in sexual activity together and the next moment Yostin is stabbing him and murdering him right in front of our eyes.”

He added that Mosquera looked as if he was “revelling” and “celebrating” Albert’s murder within seconds. “He’s dropped Albert on the floor and the next thing he does is dance and sing.” (“Suitcase killer ‘could have staged perfect murder’,” BBC News, 21st July 2025)

Let’s repeat the words of that police officer: “[W]e had bodies that had been cut up. That’s really rare — that’s really rare in Avon and Somerset, that’s really rare nationally.” He’s right. It is rare in what is still a White-majority country. So are the odds that a member of the small Black minority would be responsible for it, let alone a Black from Colombia? The odds would be very small indeed if leftist lies about race were correct. They aren’t, of course. Some races, like Blacks, are much more likely to commit horrific crimes like those. You could call Mr Mosquera’s death-dealing and dismemberments a “globalist gorefest.” Just as globalism has meant that thousands of White girls in England continued to be raped, tortured and prostituted by gangs of non-White paedophiles from far-off Pakistan, so it meant that two White homosexuals in England were slaughtered and chopped up by a Black psychopath from far-off Colombia.

Dark dimensions

Yostin Mosquera’s skin-color is the first of the dark dimensions of the crime. Next you’ve got the darkness of the crime itself: death, dismemberment, body-part-laden suitcases dripping blood, chest-freezers containing severed heads. Finally you’ve got the darkness that the mainstream media imposed on crucial aspects of the case. The BBC and Guardian will never discuss the higher average psychopathy and lower average intelligence of Blacks, and will never explain how these things contribute to the grossly disproportionate criminality of Blacks right across the West.

And they won’t explore the richly ironic symbolism of a psychopathic Black leaving blood-dripping suitcases on a marvel of White engineering. The Black Yostin Mosquera put the Clifton Suspension Bridge into the headlines, but Blacks like him are utterly incapable of building structures like that. Blacks excel at savagery; Whites excel at civilization. The Clifton Suspension Bridge in Bristol is a marvel of engineering and ingenuity based on designs by the engineer Isambard Kingdom Brunel (1806-59), who combined White genius at abstract thought in mathematics and physics with White prowess at molding and manipulating the material world. Like Claude Shannon, Brunel was a single White individual who gave more to STEM — Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics — than all Blacks who ever lived.

White marvel, Black psychopath: Clifton Suspension Bridge and Yostin Mosquera, the Black killer captured on CCTV there (images from Wikipedia and Bristol Police)

But the BBC and Guardian will never explore the ironic symbolism of a typically White marvel of technology being the background to typically Black violence and depravity. Not to mention Black stupidity and chaos: recall Mosquera’s farcical attempts to dispose of the body-parts and how one of the suitcases he abandoned had a “luggage tag with an address,” allowing the police to quickly and easily identify the victims. Nor will the BBC and Guardian ever give further details of the “extreme sex” that preceded Mosquera’s crimes. The dedicated deviance and depravity of the Glorious Gay Community (GGC) are not something that leftists want to be widely known. It would detract from the leftist portrayal of gays as saintly victims, endlessly and undeservedly suffering the bigotry and cruelty of the straight White majority.

England’s new patron saint

But it wasn’t straight Whites who brewed up those butt-busting bugs known as AIDS and monkey-pox, then set those bugs to ravage the GGC. Gays did that all on their ownsome. The gays Albert Alfonso and Paul Longworth did it all on their ownsome too when they invited a Black psychopath into their lives from poor, corrupt and violent Colombia. They were blind to Mosquera’s psychopathy and blind to the anti-White resentment and hatred he probably also harbored. Those things are very common in Blacks and other non-Whites, but the mainstream media don’t discuss them. Instead, the media feed them by endlessly portraying non-Whites as the saintly victims of White racism and violence. In Britain, the anti-White, Jew-dominated elite portray the Blacks of the “Windrush Generation” as the heroic builders of modern Britain, as though they dragged our benighted islands out of the Stone Age.

Black martyr Stephen Lawrence, England’s new patron saint

The same anti-White, Jew-dominated elite has decreed that Stephen Lawrence, the teenaged son of Windrush Blacks, should be England’s new patron saint. But the death of Stephen Lawrence wasn’t “like something out of a horror film.” He was stabbed twice in a brief encounter with a gang of White youths. He might easily have survived the encounter and, like all Blacks in all Western nations, he was always at far greater risk of death at the hands of his own race. The martyr-cult of Stephen Lawrence pretends otherwise. It’s based on a lying inversion of racial reality, falsely portraying gentle, harmless Blacks as endlessly and obscenely threatened by violent, hate-filled Whites. The cult is very well-funded, very well-publicized, and has disseminated its hate-inciting anti-White propaganda in the following ways:

• Stephen Lawrence Day, an annual memorial for the martyr created by the so-called Conservative prime minister Theresa May and strategically placed on 22nd April, the day before commemoration of England’s national saint St George and Shakespeare’s traditional birthday.

• The Stephen Lawrence Research Centre, which works to demonize Whites and sanctify non-Whites at De Montfort University in the ethnically enriched city of Leicester, where Muslims and Hindus are now re-enacting the tribal feuds of their highly corrupt, violent and rape-friendly homelands.

• The Stephen Lawrence Memorial Centre, which works to demonize Whites and sanctify non-Whites in ethnically enriched south-east London, where Blacks murder, rape and rob all other races at vast disproportionate rates.

• A Damehood for the martyr’s mother Doreen Lawrence, who now sits in the House of Lords lecturing the White British on ethics and policing. Dame Doreen comes from the highly corrupt, violent and rape-friendly island of Jamaica, which has more murders each year than Britain, despite having a much smaller population. If murders committed in Britain by Jamaicans and extra-judicial murders by the Jamaican police were added to the stats for Jamaica, the discrepancy would be even greater.

• The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry in 1999, initiated by the half-Jewish Home Secretary Jack Straw and starring the fully Jewish anti-racism activist Dr Richard Stone. The Inquiry condemned the British police as “institutionally racist” and, like the George Floyd hysteria in America, led to reduced policing of Blacks and other non-Whites, followed by an entirely predictable increase in murder and rape by non-Whites.

Mary-Ann Leneghan and Kriss Donald, two White children horrifically murdered by ethnic enrichers and long ago forgotten by the mainstream media

As for the White teenager Mary-Ann Leneghan — well, who’s she? Nobody, that’s who. At least, she’s nobody to fiercely feminists leftists and the mainstream media. Unlike Stephen Lawrence’s, her death was indeed “like something out of a horror film” and her death revealed the truth about Black psychopathy and criminality. Which is precisely why her death was long ago forgotten by the Yookay’s media and elite:

[The surviving victim] described how she and Mary-Ann [Leneghan], her friend of 10 years, had been abducted and forced into the boot of a car as they sat in the car park of the Wallingford Arms in Reading, Berkshire on May 6 last year [2005]. She said they were taken to Room 19 of Abbey House Hotel in the city where they were beaten with a metal pole, ordered to strip, forced to perform oral sex, raped, and had boiling sugared water thrown on them.

She said the pair were shown guns and a knife, constantly told they were going to be killed and heard that they would be taken to Prospect Park in Reading. During the first day she hardly flinched as she recounted the graphic details without being hidden by a screen. But today she wept as she told how, as she was raped by a man wearing white jogging bottoms, another man said: “We are ready to go now, let’s leave these bitches now, come on let’s do it.”

She told the jury that she understood this phrase to mean “the final stage, that we were going to die, that they were going to kill us.” She said she, together with Mary-Ann, was taken out of the boot of the car and forced, stumbling and wiping blood from her head, across the park. She said the pair had been ordered to kneel on the ground side by side and were told to put pillow cases over their heads by two men, one wearing a bandana over the lower half of his face and the man with the white jogging bottoms.

With the six defendants just feet away Mary-Ann’s father sat with his hand over the mouth as the girl continued. Asked by prosecutor Richard Latham QC, what happened next she paused for around 30 seconds before looking straight ahead at the jury and saying “she [Mary-Ann Leneghan] was stabbed”. The court was told that the knife-man had been the man with the bandana and asked where on Mary-Ann’s body the man had put the knife she said: “Her upper body, her chest, her breasts, everything. She was asking ‘please not there, please not there’ whatever area she was referring to, and crying and pleading,” she said.

She told how the man with the bandana got angry saying words to the effect of “shut up”. She said that Mary-Ann then fell in a ball on the ground but the stabbing did not stop. “He got more angry because she wouldn’t sit up, he was telling her to sit up because he wanted to slit her throat… He was stabbing and then she fell,” she said. “They said something about wanting her to die slowly,” she added, before she broke down in tears. … (Friend weeps over Mary-Ann murder, The Daily Mail, 20th January 2006)

The murder of Mary-Ann Leneghan was another “globalist gorefest” created by the insane and evil immigration policies of our anti-White, Jew-dominated elite. It was also a meteor-murder, something that flashed through the headlines and bulletins, then vanished for ever from the mainstream media and the minds of leftists.

But away from the mainstream and away from leftism, there are many people who haven’t forgotten Mary-Ann Leneghan and all the other victims of the “globalist” war on Whites and the West. It’s now obvious everywhere from Spain to Ireland that the true White West is finally rising against the hostile elite that has been waging a one-sided war against it for so long. When the rising is over and the hostile elite overthrown, the trials of the White traitors and their Jewish masters will begin.