Anti-Jewish Writing

Esau’s Tears

 

2794 Words

Many of the great works of counter-Semitism from the past fifty years are splendid attacking books. They lay out their cases against Jewish power and subversion and let the reader decide how to respond. Some of the most famous of these, of course, are Kevin MacDonald’s The Culture of Critique, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s 200 Years Together, Israel Shahak’s Jewish History, Jewish Religion, and Igor Shafarevich’s Russophobia. Less common are defensive works of counter-Semitism, ones that exonerate White gentiles from the demonization often found in Jewish historiography. Albert Lindemann’s 1997 book Esau’s Tears is once such work since it shields European peoples from the collective guilt with which leftist historians—many of whom are Jews—continually smear them. Lindemann also humanizes many notable anti-Semites from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, thus clearing their names and the names of the people who followed them.

This is not to say that Lindemann champions anti-Semitism or makes apologies for it; rather, he strives to make two major points. One, that many ideas and episodes from history which today would be labeled anti-Semitic were in fact perfectly reasonable, based in truth, and the result of demonstrably bad Jewish behavior. Lindemann never fails to present Jews of the past feeling this way as well, thereby qualifying them as anti-Semites by today’s utopian standards. And two, that such pushback against the Jews did not and does not inexorably lead to mass murder. This is the thesis which many leftist historians wish us to swallow, and Lindemann strikes out against it:

How we interpret history is always powerfully influenced by the concerns and values of our own age, but it is finally misleading and unjust to single out and indignantly describe, for example, the racism of nineteenth-century Germans (“proto-Nazis”) without recognizing how much beliefs in ethnic or racial determinism were the norm in most countries and were to be found among oppressed minorities, Jews included, as much as oppressive majorities – how they were, in short, part of a shared intellectual world, a zeitgeist – but did not lead to mass murder in every country.

Jewish historian Salo Baron coined the term “lachrymose theory” to describe “the eternal self-pity characteristic of Jewish historiography.” In German, this is known as Leidensgeschichte (“suffering history”), and is often employed not to present a balanced, disinterested narrative of past events but to prevent future suffering by ignoring Jewish culpability and vilifying gentiles. This “denunciatory theory” of Jewish historiography could easily walk hand-in-hand with Baron’s “lachrymose theory,” since it brands gentiles with the stigma of eternal guilt (the absolution of which can only be achieved of course through philo-Semitism). Resisting both theories is the hill upon which Lindemann makes his stand. In his sights are three popular volumes of Jewish history from three Jewish polemicists—The War Against the Jews by Lucy Dawidowcz (1975), Antisemitism: The Longest Hatred (1991) by Robert Wistrich, and Hitler’s Willing Executioners (1996) by Daniel Goldhagen. These works, as Lindemann rather politely puts it, have “a tendency to a colorful and indignant narrative, accompanied by weak, sometimes tendentious analysis.” In dispelling the blatant anti-gentilism of these authors, however, Lindemann never wishes to exclude Jews from his readership. He never explicitly ceases to strive for rapprochement. A major theme in Esau’s Tears emerges which warns Jews that a hostile, polemical, and frankly dishonest approach to history will only give real anti-Semites more ammunition to hurl at Jews.

Lindemann’s central conceit springs from the Book of Genesis. Twin brothers Esau and Jacob vie for their father Isaac’s affections, which Jacob—the younger of the pair—deceitfully swindles from Esau. Enraged and heartbroken, Esau forces Jacob to flee into Mesopotamia, where he gives rise to the Jewish people. Esau, on the other hand, gives rise to gentiles. It is said that anti-Semitism will cease only when Esau’s tears stop flowing. I don’t think Lindemann—who himself is not Jewish—could have selected a better title for a work which counteracts the “lachrymose theory” of Jewish historiography. Gentiles have tears too, and as with their innocent Old Testament forebear, they often spring not from fantasies or psychoses, but from the palpable misdeeds of Jews. An eye for an eye, a tear for a tear.

Lindemann proceeds by disclosing one inconvenient fact after another to underscore his point. Jews in history were not relegated to ghettos; they lived there on their own accord to keep apart from gentiles. Jews in history were not forced into usury, liquor trades, and criminal activity because no other vocations were open to them; they did such things because they wanted to and didn’t care so much about the harm they caused peasant gentiles. And yes, even in Russia, they were able to own land, they just chose not to work the soil themselves. Often, Jews in history were poor because the overwhelming majority of gentiles around them were also poor. And the ancient and medieval ones were not so innocent. Lindemann gives us examples of ancient Jewish oppression of Christians and pagans, as well as some frankly hateful language from the Talmud (for example, “The best among the gentiles should be slain”). The Book of Deuteronomy, Lindemann points out, can reasonably be seen as sanctioning genocide, and many Jewish thinkers throughout history expressed views which today would seem racist, supremacist, or chauvinistic. In comparison, Jews were treated better in official Church doctrine than were Muslims or heretics. Lindemann never lets gentiles off the hook for their bad behavior, but simultaneously never ceases to remind the reader of the many long periods during which Jews and gentiles got along reasonably well.

Esau’s Tears offers a brief history of the Enlightenment, which, due to the premium it placed on egalitarianism and fraternity, got the ball rolling for Jewish emancipation in Europe. Not surprisingly, many Enlightenment thinkers, most famously Voltaire, were irked by Jewish intolerance and separatism. That the Ashkenazi Jews in France were rude and lacked manners didn’t help (the Sephardim, on the other hand, were much better behaved and so faced fewer obstacles to citizenship). Also not surprisingly, those Frenchmen who had the most experience with Jews—such as the National Assembly delegates from Alsace—were the ones most bitterly opposed to granting them equal rights. In an ironic twist, Lindemann reports that after the Jews won their equality . . .

[m]any Alsatians insisted that Jewish vices, far from disappearing under the new laws, had actually gotten worse in their province. Jews had not taken the opportunity to assume honest physical labor but had pursued with even greater success their old ways of usury and exploitation.

In another ironic twist, Sephardic leaders in France often staunchly resisted equal rights for the Ashkenazim “due to their low moral character.” This is one of many instances in Esau’s Tears of Jews behaving anti-Semitically and having good reason to do so. Most commonly, it sprang from the embarrassment and discomfiture many assimilated Jews in Western Europe felt when confronted with their Eastern European brethren whose morality, hygiene, and manners left much to be desired.

In eastern Europe things were much worse due to the millions of Jews that had recently become subjects of the Tsar by the mid-nineteenth century. These teeming Ostjuden (eastern Jews) comprised by far the largest concentration of Jews in the world and put Russia in a state of crisis almost right away with their exploitive relationships with the peasants. Lindemann pre-dates John Klier in exonerating the Tsarist government regarding the pogroms of the early 1880s. And when discussing the more violent pogroms which occurred in places like Kishinev in the early twentieth century, Lindemann mordantly recalls that Jewish revolutionaries had been disproportionately responsible for the assassination of leading Russian officials and police officers leading up to those events, including that of Vyacheslav von Plehve, the Russian Minister of the Interior. Lindemann touches on the Jewish tendency to exaggerate atrocity, such as when Ukrainian insurrectionist Bogdan Chmielnicki rose up against the Poles in 1648, and targeted not only Jews, but Polish nobility and the Catholic Church. Jewish Leidensgeschichte has it that at least 100,000 Jews were massacred, but modern historians, including Paul Johnson in The History of the Jews (1987), seriously doubt this. Lindemann also points out that while this was going on, Europe was embroiled in equally brutal wars, and it “is open to serious question if Jews suffered in substantially larger numbers than others caught up in the raging battles.” And in a drily humorous moment, for those who complain about Jews being cooped up in the Russian Pale of Settlement during this time, Lindemann reminds us that the Pale was forty times larger than the modern state of Israel.

No review of Esau’s Tears would be complete without addressing the mileage Lindemann gets out of Benjamin Disraeli, the Jewish novelist and British Prime Minister from the late nineteenth century. The zeitgeist of the age was, in effect, race- or ethnic-realism. Very few people—least of all Jews—denied that different peoples had differing ingrained capabilities and temperaments, both negative and positive. (Linemann thankfully does not deny it either.) Anyone who offers nineteenth-century racial determinism as exhibit A in favor of the inevitability of Nazism will have to come to grips with Disraeli, whom Lindemann describes as “the most influential propagator of the concept of race in the nineteenth century”:

In his novel Coningsby, Disraeli depicted a vast and secret power of Jews, bent on dominating the world. His noble Jewish character, Sidonia (whom Disraeli let it be known was based on Lionel Rothschild), describes race as a supremely important determinant (“all is race; there is no other truth”). Race, he argued, had always been a central factor in the rise of civilization, and western civilization could not have flourished without the Jewish race.

Lindemann even quotes a Rothschild who in private correspondence flatly blamed anti-Semitism on Jewish “arrogance, vanity, and unspeakable insolence.” A paragon of such insolence is nineteenth-century Jewish historian Heinrich Graetz who despised Germany despite living there. He once claimed that Jews who convert to Christianity are “like combatants who, putting on the uniform of the enemy, can all the more easily strike and annihilate him.” Lindemann makes it plain that such destructive attitudes were not terribly unusual among prominent Jews and that the oft-exaggerated notion of Jews as culture destroyers “reflected an undeniable reality.” Lindemann reports how Jews often weaponized the press against Christians or goyim in general while taking great umbrage at even the slightest criticism of Jews. And then there’s all the scams and boondoggles Jews have been involved in, epitomized by the Panama Canal scandal which occupied French headlines in the 1880s and early 1890s.

Investigation into the activities of the Panama Company revealed widespread bribery of parliamentary officials to assure support of loans to continue work on the Panama Canal—work that had been slowed by endless technical and administrative difficulties. Here was a modern project that involved large sums of French capital and threatened national prestige. The intermediaries between the Panama Company and parliament were almost exclusively Jews, with German names and backgrounds, some of whom tried to blackmail one another.

The fiasco caused thousands of small investors to lose their fortunes, to say nothing of the 5,000 Frenchmen and 20,000 Afro-Caribbean laborers who lost their lives in the tropical heat for nothing.

So, the anti-Semites were often correct, or at least were not thrashing about in fantasies, when they accused Jews of clandestine misdeeds or bad behavior. And the more Ostjuden there were in a particular region, the more misdeeds and bad behavior there were to complain about—usually. The bulk of Esau’s Tears covers these as well as the anti-Semites who used their powers of analysis and pattern recognition to call attention to them. Most importantly, Lindemann humanizes these individuals, warts and all, and in almost all cases exonerates them from the blood guilt with which the denunciatory school of Jewish history wishes to stamp them. For a history of anti-Semitism from 1870 to 1939, one can do no better than Esau’s Tears.

Lindemann goes high and low, and far and wide, in his assessment of anti-Semitism. In the 18th century, Johann Gottfried von Herder established the idea of volkgeist, or, spirit of the people, which famed composer Richard Wagner made use of in the next century when discussing Jews in music. French researcher, Paul Broca was a man of the Left whose data forced him to conclude that racial differences exist, quite against his intentions. Where zealots such as Wilhelm Marr—the man who coined the term anti-Semitism—and Georg Ritter von Schönerer saw Jews through a racial lens, religious men such as Adolf Stoekel and Baron Karl von Vogelsang saw the behavior of Jews as a threat to Christianity. Otto Böckel, a popular demagogue known as “the peasant king,” tirelessly spoke out on behalf of the German lower classes, who often suffered as a result of Jewish predations. Meanwhile, anti-capitalist theoretician Eugen Dühring wrote about the “cosmic evil” in Jews. Above them all were top-flight intellects such as Heinrich von Treitschke and Houston Stewart Chamberlain who lent great credibility to anti-Semitism and were respected by Jews and non-Jews alike.

Then of course there was Karl Lueger, the immensely popular anti-Semitic mayor of Vienna prior to the First World War. Lindemann refuses to defend Lueger on all accounts, but points out that his anti-Semitism was often little more than red meat for his base and may not have been entirely genuine. Vienna’s Jews were not materially harmed during his tenure and in fact thrived when this supposed enemy of the Jews ruled the roost—as did many others. The only notable anti-Semite that Lindemann discredits is Edouard Drumont whose popular writings he dismisses as “inconsistent scribblings.” Still, Lindemann credits Drumont as the muck raking journalist who exposed the Jewish role in the Panama Canal scandal.

Lindemann concedes that the historical record is filled with vulgar no-accounts and charlatans who climbed aboard the anti-Semitism bandwagon after failing in other endeavors. But for over a century, the anti-Semites with talent, energy, convictions, and discipline had reacted rationally to real problems and were by no means drawing a straight line to the Nazis. Indeed, Lindemann points out how the diversity of nineteenth-century anti-Semitism makes drawing such a line very difficult. After all, there were plenty of racists who were not anti-Semitic, and quite a few anti-racists who were. And what to make of anti-Semites who assailed Jews from the standpoint of religion or socialism or conservatism? Furthermore, Lindemann demonstrates that despite the breathtaking variety anti-Semitic thought and policy prior to the Nazi era, there were two aspects in which there was almost no diversity at all. One, from the leadership of all anti-Semitic movements outside of Russia or Romania, there were no calls to violence against Jews. And two, all of them, with the possible exception of Lueger, rarely succeeded in making anti-Semitism stick with the people. Before the First World War, anti-Semitism never gained much of a foothold in Western or Southern Europe, or in Hungary. Yes, its presence was stronger in Germany and Austria due to their larger Jewish populations. But even in these places it never enjoyed prolonged mainstream popularity. It was only in Romania and Russia where it was so common that it did not need demagogues or ideologues to prop it up. According to my reading of Lindemann, the tepid success of anti-Semitism resulted not only from European forbearance, but also because assimilated Jews and the Sephardim were in general better behaved and more respectful of their gentile hosts than were the pushy, ill-mannered Ashkenazic Ostjuden who often ruthlessly pursued money or revolution.

In his first chapter, Lindemann suggests that “the notion of the anti-Semite as underdog is one that needs to be given serious analysis.” This is because the highly influential historians of the Jewish denunciatory school continually dehumanize and demonize the anti-Semites of history as if framing a case of first-degree murder in a court of law, with the victim, of course, being the martyred six million. Exculpatory evidence is downplayed or ignored, and goals other than the impartial search for the truth are pursued. In the latter chapters of Esau’s Tears Lindemann condemns Adolf Hitler’s Final Solution, of course, but still humanizes the man. He points out what so many of us know today—that Hitler and the Nazis were in large part a reaction to the widespread atrocities of the Soviets, a people that the denunciatory school of Jewish history rarely smears with the same vigor it exerts when smearing the Nazis and their innocent anti-Semitic predecessors. Perhaps this is because a highly disproportionate number of these Soviet criminals were Jews themselves.

If Esau’s Tears tells us anything, it’s that nothing good can come out of this, except for perhaps more anti-Semitism.

Ernst von Wolzogen, “Principles, and personal experience, of the Jewish Question”1 (1933)

Translated by Alexander JacobErnst von Wolzogen (1855-1934) was an Austrian nobleman who wrote several humorous novels as well as the libretto for Richard Strauss’ second opera, Feuersnot (1901). He was also one of the founders of cabaret in Germany. In the following essay published in 1933, Wolzogen summarises the causes of anti-Semitism as being due to the natural aversion that Aryans feel for Jews, the opposition of Christianity to Judaism, and the commercial appropriation of German culture by the Jews for their profit and mastery over German society. He also recounts the personal distress that he suffered at the hands of the Jewish press and artistic managements of his day. Wolzogen’s personal experiences of the Jews in German artistic circles a century ago indeed possess more than a passing relevance to contemporary Western cultural sociology.

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The former General Superintendent2 Dr. Ketzler called attention in 1930 to quite forgotten late Roman evidence regarding the aversion of the Western world to the Jews. A contemporary of Stilicho,3 the Roman senator Claudius Rutilius Namatianus,4 still a pagan, undertook a coastal voyage in 416 to Galilee in order to ascertain if his landed property there had suffered damage through the invasion of the Gothic troops of Alarich.5 He described this voyage in verse under the title De reditu suo and the manuscript has been preserved in some Roman archive. This Namatianus had leased one of his properties to a Jew. And he describes, partly with moral indignation, partly with malicious scorn, how he was received and treated by this lessee. The orthodox Pharisee did not let him take part in a kosher meal but had a meal cooked really badly specially for him and handed a steep bill to him for this hospitality. Besides this, he raised a loud racket about the improper water usage of the senator and his travel companions. And on the Sabbath he did not deign to do any service for his guest. Namatianus laughs thoroughly at the Jewish god who, after the strenuous work of creation of six days, is himself exhausted and must therefore rest for a day. He traces the cold-heartedness that struck him in all Jews to the senselessly strict prescriptions of the Sabbath holiday. He writes that the Jew treated him and his companions as cattle whereas the ridiculous arrogance and the blind obedience to prescriptions of religious law that had long become senseless appeared to him and the Romans as unworthy of human beings. At the end of his observations he breaks into the complaint,

Oh, if only Judaea had never been subjugated by the wars of Pompeius6 and the military force of Titus!7 Now from out of the broken breeding ground of pestilence creeps the contagion so much more widely and the conquered nation burdens their conquerors.

This groan of Namantianus relates to the fact that already in his time the Jews were felt to be blood-suckers in the dying Roman Empire. They had taken control everywhere of the financial business and brokerage, they constituted a state within the state and transferred their taxes to the secret leaders in Jerusalem more punctually than the state taxes to the Roman financial ministry. The former financial wealth of Rome had flowed mostly into their pockets. And Jerusalem was, along with Alexandria, the biggest stock-exchange of the world of that time. We see therefore from this eloquent document that, already at the time of Alarich, the aversion of the Aryan world to Jewry was the same as that today and had the same reasons. What has appeared recently is only the disastrous influence that they have exercised through the press for some hundred years.

Of course, whether Europe would have been preserved from the Jewish pestilence if Titus had not destroyed Jerusalem and had driven the inhabitants out may justifiably be doubted. The Jews tend even today to maintain that only with the diaspora were they forced to the exclusive occupation with trade and usury because the cruel hard-heartedness of their host nations had denied them the acquisition of land, naturalization in the cities, and equality in mechanical and intellectual activities. But in reality the entire history of Jewry, even that written by themselves, shows that, from the most ancient times, they were only exploiters of the work of others, parasites, vexatious appropriators of foreign cultural works, traders and speculators. Under the late Roman emperors they enjoyed the greatest freedom, indeed even privilege. They had ample opportunity to develop their intellectual gifts in creative activities in the centuries up to the Christianisation under Constantine, if they were inclined to do so. But they preferred the predatory business activities. They had a second favourable opportunity to live freely in mediaeval Spain, especially under the Moorish rule. And there they succeeded in crystallising out of themselves a sort of noble race, the so-called Sephardim. Their scientifically disposed minds showed a special preference for medicine, mathematics, philosophy and, later, also for poetry and music.8 We may gladly grant them the fame that in these fields they have accomplished competent works, in individual cases even outstanding ones, and for some centuries offered to the West perhaps the best doctors. But it would have indeed been a wonder if affluence and peace had not brought forth scholars and artists even in an intellectually active nation of traders. Art and science flourish always in times of peace and affluence. If the original nomad and desert bandit develops, once he becomes sedentary, into traders and usurers and finally, under careful greenhouse cultivation, also brings forth forms alien to their nature such as philosophers and poets that is not more surprising than if the descendants of long series of generations of farmers, soldiers, handicraftsmen and tradesmen in peaceful times also strike out of their mould and begin to engage in arts and sciences. That the Jews in all circumstances, even if their state had not been destroyed, would have spread over the world as traders is due to the fact that to them even today sedentary life is little valued. They indeed gather in a mass where there is a good business to be made and leave the place as soon as they have plundered it. One may just recall the mass immigration of Galician Jews into Vienna at the collapse of the Hapsburg Empire and the mass emigration of the same Jews to Berlin and Paris when the German inflation and the collapse of the French frank offered new shining opportunities to fish in troubled waters. Where there is no business to be made the average Jew will not stay long nor even the most enthusiastic Zionist in the praised land of their ancestors newly gifted by the grace of England.

The reasons for the aversion of almost all peoples of the entire world against Jewry are of different sorts. Among the Aryan peoples it is based primarily in a blood hostility. The most recent scientific research has indeed demonstrated that the Aryan and Jewish corpuscles repel one another in a polarized way. From this perhaps is the inborn repugnance in all Aryans who are still racially conscious to some degree, which however is not expressed against all members of the Semitic race but only against the specifically Jewish type with a negroid element as is especially frequent among the Ashkenazim, the eastern Jews. This racial instinct can therefore perhaps be fully inactive with regard to such Jews who have already for generations willingly accepted Western intellectual culture and as a result of that have more or less obliterated the external stamp of the Jewish soul.

The aversion to Jewry for religious reasons, which operated in a very essential manner in the Jewish persecutions of the Middle Ages, is today hardly of significance. The Christian churches themselves have indeed taken care to see that the consciousness of the essential difference between the Jewish tribal god Jehova and the creator of Nature and the loving father of all human children taught by Jesus became increasingly weak. The acknowledgement of the Old Testament as Holy Scripture’ even for the Christians, the opinion that Jesus was the Messiah promised by the Israelite prophets finally produced the sheer grotesque belief that we had to see in the Jews the worthy fathers of Christianity. Inwardly we regretted the obduracy not only of the contemporary members of the chosen people who did not wish to be redeemed by their divinely chosen Saviour; we became, and are still, eager Jewish missionaries who believe that we can change the Jewish spirit through baptism and win them over to our character!

This false belief operated totally catastrophically in English Puritanism. The English Puritans returned in sinister enthusiasm to the ‘old covenant’, worshipped Jehova and considered it the highest honour to be the descendants of the two tribes of Israel that had disappeared without a trace that, according to the legend, were cast away on the British Isles. They felt themselves also conveniently obliged to fulfil the command of Jehova which meant they had to ‘devour’ all the nations and exercise loyalty and faith, justice and love of one’s neighbour only with regard to one’s own religious comrades. Only in recent times has the knowledge become the property of all mankind that Jesus the Galilean – whether he was pure Jewish blood or not stood from the start in his entire thought and feeling in sheerest opposition to Judaism. Indeed, he is, according to a rabbinical legend, the son of a Jewish hairdresser in Jerusalem and a Roman, therefore perhaps Aryan, officer who later became a captain in Capernaum. (This would explain the friendship between Jesus and the house of this captain evidenced by the evangelists.)

The same rabbinical legend emphasizes most strongly that the hatred of the orthodox against the young rabbi Jeshua ben Jusuf, who, during his long sojourn in Egypt, sat at the feet of the Jewish religious philosopher Philo of Alexandria9 and there filled his mind with Platonic ideas, and therefore records that this renegade half-Jew had defiantly set himself beyond the strict prescriptions that strictly forbade the entry of bastards into the inner sanctuary of the Temple. What the raging hatred of the Pharisees conceived against the bold Galilean – who called them the children of the Devil seems to me to have greater probability than the desperate efforts of our modern wild Aryans who would like make Galileans Gauls and cannot imagine the carpenter’s son from Nazareth other than as blue-eyed and with blond locks. Then necessarily even Gautama Buddha, who raged against the Indian pantheon, must have been a descendant of the Atlanteans! I mean that one can proceed very well without such violent constructions, by simply explaining the personality of Jesus as a good fortune or as a divine act of mercy that granted to the Jewish people a religious genius. It cannot at all appear as a wonder that a race that brought forth so many passionate and even poetically gifted preachers of atonement and prophets finally gave birth to a religious revolutionary.

As such, Jesus had naturally to come to the understanding that the Pharisaic orthodoxy had nothing to do with real religion. Even the knowledge that the pure teaching of Jesus was disastrously falsified by Paul, and especially through his smuggling in of the Jewish concept of sin, has become the common possession of all thinking and perceptive Christians only in recent times. Even if now the most ingenuous church-going Christians hardly hate Jewry because their forefathers killed the Saviour on the cross, all really religious men, no matter if they belong to a church or not, must reject the Yahweh religion for the simple reason that it educates its adherents to the exploitation and destruction of all other nations.

The present-day liberal Jews declare with great decisiveness, and presumably also through sincere conviction, that in their conscience they no longer feel bound to the Mosaic law and its Talmudic interpretation. That may indeed be believed of them; the cultivated Reform Jew of today has in fact not read the Schulchan Aruch and the Talmud, and perhaps does not even understand Hebrew any longer. But unknown to himself his thought and feeling move even today on the tracks that were laid out to their forefathers. It is still only a few Jews who have lived with our Aryan concept of honour, especially our entire attitude to God and our fellowmen, to such a degree that it has become as natural to them as to us.

We always shake our head in uncomprehending astonishment when even Jews who are intellectually and morally superior Jews and who, as doubtlessly honourable men, enjoy the respect of their host peoples, take into their protection Jewish criminals of the worst sort and confront our justified moral indignation with the accusation of anti-Semitic persecution.

The crudest cases of this sort are indeed still in recent memory so that one does not need to go into them in greater detail. We were told that we should take as a model this unconditional support of blood brothers ‘through thick and thin’. But we are fully incapable of doing that. Our conception of honour and justice forbids us to turn black into white in order to help a racial comrade out of difficulty. And when a criminal of our blood receives his punishment we say with satisfaction that he deserved it. We are just to the point of weakness, for we have, for example, let the Aryan Social Democrat Crispien10 declare in the German parliament that he does not recognize any fatherland that is called Germany without throwing him out of the window! One may evaluate our concept of honour, our conception of noble humanity, our categorical imperative, in whatever way one wishes but it is essentially different from the Jewish conception, in most cases even directly opposed to it.

A third reason – in present-day Germany decidedly the most important – for the rejection of the Jews is their presumption of bringing not only the economy but also the entire cultural affairs of our nation under its sway. Anti-Semitism has simply become a defensive weapon. Ever since press freedom was declared to nr constitutional, the Jewish intelligentsia rushed to the newspaper industry and their money enabled them to establish daily newspapers, weekly and monthly journals and to provide a circulation for these that exceeded by far the circulation figures of the German publications. From that time on, thus for the last two decades of the previous century, the influence of the Jewish spirit has become considerable. The mass of harmless German readers did not notice anything. They believed what was written and allowed themselves to be blinded and dazed by the skilled presentation. They learned to laugh at what they had once respected. They became ever more unsure in their natural instincts. Indeed, they learned even to think, to a certain degree, in a Jewish manner! Only a few Germans had worried thoughts about the fact that increasingly more teaching positions in sciences were occupied by Jewish lecturers, increasingly more stages directed by Jews, the commercial mediation between artists and the public, the publishing houses, the art trade increasingly fell into Jewish hands. The innocent people shrugged their shoulders: Well, why not! They are an intelligent people, they present much to minds occupied with the sciences, excellent musicians, actors, singers, directors, conductors, and even very remarkable poets and brilliant writers. And if they take part in the competition with German gifts only sheer envy could deny them their success. The speculation on the inborn German love of justice succeeded brilliantly: Already in 1906 a Dr. [Moritz] Goldstein declared, in a questionnaire in Kunstwart11 that intellectual Jewry felt called to take over the administration of German cultural matters.12 That meant therefore: the tame Germans may write poetry, compose, paint, sculpt, think and invent as much as they want, but insofar as there is a business to be made of their intellectual products the Jew would make it. That is indeed his right for the German does not understand anything about business. And with this decision at least the entire German readership happily gave itself up to the Jewish and Jewish-influenced newspapers.

I may perhaps bring in, for example, my personal experiences in this context. I came from Weimar to Berlin at the beginning of the eighties unsuspectingly, that is, from the incense-filled church of classical tradition and from the magical circle of the living personality of Liszt.12 But hardly had I achieved my first modest successes as a humorous writer and dramatist than I saw myself trapped by the Jewish cultural administrators ruling even at that time. I soon moved in almost exclusively Jewish circles. I was not seldom the sole Gentile in the company of prominent oriental persons. I did not think there was anything bad in that. Only, I thought afterwards that I did not wish in any case to enter into a friendly relationship with any of these many witty and amiable foreign men. Then, in 1901, I unfortunately allowed myself to be tempted to realise in Germany the idea of the small stage, of the artistic music hall, brought by Aryans, the French cabaretists, the Dane Holder Drachmann,13 the Swede Sven Scholander14 and the Germans Bierbaum15 and Wedekind.16 In 1920 I had acquired the necessary distance from the miserable experiences of 1901-1905 to be able to represent them in my memoirs not only truthfully but already with the wistful smile of self-irony. These memoirs appeared under the title ‘How I killed myself’ in Westermann’s monthly journal. But since they lasted until the Überbrettl cabaret period, delegates of the Jewish cultural community demanded of the publisher the immediate stop of further publication and intensified this demand with the threat that in case of refusal to do so all Jewish subscribers would stop subscribing to the monthly journal. The publisher did not allow himself to be intimidated and the monthly journals prosper today more strongly than ever before. But henceforth almost all German stages remained closed to me – and indeed not only those managed by Jews. Naturally also all my other artistic undertakings as well as my books were maliciously criticized or fully ignored by the entire Jewish-influenced press. And why was that? Because I had made clear in the case of the establishment of my own theatres how well Jewry is able to lay their cuckoo eggs in our German nest. The first Jew that I employed in my undertaking soon brought a racial comrade with him and, before I knew it, my secretary and my office assistant were the sole Aryans in the entire undertaking! So long as a large crowd of Jews earned highly from my affairs the Jewish press trumpeted my fame full-throatedly all over the country. The few German artists that I dared to employ, to save face, were thrashed or at best tolerated with a shrug of the shoulders. Before the end of a year my playwrights were no longer called Dehmel,17 Liliencron,18 Bierbaum, Falke,19 Thoma,20 Wedekind but Leipziger, Krakauer, Warschauer and so on. How that could happen, how they paralysed my will and demeaned my name as a signpost for a purely Jewish business, one may read in my memoirs, which later appeared as the first volume of a five-volume edition of selections of my works at Westermann Publishers in Braunschweig. But I had, already before the composition of the memoirs, tried to shape my experiences with the Jewish cultural politics in a literary form, but then left the work lie because I did not find any artistically satisfactory conclusion. Only in 1923 did I take up the manuscript again and attempted to salvage those successful humorous-satirical chapters that dealt with my experiences by appending them to a newly invented story with a political background. That was not a happy idea, for the secret league of the valuable opposition of the German aristocracy against Wilhelm II with allusions to the Eulenburg affair21 (whose real background was at that time still unknown to me) did not agree with the playful cockiness from my cabaret period. The book appeared under the title Sem, der Mitbürger at the Brunnen Publishing House in Berlin. The editor of the Central Verein Zeitung newspaper for defence against anti-Semitism, Fritz Engel, went into a frenzy about that. He referred me urgently to the public prosecutor, and if he were to refuse, to a psychiatrist.

I may interpret this paroxysm as a sure proof of the fact that I had hit the mark with my mockery of the Jewish character, which was nevertheless good-humored and strictly truthful. As is well-known, only Jews may permit themselves to mock Jews. And I had indeed gone too far in representing a prominent Jew as rather dim-witted. Consequently I was punished with death. The German literary historian Soergel22 took over almost word for word Engel’s judgement, without knowing the work, and recorded it forever in his Deutsche Literaturgeschichte.23

Thereafter the boycott screw was tightened even further. The director of a south German city theatre, who had accepted a new play of mine, was quite publicly threatened that the press would ruin him if he dared to perform my play. All booksellers were forbidden to place my books in their windows. And it was even reported to me by an acquaintance that he had asked for a book of mine in a German shop, whereupon the owner sharply winked at him and only when the other customers had left the shop did he confess to him in whispers that he indeed wished to sell him the book but had to request him not to speak of it to anybody else because otherwise his competitor on the same street would certainly report him to the Jews and would ruin his business. When I report these things to respectable Jews they shake their heads in disbelief and assure me that they know nothing of such machinations. Maybe. But one who has any relationship with the Chawrusse24 or the great Cabal, knows about it precisely – no matter whether he dwells in Berlin between Koch Street and Jerusalem Street or in New York or in Jaffa. – It is entirely the same in the case of politics: one must just ask which one of our people our enemies hate the most – it is the men who have understood them most deeply and who are therefore most to be feared. If the street boys shout Hep! Hep!, if wild Teutonicists declare without any hesitation that every man that they dislike is a Jew, and narrow-minded racial fanatics reject completely all Jewish accomplishments, that does not disturb their sleep; but woe to the incautious person who, through his own sharp observation, has recognized the true visage of Jewry and who attempts to use his knowledge to enlighten people!

I think that such a personal experience – and all who have dared to associate with our culture-administering Jews will have similar things to report – illustrates more glaringly the impossible situation than the most detailed observations could. We simply cannot tolerate any longer the presumption of these foreigners, who make up hardly one percent of our population, this violation of our mind. In the meantime, most of the Germans capable of thought have, thank God, perceived how remarkably stupid the phrase was that anti-Semitism is a cultural shame. The young Germany of today, with its new ideals and its fervent capacity for enthusiasm, will certainly proceed beyond this condition of self-defence and move to attack. Only when the Jew will never be a German citizen of Jewish faith but only a foreigner tolerated in a friendly manner would the poison fangs of anti-Semitism be broken, then one can let the guests of a foreign race ply their trades peacefully and utilize their many-sided gifts.

For, if they then misuse their freedom to harm our economy through usury and cut-throat competition or morally undermine our intellectual disposition, then we would know how to make them harmless through expulsion. Those among them who no longer make a good business in the new conditions will soon look for other places of refuge, and that will perhaps include the worst and most dangerous elements among them. With a sifted Jewry there will perhaps be a rather middling income. It is possible that the German Jews will then develop into a better variety, such as the Sephardim once were in Spain, and that then the intellectual Germanisation would succeed more often than hitherto. In any case, the indispensable precondition for the solution of the Jewish Question remains that we stop feeling like besieged people in our own house threatened with starvation and gas poisoning, that we learn once again to exercise our proprietary rights as proud free people.


  1. Grundsätzliches und Persönliches zur Judenfrage’, published in the collection of essays, Das neue Deutschland und die Judenfrage, Lepizig: Rüdiger Verlag, 1933.

  2. A church administrator.

  3. Stilicho (ca.359-408) was a military commander in the Roman army who rose to political prominence in the Western Roman Empire.

  4. Namatianus was a Roman poet of Gallic origin who composed a poem De reditu suo in two books, of which only about seven hundred lines are still extant.

  5. Alarich I (ca.370-411) was the first king of the Visigoths

  6. Pompeius magnus (106-48 B.C.) was a Roman general – and rival of Julius Caesar – who annexed Syria in 64 B.C. and made Judaea a client kingdom shortly after.

  7. Titus Vespianus (39-81) was a Roman Emperor who captured Jerusalem in 70 and destroyed the Second Temple.

  8. Wolzogen is referring to the so-called ‘Golden Age of Jewish culture in Muslim Spain in the 10th and 11th centuries.

  9. Philo Judaeus (ca 20 B.C.-50) was a Jewish philosopher in Alexandria who attempted to interpret Judaism in the light of Platonic philosophy.

  10. Arthur Crispien (1875-1946) was a Social Democratic member of parliament.

  11. From Separation and Its Discontents, Ch. 8:  Jewish cultural domination was a theme of anti-Semitism, but in 1912 when Zionist author [Moritz] Goldstein made his famous comment that Jews should contemplate the implications of the fact that the German cultural heritage was now largely in Jewish hands, the reaction was self-deception:  The unexpected frankness with which a Jew who eschewed self-delusion thus broke a taboo which otherwise had only been violated by anti-Semites with malicious tendencies, illuminated with lightning clarity the prevailing socio-political tensions. And perhaps more illuminating was the embittered reaction of most of the Jewish participants . . . who repudiated the thesis as such, declared the ventilation of the question to be improper, and tried with all their might to efface the divisions thus exposed. (Scholem 1979, 30)  Goldstein was a Zionist, and his essay was greeted with hostility by liberal Jewish organizations who assailed the “excessive nationalism” and “racial semitism” of the Zionists (see Field 1981, 248). As Field (1981, 248) points out, another aspect of Jewish self-deception revealed by this incident was that these liberal Jewish critics never confronted the central problem raised by Goldstein when he noted that anti-Semites such as Houston Stewart Chamberlain were “the best spirits, clever, truth-loving men who, however, as soon as they speak of Jews, fall into a blind, almost rabid hatred.” The credibility of the anti-Semites, not Moritz Goldstein, was the fundamental problem for German Jews.
  12. Liszt was the famous composer and pianist Kunstwart was a German arts periodical that was published from 1887 to 1937.

  13. Holder Drachmann (1846-1908) was a Danish poet and dramatist.

  14. Sven Scholander (1860-1936) was a Swedish musician and sculptor.

  15. Otto Bierbaum (1865-1910) was a journalist and writer whose novel Stilpe inspired Wolzogen to establish the first cabaret, the ‘Überbrettl’, in Berlin in 1901.

  16. Franklin Wedekind (1864-1918) was a German playwright who contributed to the formation of the Communistic epic theatre’ of Erwin Piscator and Bertolt Brecht.

  17. Richard Dehmel (1863-1920) was a German poet whose poems were set to music by numerous composers including Strauss and Schoenberg.

  18. Detlev von Liliencron (1844-1909) was a German poet and novelist.

  19. Gustav Falke (1853-1916) was a German poet based in Hamburg.

  20. Ludwig Thoma (1867-1921) was a German author and publisher whose novels satirise Bavarian rural life.

  21. The Eulenburg affair was a scandal involving Kaiser Wilhelm II’s court. It began when the Jewish journalist Maximilian Harden accused Philip, Prince of Eulenburg, in 1907, of having a homosexual affair with General Kuno von Moltke.

  22. Albert Soergel (1880-1958) was a German literary historian:

  23. Soergel’s literary history, Dichtung und Dichter der Zeit, eine Schilderung der deutschen Literatur der letzten Jahrzehnte, was published in 1911.

  24. A term for the Jewish mafia of Berlin.

Excerpt from William Gayley Simpson’s, “Which Way Western Man?” (1978)

Editor’s note: An interesting, heterodox take on the typical mainstream narrative of post-World War II Soviet anti-Semitism. This is Appendix 4 of Which Way Western Man (1978).

Previously on TOO: Robert S. Griffin’s “William Gayley Simpson on Christianity and the West.” Griffin gives a an account of  Simpson’s life and his relationship with William Pierce.

Appendix 4

‘Alleged Soviet Anti-Semitism’

Much has been made of a “Soviet anti-Semitism” that is alleged to have been initiated by Stalin. Those who hold to this view call attention to the Czech purge of 1953, the year of Stalin’s death, in which nine of the eleven men executed were Jews. In reply to this, and further, as a background for what I want to say about the years that have followed, I can hardly do better than to quote some comments from competent observers of that period. The first are taken from Gothic Ripples, Nos. 96, 97, and 98 of the year 1953, by Mr. Arnold S. Leese, whom I have found an exceedingly exact and reliable investigator. (Gothic Ripples has been defunct since Mr. Leese’s death, but I have a complete file of it.) In No. 96 he wrote:

“Recently in Czechoslovakia there has been a drastic purge of officials anxious to be their own bosses, like Tito in Jugoslavia. Now, you can’t purge Bolshevists without purging Jews; in Stalin’s great purges in Russia (1935-8) the victims were nearly all Jews, but there were always plenty of Jews left to carry on Bolshevism. To the alarm of world Jewry, it could not be hidden from the public that in this new Czechoslovakian purge, the officials arrested were nearly all Jews. Actually, we know for certain that twelve out of the fourteen were Jews. . .”

And then he lists the posts that these Jews held. One is struck at once by the fact that they were anything but Jewish nonentities. On the contrary, they included Rudolph Slansky, Vice-Premier of Czechoslovakia and Secretary-General of the Communist Party; and also the Deputy Secretary-General, numerous deputy Ministers (of Finance, National Defense, Foreign Trade and Foreign Affairs), a local secretary of the Communist Party, and a member of the editorial staff of Rude Pravo, the official organ of the Communist Party.

“In these facts,” resumes Mr. Leese, “not in the fact of their sentences, you have the proof that Bolshevism is Jewish in Czechoslovakia. But the most significant fact of all is that the Minister of Justice who ordered the execution of the condemned eleven men (of whom nine were Jews) was Stefan Reis, recognized by the Jewish Chronicle [one of the leading Jewish periodicals of England] of 5th May, 1950, as a Jew himself!”

How can anyone conceive that so many Jews could have attained posts of such eminence and influence in a Communist country and in the Communist Party if there had been any mounting feeling against Jews on the part of the Government?

In the next issue of Gothic Ripples (No. 97), Mr. Leese comments on the readiness with which gentiles the world over had swallowed the Jewish brainwash of Soviet anti-Semitism. “Let us just remind everyone that Stalin married a Jewess, whilst his daughter married in 1951 a Jew; that in the recent Czechoslovakian purge the Minister of Justice was the Jew, S. Reis; that two Jews, E. Pollak and Jaroslav Simon, have just been decorated in Soviet Russia for agricultural services; . . . while at the Jewish Board of Deputies meeting on the same date [1.18.53], a far-sighted Jew, A. Wolffe, who knew this lie of anti-Semitism in Russia would come back on the Jews like a boomerang, said to his fellow tribesmen, ‘You know, as I know, that there is no anti-semitism in Eastern Europe.’ The whole idea is puerile. Even in Rumania, the Jewess Anna Pauker has been replaced by another Jew, A. Bughici.”

And Gothic Ripples No. 98 records that the Jewish Chronicle, 2.13.53, had reported that Vol. 15 of the Soviet Encyclopaedia published that month, had declared that “the Jewish problem does not exist in the Soviet Union, where today Jews find the doors open to all professions.” It adds, after pointing to the Jewishness of the Government in Hungary, “you can only purge a Jewish Government by purging Jews from it.” A succinct note in Time magazine, March 2, 1953, confirmed this. In regard to the expected purge of Jews in Communist Hungary, it sifted down the reports to mean “that a Russian purge tribunal has gone to Hungary to root out ‘suspected Zionists’ from the strongly Jewish (90% in the top echelons) government of Communist Premier Matyas Rakosi, who is himself a Jew.”

Free Britain for March 15, 1953 (No. 135) brought out another side of the matter:

“For thirty-five years the Russian people have been exploited and pillaged by the Soviet Government

“Never has it been allowed to occur to the Russian masses that they have a Jewish Government, although this is known to be the case.” [With this compare Americans’ unawareness of the Jewishness of our Government for the past 50 years!]

“If once the Russian people were to awake to the fact they had been ruled for all these years by the one people whom they detest most of all, the Soviet Government would be faced with a domestic upheaval that might end the regime.

“The Russians have always detested the Jews, and the main reason for all the secrecy behind the Iron Curtain, for the secret police, for the censorship of the Press and for the concentration camps is to prevent the Russians learning that their country is ruled by Jews.

“That is why two years ago Free Britain pointed out that ‘the soft underbelly of the Soviet Monster is the Jewish Question.’

“Now in spite of all precautions the Russian people are beginning to learn the truth, and it has become an urgent matter for their Jewish masters to throw dust in their eyes. They have found it necessary to sacrifice some of their own people, as of old, and to give the widest publicity, in an effort to make their actions appear anti-Jewish.

“By its actions the Soviet Government has shown beyond any shadow of doubt the one thing it fears above everything else is that its Jewishness should become known to the Russian people.”

But there are those who claim that no matter what may have been the official Soviet attitude toward Jews 15 or 20 years ago, mounting evidence for the past decade has conclusively proved this to be hostile. In reply to this, I would submit such indications as the following:

1. On Sept. 30, 1960, the B’nai B’rith Messenger, official organ of one of the most powerful Jewish institutions in the world, published this “exclusive United Nations WUP report”:

“A.I. Mikoyan has officially denied that any form of anti-Semitism exists today in the Soviet Union, a Soviet Embassy revealed this week

“Take, for example, the list of members of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. How many Jews are on it? There are most likely relatively more of them than representatives of other nationalities.

“My brother is an aircraft designer and he works with Gurevitch, a Jew by nationality. Their plan is called ‘MIG,’ that is, Mikoyan and Gurevich. I don’t consider this an instance of anti-Semitism.

“There are many Jews among the artists. . . . Talented Jews have wide opportunities for the development of their gifts. There are many Jews among the film directors, artists, screen players, composers, musicians, writers, and also in offices, in ministries, in the Army. They hold high posts. We have, for example, General of the Army Kreiser, a very respected man, a Jew by nationality. I know him personally.

“Engineer Dymshitz is likewise a Jew. He is minister in charge of all capital construction in the Soviet Union.”

  1. Mr. A.K. Chesterton, who has made it part of his business to be informed about all matters vitally pertaining to Jews, in a personal letter to me dated June 11, 1973, wrote:

 “The Soviet Union has always been anti-Zionist, and nonetheless so because it procured tens of thousands of Polish Jews for export to Palestine in 1946. . .

“Heaven knows that I am no champion of the Soviet regime, but it does have my sympathy in recognizing that dual loyalty in the eyes of Zionist Jews is a deceptive phrase to cover up single-minded loyalty to Israel. As far as I am aware, Russian Jews have no specific complaint against the regime except its discouragement of emigration.” [Emphasis added.]

Please note that this brings us up to a few months ago.

  1. The South African Observer (Box 2401, Pretoria, South Africa), in its issue for February 1973, had a significant note about the activities of Walter B. Kissinger, a brother of Henry Kissinger. Walter is a millionaire American industrialist, who is also the head of a West German firm, the Rohe Company, “which is negotiating a contract involving over $125 million with the Soviet Union to build and equip five hundred gasoline stations in and around Moscow.” This hardly supports the idea that Jews have any deep grievance against the Soviet Government.
  2. But to my mind what completely silences the idea that the Russian Government has done anything that has seriously alienated Jewish affections and support, is the well-established fact that, although the United States and all the other major nations of the West has been under steadily increasing Jewish control for the past fifty years, every one of them, and the U.S. most of all, has consistently done whatever was necessary to prevent Russian collapse. What organized Jewry can do, and leaps to do, when it really feels itself confronted by an enemy, was made fearfully plain by the vengeance it heaped upon Hitler and Germany. Beside this, any resentment Jews may feel toward Russia looks pretty pallid. And if at first one be disturbed by noticing, for instance, that the New York Times “every day seems to run a scheduled attack on the Russian Government,” one needs to remember that the Jews stand out in history as the great masters of deception. With their undisputed control of the mass media they are in a position to fabricate whatever reports they will, as a smokescreen to cover up their real designs: they can make us think they are about to move in one direction, when in fact they intend to move in the opposite. Above all, there is the fact, behind which Dr. Antony Sutton has put such mountains of indisputable evidence (as already detailed in my text), that since Stalin as much as before him, it has been the Jew-controlled U.S.A. that is chiefly responsible for having built up the Russian regime, prevented its collapse, and maintained it in power. Most recently, “when the last Soviet famine threatened as the result of yet another failure of collectivized agriculture, Dr. Kissinger [himself a Jew born abroad], whose power base is the international financial groups whose interests he has faithfully served, rushed to Moscow . . . to offer the necessary credits to enable American wheat to be shipped to the Soviet Union. 700 million dollars were provided.”[1] Russia got the wheat by American taxpayers’ having to go short of wheat for themselves. They got it without actually paying a cent for it. They got it “on the cuff,” by a mere promise to pay for it, a promise on which they may be counted to renege, as they reneged on their obligation to pay off their debt to the U.S. of 11 billion dollars for Lend Lease.

All this shows actual favoritism toward Communist Soviet Russia, and is inconceivable on the part of a Jew-controlled U.S. Government, except as the Soviet Union not only had the approval of American Jewry but enjoyed its active support.

This favoritism, as revealed in the apparent attitude of the U.S. Government to a recent Russian military move, was commented on in the London Financial Times of April 22, 1974:

“No one without access to the inner councils of the Kremlin can say, of course, that Russia would not have mounted this considerable new military effort if the U.S. had not been willing to act as its extremely indulgent international banker. But what cannot be denied is that, by granting the Soviet greatly extended access to American money and resources, President Nixon’s detente has made it very much easier than it would otherwise have been for Russia to cope with the additional stresses its intensified military effort must be imposing on the country’s external payments and domestic economic situation.”

And as a final observation bearing on the alleged anti-Semitism of the Russian Government, I must add a note about the so-called Dartmouth Conferences. Eight of these have been held since the first in 1960, half in the U.S., half in Russia. They have all been held in secret under extreme security precautions. Money to cover the expenses incurred has almost always been supplied by the large American tax-exempt foundations, notably the Ford Foundation. The delegates are exclusively from the U.S. and Russia. They are persons of very great power and influence in the worlds of finance, politics, science, education, and all the means for shaping the public mind. They manifestly work, like the Bilderberger Group, in close liaison with the Council on Foreign Relations, all of which further the same ends. They are obviously an instrument for bringing together in particular the U.S. and Russia, to combine their forces for the destruction of national sovereignties and to create a homogenized world most advantageous to money-making and favorable to the dominion of the Earth by bankers.

But the point of particular importance here is that a large number of the names of the Russian delegates to the Dartmouth Conferences have been Jewish. This, it would seem, makes it undeniable that “racial Jews still have great power and influence in the Soviet totalitarian dictatorship.” See Youth Action News, August 1974, at the bottom of page 7. (Box 312, Alexandria, Virginia 22313.)

I readily allow that there may be indications that do not fit in with the view that I have presented here. And perhaps I could not answer every such contrary indication. But I must heed my very painful awareness both of the fearful importance of our not being taken in, and of the Jews’ need of deception for the accomplishment of their ends, and of their genius for it. Our very existence as a nation, and as a people, may depend on our discerning clearly, beneath all appearances to the contrary, what is really going on. But let it be my final word that the danger, as I see it, is not so much from what apparently emanates from Russia, as from the Jewish International Money Power that works partly behind and through it, and always for the destruction of the White man everywhere—in the United States, in Russia, in Britain, in Europe, throughout Africa, in Australia, and in New Zealand. And nowhere has it ever been truer that if we don’t hang together, all of us White men, we shall certainly hang separately. And the hangman will be the Jew.

Part C, Section 38: ‘The Solution of the Jewish Problem’

I now set before my readers the conclusions to which twenty-five years of investigation and reflection have forced me. If there is anything about these conclusions that is unsupported by facts, or contrary to the spirit of fair play and justice, I shall be glad to have it pointed out to me how and where.

  1. The Jewish people, taken as a whole, are never to be trusted. It has been born in them, and drilled into them too deeply, that first of all and above all else they are Jews, and therefore their first loyalty is to Jewry, to their own kind anywhere and everywhere. That means loyalty to Zionism, to Israel or to any other center to which Jews can rally and which is working for their advancement as a people. There are, of course, exceptions, striking and moving exceptions, and they may be more numerous than I realize, but it is never possible to tell in advance which ones are going to be loyal to the country of their adoption, and which will not. In any case, it does not make sense to base a policy on what, it has to be admitted, is the exception.
  2. They will never be assimilated, never, anywhere. They have proved themselves to be very adaptable almost everywhere. But not assimilable. Their identity, and therefore their existence as a people, depends upon their never mixing their genes with those of another race. That individual Jews will do so does not alter the fact that to the Jewish community as a whole this must ever seem betrayal and treason, and that if most Jews followed suit, Jewry as a separate people would disappear.
  3. Even if they were ready for assimilation, we should reject it, and condemn and punish those of our people who marry Jews even as we should condemn and punish intermarriage of our people with Negroes. Admittedly, the potentialities of the Jews are, on the average, vastly superior to those of Blacks. Nevertheless, both are essentially alien to us. Most gentiles, with their easygoing tolerance, may not recognize this or may wish to ignore it. But Jews recognize it plainly enough. Let any gentile who doubts it spend half an hour looking through You Gentiles by Maurice Samuel, from which, in a note at the end of this chapter, I quote a few passages.[2] And if we are ever to attain that homogeneity and solidarity upon which our greatest cultural potency certainly depends, and even, ultimately, perhaps our survival, we must burn into our consciousness and forever heed that admonition of Goethe’s, “The alien element, we must not tolerate.”
  4. The Jews hate us, and they have long sought and waited for their chance to destroy us. And, as I have plainly enough indicated in these pages, they mean to do it so thoroughly, by racial mixture with Negroes and any and every sort of people who are genetically alien or inferior to us, and by inducing a dysgenic differential birthrate among us, that recovery may forever be impossible. Where does this leave us? Perhaps we can get a clue to the course that wisdom would dictate to us in the advice that Benjamin Franklin is said to have given to the Constitutional Convention in May 1787:

“In whatever country Jews have settled in any great numbers, they have lowered its moral tone, depreciated its commercial integrity, have segregated themselves and have not been assimilated, have sneered at and tried to undermine the Christian religion, have built up a state within a state, and have, when opposed, tried to strangle that country to death financially.

If you do not exclude them, in less than 200 years our descendants will be working in their fields to furnish the substance while they will be in the counting houses rubbing their hands. I warn you, gentlemen, if you do not exclude the Jews for all time, your children will curse you in your graves. Jews, gentlemen, are Asiatics; they will never be otherwise.”[3]

These words have been declared a sheer fabrication, though I have some reason to believe them to be genuine, but for my present purpose it does not greatly matter whether Franklin ever uttered them or not. Let that be as it may, in the light of my knowledge of the Jew and the injury he has inflicted on our people, it is undeniable that an incalculable amount of suffering, humiliation, degeneration, frustration and perversion would have been avoided if the course that these words laid down had been consistently followed from 1787 until this present hour. But at least, beginning now, we can take the words to heart. This, as I see it, would mean:

First. That all Jewish citizenship should be cancelled. Jews should be given protection against physical injury, and a reasonable amount of time should be allowed them to settle their affairs and get out. If the question came up about where they should go, it would doubtless be recalled that many years ago it was urged that some such piece of the Earth as Madagascar should be acquired by international action and by purchase, for Jewish settlement.

Second. Recognizing the suicidal folly of allowing Jews to hold any positions of public trust, responsibility or substantial influence anywhere in our country, they should in the future be admitted to our shores only on temporary visas.


[1] Eric Butler—“The Plotters Behind the World Crisis,” Spearhead, June 1974, p. 13.

[2] Simpson here quotes several passages from You Gentiles by Maurice Samuel, Harcourt, 1924:

[3] The full text of this may be seen in The New York Times for March 9, 1937, under the caption: “Nazis Say Franklin Urged Ban on Jews.” The case for the validity of this speech is more than I can take the space to present here.

Review: Julius Evola’s Three Aspects of the Jewish Problem, Part 2

Review: Julius Evola’s Three Aspects of the Jewish Problem, Part 1 – The Occidental Observer

The Cultural Aspect of the Jewish Problem

Evola opens his treatment of the cultural problem by arguing that Jews have not given up the “instinct for universal domination” contained within Judaism, but “it is just that this deep-rooted instinct disguised itself, assumed tortuous forms and became occult, subterranean activity.” The Jews “created, for the fulfilment of their ideal, an inner united front of deception and treason within all nations.” Two fundamental instruments were employed for this purpose: money and intelligence. Evola explains,

It is not through weapons, but rather through the power of gold on the one hand, and through everything that intelligence can do in terms of spiritual and ethical disintegration, of social and cultural myths generating a revolt against, and a subversion of, the traditional values and institutions of the Aryan peoples and against everything that is connected with the higher part of the human being.

Despite such a strong opening, Evola again pulls back from an ethnic focus. He concedes that the modern era has witnessed “the progressive rise of the Jew to the rank of supranational ruler of the West,” but he then adds that “it would be really superstitious to ascribe” this rise and associated cultural degradation “solely to the Jews.” Rather, argues Evola, “the struggle against the Jew often hides a struggle against general structures prevalent throughout modern civilization.” Jews are said to appear to be at the forefront of decay simply because they are vehicles for three non-personal factors Evola holds primarily accountable for the decline of the West — nomadism, rationalism, and materialism.

In the form of their spirit of nomads, of a scattered people, of stateless persons, the Jews would have introduced into the various peoples, starting with the Roman people, the virus of denationalisation, universalism and internationalism of culture. This is an incessant action of erosion of what is qualitative, differentiated, defined by the boundaries of a tradition and of a blood. This is what, in more recent times, we have seen focused mainly on the social plane, in the form of the lever of socialist revolutions of democratic-Masonic Judaised ideology and of their related humanitarian and internationalist myths.

Evola’s analysis again seems to contradict itself, on the one hand offering a very bloodless and bland view of Jews as passive carriers of culturally damaging trends, while on the other hand mentioning very specific and ethnically self-serving political and cultural movements in which Jews were key operators. Evola’s discussion of the Jewish relationship with rationalism is extremely brief and just as weak, with Evola offering only that Judaism was a “religion in which the relations between man and God were conceived as a self-interested and almost contractual regulation of profit and loss.” That may be so, but Evola doesn’t explain why, above many other worthy points of discussion not approached in this text, he feels this should be mentioned.

I found Evola’s treatment of Jews and materialism, and within that mammonism and pragmatism, one of the more interesting sections of the work. For Evola, the obsession with money, or the “deification of money and wealth” and the development of a “soulless economy and a stateless finance,” are bound up with

Everything that, in modern cultural, literature, art and science, owing to the Jews, distorts, mocks, shows as illusory or unfair what, for us, had an ideal value, bringing out, on the contrary, as if it were the sole reality, what is lower, sensual, and animal in nature.

An obsession with the material, and especially with wealth, is therefore in direct opposition to Aryan ideals. Any culture built around wealth acquisition, or which turns upon an axis of purely financial values (e.g., praising immigrants because they are “taxpayers”), is designed to “instil a sense of spiritual dismay that favors an abandonment to the lowest forces and, finally, gives way to the occult game of the Jew.”

One of the most significant developments of the early twentieth century, argues Evola, was the Judaisation of Western economic attitudes, particularly the development of consumerism and the further refinement of commercial capitalism. Evola clearly detests

Protestant-Puritan glorification of success and profit, the capitalist spirit in general, the evangelist-preacher-entrepeneur, the businessman and the usurer with the name of God on his lips, the humanitarian and pacifist ideology in the service of materialistic praxis. … There are strong grounds for thinking that, as stated by Sombart, America in all its aspects is a structurally Jewish country and that Americanism is nothing other than the Jewish spirit distilled.

Based on precedent within the text I expected Evola to take this cue to once more take the conversation away from an ethnic focus, but I was pleasantly surprised to find that he didn’t. I actually agree with Evola that certain Jewish “ways of seeing” have become endemic in the West, and that the values of our age have fallen a great height from the days of Aryan ideals. And yet the present state of affairs shouldn’t lead to confusion as to how we got here. Evola stresses the question posed to all serious thinkers about this problem:

It is the question of deciding to what extent the Jew can seriously be considered as the determining cause and as the necessary and sufficient element to explain all the disruptions mentioned above, and to what extent the Jew appears on the contrary only as one of the forces at work within a far vaster phenomenon which is impossible to reduce to mere racial relations.

Evola believes that general racial mixing owes more to “internationalism”, but concedes that “to a certain extent, even at the present time, most of the representatives of the internationalist tendency in the worst sense originate in Judaism in the field of culture and literature, and to that extent a general anti-Semitic attitude would be justified.” [emphasis added]

By the same token, while Evola points out that rationalism is not a Jewish phenomenon only (Socrates, medieval nominalists, Descartes, Galileo, Bacon et al., being some of the most important European examples), “one can still speak of a disintegrating Jewish spirit expressing itself through rationalism and calculation, ending up in a world of machines, things, money rather than of persons, traditions, lands.”

The Socio-Economic Aspect

Evola argues that it is in the economic and social planes that “the anti-Semitic argument is at its most legitimate.” Beginning with Jewish art, Evola claims it has a “dissolving effect,” since it manifests a “wish to degrade, to soil and to debase all that is considered great and noble.” He sees in Jewish artistic expression “a certain Jewish instinct to humiliate, degrade and dissolve.”

Evola’s use of the word “instinct” is important because his treatment of the socio-economic aspect is based upon the question of whether Jews “dissolve” the societies around them through their intrinsic nature and way of being in the world, or whether they do it through organized conspiracy. He argues that “motives for anti-Semitism in the political and economic field” follow one of two streams. The first stream he describes as extremist and general, in essence built upon a theory of conspiracy. The second stream he describes as practical and nationalist.

Evola was well-versed with the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, having edited an Italian edition of the text, and he viewed it as the quintessential text of the “extremist and general” branch of thought. Evola doesn’t appear to believe in the authenticity of the Protocols as the discovered minutes of a meeting held by global Jewish leaders to plot world domination, but he does see value in the text as a creative exploration of Jewish methodologies for socio-political dominance. He stresses, for example, that “the first thing to be conceded is that the course of social and political history in modern Europe seems in fact to meet the objectives set out in the Protocols.” Evola believed there was “without question, a connection between the Jewish tradition and Freemasonry,” the latter having played a part in the French Revolution and “might very well have obeyed Jewish influences.” Marxism, and socialism in general are also “direct creatures of the Jews and the Jewish spirit.” Finally, adds Evola, “as to the active forms of Jewish subversive intervention, certain facts remain indisputable, such as the Jewish influence that has accompanied almost all modern revolutions.”

Evola was certainly aware of even more far-reaching claims within “Nordic anti-Semitism,” pointing out that

Hitler goes even further: he thinks that the Jews, recognizing the fundamental value of blood and race as creators of true civilization, have proceeded to a systematic project of biological contamination of the non-Jewish races, and particularly of the Aryan Germanic race, in order to dissipate the last strains of pure blood.

Keeping with his suspicion and disregard for “Nordic anti-Semitism,” Evola counters the idea of a “systematic project” by arguing that

The most likely hypothesis is that the action of the Jewish element in all the phenomena that have just been described may be more instinctive and almost unintentional, and thus uncoordinated, rather than being governed by a unitary idea in accordance with a plan and a well thought-out and predetermined technique.

Although he lacked the language to express this idea, I think Evola here is grasping at something approaching a social identity theory of the Jews, or possibly even coming alongside something like the idea of a group evolutionary strategy. In these latter cases, however, there is clearly room for both instinct and, at the smaller level, planning and coordination. In fact, one of the standard features of Jewish social, political, and economic activism is organizational clustering. This clustering may be instinctive, in the sense that Jews engage in ethnic nepotism and feel a strong kinship with one another, but once it has occurred then the planning and development of “systematic projects” becomes undeniable, whether in pursuit of legalistic speech restrictions, opening national borders, or other goals advantageous to Jews. An ethnic conspiracy organized at a global level, as seen in something like the Protocols, is hardly necessary when smaller conspiracies proliferate in a myriad of core issues and across multiple nations.

Evola bridges the gap between conspiracy and instinct when he moves to the “concrete and practical” stream of socio-economic anti-Semitism. He agrees that “there is a sense of solidarity among the Jews,” and adds that “there is a Jewish practice of lies, cunning, hypocrisy, exploitation, a skilfulness in gradually climbing into all the key positions.” The Jewish practice of dual ethics (i.e., having one set of morals for interacting with your own group, and another set for morals for dealing with outsiders) “give to the Jews not the features of a religious community, but a social conspiracy.” Evola believes that anti-Semitism is justified, and the Jewish practice of dual ethics demands that this anti-Semitism should entail some form of reduction in the ‘rights’ of Jews. Because Jews are ethnic freeloaders and do not play the game of life in the same sense as Aryans, “to set Jews free [via equal rights] would mean to dig our own graves. That is why the liberal democratic ideology is, for good reason, so dear to the Jews; it is the one that contributes best to their game.”

Evola pointed to the necessity of quotas, and other restrictions imposed on Jews in the early twentieth century, given the remarkable rise of Jews in leading positions in several nations. While Evola supported National Socialist legislation towards reversing this dominance, he was scathing of the general way in which restrictions on Jews were imposed. For example, Evola supported quotas and restrictions in certain political and cultural roles, but was very critical of Germany’s ban on Jewish doctors. For Evola, the decision was taken without any assessment of whether Jews were taking such positions for “the aims of domination of his race.” If it were not the case—if Germans were simply banning Jews from medicine in order to favor their own race in a competing ethnocentrism, then Evola claims that “the ban of Jews by National-Socialists would be devoid of any serious justification. … This is why we have called such a form of anti-Semitism practical: a spirit of solidarity is opposed in it to another spirit of solidarity.” Evola does not, however, explain why a spirit of solidarity is justified in removing Jews from government and leading positions in culture and education, but suddenly ceases to be justified in other areas. Setting aside the fact that medicine is a lucrative and socially influential field worth ‘taking over,’ it strikes me that ethnic solidarity is, by its nature, all or nothing. If an ethnic group or nation is going to compete with Jewish ethnocentrism and solidarity, then it makes sense that this would be all-encompassing. Evola thus again left me confused and feeling that his analysis is either poorly thought through, or badly and insufficiently expressed.

Evola continues to waver in this final section of this analysis. He writes that Judaism has played a role in a “monstrous omnipotent apparatus that sweeps away peoples and conditions destinies.” As such, and despite his previous critique of the ban on Jewish doctors, he feels that a universal and all-encompassing “struggle against the omnipotent Jew can be an effective symbol.” Almost immediately, however, he advises against waging war “against Judaism solely in a Jewish fashion, that is to say in the name of a racist and particularistic exclusivism modelled, unconsciously, on the racism of which Israel has given the most typical example in history.”

Evola here prefigures Kevin MacDonald’s analysis at the conclusion of the fifth chapter of Separation and Its Discontents (“National Socialism and Judaism as Mirror-Image Group Strategies”), but Evola fails to explain why such an approach is strategically bad. He merely hints that it is not in keeping with a system of Aryan ideals he never fully describes. Evola therefore presents his readers with an inescapable dilemma — to set the Jews free is to dig our own graves, but to restrict them is to act like Jews and sacrifice our Aryan spirit.

What, then, does Evola suggest in terms of a solution to the three aspects of the Jewish problem? He appeals to the memory of the Roman Empire, and writes

Only the restoration of such a Europe, to the point of a complete restoration of classical Roman forms, gives the right point of reference to those who want to oppose, not only the various concrete, partial, apparent aspects of the Jewish danger in the cultural, moral, economic and social fields, which are really conditioned by race, but also the larger phenomena of decay shown by modern civilization in general and originating in an ‘intelligence’ far more concrete than that to which, on the basis of obscure sensations and transposition, anti-Semitism has referred with its myth of the occult conspiracy of Israel.

In other words, after a lengthy text critiquing Nordic particularistic nationalism, Evola claims the solution to the Jewish problem is resurrecting the long dead empire that just so happened to be based in the city he was born, raised and, ultimately, would die in.

Conclusion

Evola’s Three Aspects of the Jewish Problem is an interesting historical artefact from a point in time where Europe was convulsing in a general and widespread reaction against Jewish influence. The period witnessed the publication of many thousands of tracts, pamphlets and monographs purporting to explain and even solve the civilizational question posed by this Jewish influence. Evola’s work on the subject, however, hasn’t aged well, and is significantly weaker than other texts of the period such as Hillaire Belloc’s The Jews, or Henry Ford’s The International Jew. Evola’s work is unnecessarily esoteric and, to make matters worse, is proud of this clumsy esotericism, critiquing the works of others as on the one hand “thoughtless,” and on the other as exemplifying a scientific and rational outlook that is said to be anti-Aryan (!). Beyond echoing Evola’s own fantasies of a resurrected Roman Empire, there are no solutions offered here, and the analysis presented in the volume is almost invariably incomplete, self-contradictory, and over-wrought. It is peppered with a sneering and patronizing anti-Germanism. I came to the work already believing Evola to be a great over-estimated thinker, and I finished it more or less confirmed in that opinion.

Review: Julius Evola’s Three Aspects of the Jewish Problem, Part 1


“As far as we are concerned, we believe that anti-Semitism has every right to exist.”
Julius Evola

Prompted by the rapid rise of the Jews in the West, the early twentieth century witnessed a proliferation of publications intended to expose, explain, or solve ‘the Jewish Problem’ — the acquiring by Jews of excessive influence in host societies and their use of this influence in the pursuit of selfish and destructive goals. Some of these works, such as Henry Ford’s The International Jew, caused an international storm on publication and continue to be well-known. Others, such as Hillaire Belloc’s The Jews (1922), quickly fell into relative obscurity despite representing, in some cases, superior works. One of these more obscure, but thought-provoking contributions, is Julius Evola’s Three Aspects of the Jewish Problem (Tre aspetti del problema ebraico), first published in Rome in 1936.

Although not considered a primary thinker in matters relating to the Jews, Evola took the Jewish Question seriously and often referred to it in his works, including a chapter of his 1937 The Myth of the Blood. His references to the publications and speeches of others on the subject would suggest that he read widely and deeply in available contemporary sources, and Evola is known to have edited an Italian edition of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. His tackling of the Jewish Question has remained relatively unexplored by mainstream scholarship, despite the fact Evola’s thought has been rising in prominence since the 1970s, when he was especially influential on the French New Right. Some of the notable texts from that period include Julius Evola le visionnaire foudroyé, (Julius Evola, the Devastating Visionary) (Michel Angebert and Robert de Herte, 1977), Julius Evola e l’affermazione assoluta, (Philippe Baillet, 1978), La Terre de lumière. Le Nord et l’origine (The Earth of Light: The North and the Origin) (Christophe Levalois, 1985), L’Empire Intérieur (The Inner Empire) (Alain de Benoist, 1995), and Enquête sur la Tradition aujourd’hui (Research on the Tradition Today) (Arnaud Guyot-Jeannin, 1996).

This attention from the New Right provoked attention from leftist academics, as evidenced in particular in the work of Thomas Sheehan,[1] Elisabetta Cassina Wolff,[2] Stéphane François,[3] and Franco Ferraresi. Ferraresi described Evola in 1987 as “possibly the most important intellectual figure for the Radical Right in contemporary Europe.”[4] It should probably be added that media hysteria concerning Trump’s victory in the 2016 presidential election focused for some time on Steve Bannon’s stated admiration for the Italian philosopher. Perhaps surprisingly, with the exception of Wolff, who accused Evola of a “ferocious and destructive anti-Jewish racism,” Evola’s attitudes towards Jews are never raised in these works. My own search of works published in the last two decades shows only one serious journal publication on the subject, Peter Stuadenmaier’s 2020 article in the Journal of Contemporary History, “Racial Ideology between Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: Julius Evola and the Aryan Myth, 1933–43.”[5] Stuadenmaier sees Evola as committed to a campaign “to cultivate a closer rapport between Italian and German variants of racism as part of a campaign by committed antisemites to strengthen the bonds uniting the fascist and Nazi cause.”

Was Evola a “committed antisemite”? And what exactly were his views on Jews and the Jewish problem?

Three Aspects of the Jewish Problem

The three aspects of the Jewish problem identified by Evola are spiritual, cultural, and economic/social. Evola opens by first explaining that

In Italy there is little awareness of the Jewish problem. … The latest laws recently inspired by Göring in Germany, which state that not only marriages between Jews and non-Jews are forbidden, but also cohabitation with Jews, and that Jews or those who are already married to Jews are banned from any organization in the National-Socialist state, indicate the extremely high level of these tensions.

Although Italy was not so obviously subject to the same tensions, Evola reminded his readers that such tensions were universal and that “anti-Semitism is a motif that has appeared in almost every stage of Western history.” Evola claimed that Italy’s less strained and direct tensions with Jews presented an opportunity for a more complete and successful attempt to address the Jewish problem. He writes that

The fact that the special circumstances which have caused the most direct and thoughtless forms of anti-Semitism in some countries are not present in Italy allows us to consider the problem with greater calm and greater objectivity.

Such an approach is necessary, argued Evola, because anti-Semitism elsewhere in Europe, is said to lack “a truly general standpoint,” in addition to lacking “the doctrinal and historical premises which are necessary to really justify, through a deductive procedure, any practical, that is to say, social and political, anti-Semitic policies.”

Evola believed in the development and imposition of anti-Semitic policies. He asserts early in the text that he believes “anti-Semitism has every right to exist.” He also, however, believes that the arguments of many contemporary anti-Semites bear the hallmarks of “weakness and confusion” and are hindered further by a “violent partisan spirit.” He worried that this approach would lead impartial observers to think that “it can all be reduced to one-sided and arbitrary attitudes dictated less by sound principles than by practical contingent interests.”

Evola begins from certain premises, namely that

There is at the present time a Jewish peril, particularly perceptible in the financial field and in the economic sphere in general, there is also a Jewish peril in the area of ethics. Finally, as far as spirituality, religion, and a world-outlook are concerned, everything that is connected with Semitism, and above all with Jews, appears as particularly repulsive to the various peoples of the White race.

Readers familiar with Evola’s other works, in particular Revolt Against the Modern World, will not be surprised to find that the spiritual element takes up the majority of Evola’s attention in this work, and it is this element that begins his study.

The Spiritual Aspect of the Jewish Problem

Evola begins by asking if there is, in general, “a typical Jewish world-outlook or view on life and the sacred.” He argues that it is wrong to view the Jews as having a specific outlook, but rather that the Jewish world-outlook is better defined as part of the broader “Semitic” sense of the spiritual. In his words:

We will be deliberately using [‘Semitic’] here because we believe that the ‘Jewish’ element cannot be, purely and simply, separated from the general type of civilization that formerly spread throughout the whole Eastern Mediterranean area from Asia Minor to the borders of Arabia, noteworthy though the differences between Semitic peoples may be.

Evola thus promises, instead of a study of the spiritual problem of the Jews, an “overall study of the Semitic spirit.”

In my view this entire premise has aged poorly, and I almost gave up reading the text at this point given how fundamentally flawed it is. With advances in modern genetic studies since the days of Evola, we now know categorically, for example, that Ashkenazi Jews in particular represent a very distinct ethnic group that has become progressively more homogenous over the last seven centuries, with “Ashkenazim the world over carrying essentially the same collection of DNA sequences.” Studies have also shown that Jews are more genetically similar to groups such as Kurds, Turks, and Armenians than they are to their Semitic language-speaking Arab neighbors. Which prompts the question: On what basis is Evola positing a “Semitic spirit?”

Unencumbered by such important questions, Evola departs into overwrought theorizing on the clash between a “solar” Aryan spirit, and a “lunar” Semitic spirit. Although this will be explained below, it struck me that Evola seemed almost entirely ignorant of the history of the very real and very material antagonism of the Jews against Europeans in the realm of spirituality and religion. In How the West Became Antisemitic: Jews and the Formation of Europe, 800–1500, soon to be published by Princeton University Press by Yale’s Ivan Marcus, it’s very clear that Jews have been very singular and deliberate actors in Western history. Marcus writes that “Jews were capable of doing exactly what infuriated Christian officials.” He explains:

Medieval Jewish historians have recently revised earlier narratives that saw the Jews as the victims of the Christian majority’s enmity and harmful policies. … General historians of medieval Europe who do not work on Jewish history still tend to see the Jews as isolated in ghettos and passive victims of persecution. … Contrary to the widely accepted picture of Jewish history, medieval Jews were assertive agents. The Jews of the Middle Ages were convinced of their chosenness, and Christian rulers inadvertently reinforced Jewish solidarity by recognizing Jews as legal, self-governing communities. … Jews were assertive, not passive, even without having the option of coercive force. … Jews went out of their way, when safe, to insult Christian sancta by making offensive wordplays, … Jews denigrated Christian sancta by engaging in private and public gestures of contempt such as placing Christian images or statues in their latrines.[6]

Rather than tackle this clear ethno-religious hostility, Evola informs us that “Aryan” is a “vague racialist foundation.” We apparently need “to define ‘Aryanity’ as a positive universal idea,” rather than look at direct Jewish spiritual hostility. All of which struck me as mystical nonsense.

In order not to do Evola a great injustice, I will at least summarize his approach to the spiritual problem as he sees it. For Evola, the Aryan spirit is solar and virile, whereas Semitic spirituality is lunar and feminine. The Aryan of ancient times had an “affirmative attitude towards the divine.” Ancient Aryans not only believed in the real existence of super-humanity, of a race of immortals and of divine heroes, but also often attributed to that race a superiority and an irresistible power over the supernatural forces themselves. Aryan spirituality was more royal than sacerdotal; more aristocratic than priestly. It valued heroes over saints, since it was the heroes who accessed the highest and most privileged places of immortality, for example, the Nordic Valhalla. Whereas the Biblical Adam is cursed and damned for having attempted to eat from the divine tree, Aryan myths depict  immortal heroes like Hercules, Jason, Mithras, and Sigurd.

True Aryan spirituality is characterised by the emblem of unchanging light, as opposed to the cycles of death and rebirth often seen in Semitic legends. As regards the corresponding ethnical principles, “what is characteristically Aryan is the principle of freedom and personality on the one hand, of loyalty and honor on the other hand.” The Aryan

enjoys independence and difference and dislikes submergence in a heterogeneous mass, which does not prevent him, however, from obeying in a virile way, acknowledging a leader and being proud to serve him according to a bond that is freely established, his nature being warlike and irreducible to any interest than can be bought and sold or in general expressed in terms of money.

By contrast, what characterises the Semitic spirituality is “the destruction of the Aryan synthesis of spirituality and virility.” Semitic spirituality is “coarsely material, sensual or uncouth … an emasculated spirituality.” It is burdened by “the pathos of sin and expiation,” and beholden to “an impure and uneasy romanticism.” For Evola, “the pathos of the confession of sins distorts the calm purity and the ‘Olympian’ superiority of the Aryan aristocratic ideal.” Judaism was steeped in ‘prophetism,’ and whereas the prophet type had previously been seen as a sick man, he was substituted for the ‘clairvoyant’ type. The spiritual centre shifts to him and his apocalypses.

For Evola, the characteristics of the Jewish instinct in general are deceit, servile hypocrisy, and “devious, persistent, disintegrating infiltration.” He praises the National Socialist philosopher Alfred Rosenberg for his assessment of the Jewish spirit, but also disparages Rosenberg for employing Christian morality or notions of Germanic religion as a method of criticising Judaism. Evola asserts that it is wrong to focus on the immorality contained in Judaism given “dubious morals exhibited by the Germanic gods.” He believes that critiques of the spiritual contents of Judaism contain little more than a “pot-pourri in which pertinent points are intermingled with rather strange ideas.”

Evola is rather unfriendly towards Germanic paganism and towards Protestantism, and although he was far from a devout Catholic, a defensive tone is detectable here. I do agree with his statement that “it is hard to find an anti-Semite more philosemite than [Martin] Luther,” and his argument that many Protestants, like Luther, critiqued Catholicism via the Jews rather than critiquing the Jews more directly. Yet Evola possesses his own biases, promoting a vision of European spirituality that is more Roman than Germanic, more imperial than independent. One sees this in his statement that

The hidden source of Nordic anti-Semitism gives itself away in its anti-universalist and anti-Roman controversialist, in its confusion between universalism as a supranational idea and the universalism which only means this active ferment of cosmopolitanism and national decomposition.

“Nordic anti-Semitism” is therefore presented as something confused, ignorant, somewhat infantile, and definitely inferior to a more Roman, more Catholic, more “supranational” anti-Semitism. “Nordic anti-Semitism” is said to reveal a “mere particularism” which he says is ironically in a Jewish style, for example, “our god, our morals” etc. In other words, Evola is opposed to an anti-Semitism which aims to fight Jewish ethnocentrism with a European ethnocentrism on a continental or national basis. Evola, however, offers no serious argument for why a European ethnocentrism is spiritually or strategically bad, beyond the claim that it is, in his view, “narrow-minded and particularistic.” He claims that to be focussed on “the blood,” in other words to be protective of one’s race, is to adopt a “naturalistic” worldview more suited to the Jews. Evola calls for the adoption of a new Aryan worldview that remains “free from ethnic prejudice” and free from “parochialism.” In other words, Evola seems to assert the opinion that to be an Aryan is something very little connected to matters of biological heritage. He explains

Values must be evoked once again which can seriously be called ‘Aryan,’ and not merely on the basis of vague and one-sided concepts suffused with a sort of biological materialism: values of a solar Olympian spirituality, of a classicism of clarity and controlled force, of a new love for difference and free personality, and, at the same time, for hierarchy and universality.

At the same time, Evola stresses that the “subterranean spirit of obscure incessant agitation, of deep contamination and sudden revolt, is Semitic.”

This section on the spiritual aspect of the Jewish problem then suddenly ends, without any coherent summary or explanation about the relevance of heredity or suggestion for action beyond the adoption of a “solar Olympian spirituality.” Perhaps it’s my Anglo-Scandinavian heritage stunting my appreciation of this kind of philosophizing, but I felt that Evola’s entire discussion of the spiritual element of the Jewish problem was colored by his Italian background (Catholic upbringing; enthusiasm for the Roman Empire) and his resultant antipathy towards any kind of Nordic racialism or national patriotism. Somewhere in the muddle of concepts I do discern the idea of a multi-national Europe embracing a more virile idea of spirituality and world-outlook more naturally hostile to Jews than the Protestant-Capitalist world-outlook he seemed to perceive as dominant. Unfortunately, his definition of the Jewish element of the problem is so loose and poorly thought out that it’s hard to take any of it seriously. Further, Evola’s idea that anti-Semitism shouldn’t be based on a competing ethnocentrism, and his implicit suggestion that Europeans shouldn’t be focused on ‘blood,’ has aged extremely poorly in the context of Jewish involvement in mass non-White migration in White nations, and the demographic crisis facing European-descended peoples more generally. I was therefore glad to move on to what held the potential to be a more interesting treatment — the cultural aspect of the Jewish problem.

Review: Julius Evola’s Three Aspects of the Jewish Problem, Part 2 – The Occidental Observer


[1] Thomas Sheehan, “Myth and Violence: The Fascism of Julius Evola and Alain de Benoist,” Social Research, Vol. 48, No. 1, (Spring 1981), 45-73.

[2] Elisabetta Cassina Wolff, “Apolitìa and Tradition in Julius Evola as Reaction to Nihilism,” European Review, Vol. 22, No. 2 (Ma/y 2014), 258 – 273; and “Evola’s interpretation of fascism and moral responsibility,” Patterns of Prejudice, 50:4-5, 478-494.

[3] Stéphane François, “The Nouvelle Droite and “Tradition””, Journal for the Study of Radicalism, Vol. 8, No. 1 (Spring 2014), 87-106.

[4] Franco Ferraresi, “Julius Evola : tradition, reaction, and the Radical Right,” European Journal of Sociology, Vol. 28:1 (May 1987), 107 – 151.

[5] Staudenmaier, Peter, “Racial Ideology between Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: Julius Evola and the Aryan Myth, 1933–43,” Journal of Contemporary History, 55(3) (2020), 473-491.

[6] I. Marcus, How the West Became Antisemitic: Jews and the Formation of Europe, 800-1500 (Princeton University Press, 2024), pp.2-18.

The Primacy of Anti-Semitism

As I write these words, the death toll in the Gaza massacre (not “war”) has surpassed 28,000, of whom some 70% are women and children.  As I write these words, nothing has evidently changed in Jewish attitudes, of which roughly 80% of American Jews and 95% of Israeli Jews are satisfied with the brutal assault.[1]  As I write these words, nothing has deterred the pro-Israel, pro-Jewish attitude of the Biden administration or of the so-called leaders in Europe—Ursula von der Leyen, Roberta Metsola, Jens Stoltenberg, Olaf Scholz—as they offer all possible aid and assistance to the criminal Jewish state.  These facts are extremely telling, but are unsurprising for those who have long studied the Jewish Question.

Confronted with the stark reality of Gaza, we must be clear and explicit.  We must state the obvious: Israel’s actions are crimes against humanity, out of any proportion to the Hamas attack that nominally instigated it.  As a resistance movement to a 75-year-long occupying power, Hamas is legitimate in its use of force against Israelis.  All those around the world who aid and comfort the Israeli government are themselves criminals and must be held accountable; this includes Joe Biden, Justin Trudeau, and virtually every national leader in Europe.  Those who refuse to speak up and condemn Israeli atrocities are moral cowards, concerned more about their personal status and personal well-being than mass human suffering.  Such people, especially those in positions of influence, should be identified, labeled, shunned, and punished by the appropriate court of law.

And it’s not just Palestine.  Jewish malfeasance around the world seems worse than ever, and with far greater consequence.  Whether it is pedophile Jeffrey Epstein, sexual predator Harvey Weinstein, the crypto fraudster Sam Bankman-Fried, war-mongering leader of the Senate Chuck Schumer, Jewish lunatic Volodymyr Zelensky destroying the nation of Ukraine, or any number of Jewish billionaires who have used their money to corrupt politicians of all parties and all nations—enough is enough.  The time has come to take an unambiguous anti-Jewish stance.  The stakes are simply too high.

In fact, I will go out on a limb and assert here that the vast majority of social problems in America, in Europe, and in the West, are primarily (though not solely) due to Jewish manipulation and corruption.  Things are disintegrating on several fronts around the world: war, migration, economic gyrations, physical and mental illness, environmental degradation, overpopulation, runaway technology.  When things go badly, those in charge must take the blame.  And in the West, those in charge, those who have the most leverage and the greatest control, are predominantly Jews.  This is my thesis; it is well-grounded by empirical evidence.[2]

If this is so, then the overriding concern of the day, and the primary moral imperative, is to be anti-Jewish—that is, to be an anti-Semite.  Every person of conscience needs to stand up and state, unambiguously and proudly, “I am an anti-Semite.” This is not some mindless “hatred of Jews” but rather an informed and rational challenge to Jewish influence—and really their dominant position—of Western socities.  We need to say, in so many words, “Jews are at the heart of the global poly-crisis, and therefore we must, of necessity, be anti-Jewish.”  Anything less is to evade the root cause, and anything less will effectively yield to catastrophe.

This, of course, demands a fundamental change in the social outlook of most people in the West.  As we all know, anyone today who dares challenge mainstream unconditional support for Israel, or who dares to even suggest that “Jews” have anything at all to do with the malign state of the world, is immediately branded an anti-Semite, or worse, a Nazi (or perhaps a “neo-Nazi,” as if that means anything).  Such labels are obviously intended to strike fear by tarring the subject with a hated designation, thus marking them as a racist, as deserving of punishment (loss of livelihood, ‘cancellation’, etc.), and as a generically “bad person.”  They also serve as a deterrent to any potentially like-minded individuals who may be tempted to speak up on behalf of sanity and justice.  By and large, and sadly, they work.

But the time has come for this little linguistic ploy to end.  We can’t stop Jews or their sycophants from dishing out such labels, but we can undermine their effect by—embracing them.  The global situation has now come to the point, I claim, where we can, we need, we must, take a resolutely anti-Jewish attitude, openly and explicitly.  The time has come to be an open and courageous anti-Semite, and to take action consistent with this view, as I will explain.

But two further points at the outset.  I refer here to Jews as an ethnicity, as a genetic group, and not as a religion.  My concern is with ethnic Jews.[3]  Virtually all religious Jews are also ethnic Jews, but only a minority of ethnic Jews are religious.  The distinction is often exploited by those who would prefer to disguise their identity; it allows your dissembling, ethnically-Jewish English professor to say “I’m not Jewish!”—by which he means he is a secular Jew.

Secondly, I’ll state the following now, only once, simply to get it out of the way:  When I say “Jews” or “the Jews,” I do not mean literally every Jew.  In using such terms, I refer to most Jews, or the most powerful Jews, or the Jewish elite, as the context requires.  If you have a hard time grasping this fact, you need not read any further.

A Bit of Perspective

The Gaza situation is not an anomaly; Zelensky leading the people of Ukraine to slaughter is not an anomaly; American Zionists driving us all into World War Three is not an anomaly.  For centuries, Jews have conducted, assisted, funded, or condoned mass murder when it served their purposes.  For centuries, they have been social corruptors and destroyers of order.  Such realizations have produced countless “anti-Semites” throughout history.  In 220 AD, Cassius Dio wrote that “Jews everywhere were showing signs of hostility to the Romans [during the revolt of 132 AD] … and the whole earth, one might say, was being stirred up over the matter”.[4]  By 1542, Martin Luther believed that Jews had caused so much death and destruction among the Christian population that “we are at fault in not slaying them”.[5]  Voltaire was aghast: “I would not be in the least bit surprised if these people would not someday become deadly to the human race”.[6]

In the early 1770s, the philosopher and polymath Baron d’Holbach published some striking indictments:

[When] we cast our eyes over the history of the Jews…we are forced to acknowledge that this people were at all times the blindest, the stupidest, the most credulous, the most superstitious, and the most puerile that ever appeared on the Earth. …  [By Mosaic Law, the Jews] were kept…in an unsocial and savage aversion for the rest of mankind; in an inveterate hatred of other forms of worship. …  [T]he Jewish people distinguished themselves only by massacres, unjust wars, cruelties, usurpations, and infamies…  [They] lived continually in the midst of calamities, and were, more than all other nations, the sport of frightful revolutions.

If we consult Tacitus and many other celebrated historians…we shall see that [the Jews] are considered as a horde of thieves and bandits. … And even now the remainder of this unfortunate nation is looked upon as the vilest and most contemptible of all the Earth…

[The Jewish god Jehovah] is a truly savage god, made for a stupid, cruel, and immoral people; he is always furious, breathes nothing but vengeance, commands carnage, theft, and unsociability.[7]

And of course, German National Socialists were extremely critical—though, again, with considerable justification.  Because of his central role in the major events of the twentieth century, Hitler’s comments on his own evolving view, as recorded in Mein Kampf are highly instructive.[8] In the beginning, like most people today, he had no pre-conceived notions about Jews:

It was not until I was 14 or 15 years old that I frequently ran up against the word ‘Jew,’ partly in connection with political controversies.  These references aroused a mild distaste in me, and an uncomfortable feeling always came over me when I had to listen to religious disputes.  But at that time, I had no other feelings about the Jewish Question.

There were very few Jews in Linz. … I hadn’t the slightest idea that there could be such a thing as a systematic anti-Semitism.  Then I came to Vienna. … It was then that I came upon the Jewish Question.

In physically encountering Jews, and in absorbing the intense Jewish media of Vienna, many previously inscrutable issues became comprehensible to him.  “My ideas about anti-Semitism changed in the course of time, and this was my most difficult transformation.”  He continues:

What soon gave me cause for serious thought, with a slowly rising insight, were the activities of the Jews in certain fields of life.  Was there any shady undertaking, any form of nastiness—especially in cultural life—in which at least one Jew did not participate?[9]  On putting the probing knife carefully to that kind of abscess, one immediately discovers, like a maggot in a rotting corpse, often blinded by the dazzling light: a little Jew.

In my eyes, the charge against Jewry became a grave one the moment I discovered their activities in the press, art, literature, and the theater.  All protests to the contrary were now essentially futile.  … Here was a pestilence, a moral pestilence, with which the public was being infected—one worse than the Black Death.  And in what mighty doses this poison was manufactured and distributed!  Naturally, the lower the moral and intellectual level of such artists, the more inexhaustible their fecundity.

Anyone today confronted with Hollywood films, rap music, or network television can likely sympathize with such views.

Hitler was adamant; he was not predisposed to anti-Semitism, but it was thrust upon him by the reality of the world around him.  “Even if my feelings might resist a thousand times, reason now had to draw its own conclusions.  The fact was that 90 percent of all the filthy literature, artistic trash, and theatrical idiocy had to be charged to the account of a people who formed scarcely one percent of the nation.  This fact could not be denied.”

Prostitution, human-trafficking, media corruption, political corruption… eventually, “the scales fell from my eyes.”  He had an epiphany:

I now understood the language of the Jewish people.  I realized that they use language for the purpose of disguising or veiling their thought, so that their real aim cannot be discovered by what they say, but rather only by reading between the lines.  This insight was, for me, the greatest inner revolution that I had yet experienced.  From being a soft-hearted cosmopolitan, I became an out-and-out anti-Semite.

In doing so, Hitler effectively joined a long-standing European movement, dating back at least to the late 1800s.  The Ligue Nationale Antisemitique de France (‘French Anti-Semitic League’) was formed in 1889 by Eduard Drumont, and the following year, Otto Böckel founded the Antisemitische Volkspartei (‘Anti-Semitic People’s Party’) in Germany, working with Theodor Fritsch.[10]  People and organizations of that day were openly and explicitly anti-Semitic; Hitler joined them around 1910, well before he could have known what was to come.  Looking back, we now see that Jews played major, perhaps decisive, roles in both World Wars.[11]  If there is a third world war, they will certainly have played a dominant role there as well.  The time for explicit anti-Semitism has come once again.[12]

I can’t leave Hitler without addressing one further issue.  Reader, ask yourself this question: If someone close to you—a sibling, cousin, child, friend—were declared to be a “Nazi,” would your reaction be generally positive or generally negative?  Almost certainly the latter.  Now, ask yourself, “Why is this?”  If you are a Jew, the negativity is understandable, given that “Nazi” is today virtually synonymous with “hated by Jews.”  But since you are most likely among the 98% of readers who are not Jewish, why the negative reaction?  Has a “Nazi” ever threatened you?  Do you even know what a “Nazi” is?  So why the negative reaction?  Could it be that you have been indoctrinated, or cowed, by the Jewish Lobby into making a negative association?  This is worthy of some self-reflection.

In light of the above, one might even graciously accept the mantle of “Nazism.”  (“Excuse me, sir, but the proper term is ‘National Socialist’.”)  If they call you an anti-Semite or a Nazi, at least it means you are having an effect; it is a measure of success.  Wear it proudly.

The Media: Cowardly, Incompetent, or Sold-Out?

How, then, do our brave media handle these issues?  Our media—those intrepid truth-seekers, noble and uncorrupted, “speaking truth to power”—yes, how about them?  Which members of our vast media system are willing to get to root causes, to call a spade a spade, and to “name the Jew”?

I suspect we know the story.  The mainstream media, both left and right, are hopelessly corrupted by Jewish ownership and Jewish management.  I won’t recount the details here, but all five of the major American media conglomerates—Disney, Warner, NBCUniversal, Fox Corp, and Paramount—are dominated by Jewish leaders, or in the case of Fox, by rabid Zionists (and likely crypto-Jews).

Consider a few specifics.  CNN and MSNBC are the most obvious, most craven examples of Jewish compliancy.  Here we see, not investigative journalism or balanced and nuanced opinions, but blatant pro-Israel, pro-Jewish propaganda.  Everything Israeli or Jewish is implicitly good and innocent, and everything Palestinian, Arab, Muslim, or even neutral are implicitly evil.  There are few Jewish program hosts—both networks seem to prefer Gentile gays, Blacks, and women—but the guest commentators and analysts are heavily, obscenely Jewish.  If a segment has two guests, at least one is a Jew; if three guests, one or two Jews; if a panel, two or three.  It is a calculated effort to maintain, at all times, a substantial Jewish presence.  Suffice to say that never, ever, would CNN or MSNBC ‘out’ a Jew, blame a Jew as a Jew, or touch on issues of Jewish sensitivity.

Fox News is virtually as bad.  Even as they vehemently disagree with the “liberal” media on virtually every issue, they are lock-step compliant on Jewish-Israeli issues.  The worst are the prime-time hosts:  Sean Hannity, Jesse Waters, and Laura Ingraham.  All three are pathetically, revoltingly pro-Jewish and pro-Israeli.  They could hardly be more fawning if they were paid Mossad agents.  This cannot be a coincidence; again, it must be coordinated from the top of Fox.  Only Tucker Carlson was willing to slightly, barely, touch on criticism of Jews (but never as Jews, unless you count his conflict with the ADL over their hypocrisy on immigration)—and he got fired.

The three main network news channels—ABC, NBC, and CBS—are all but useless.  All three parrot the same talking points, almost as if they had the same scriptwriters.  Their evening “national news” shows are parodies of real news, deliberately designed to grab the viewer’s attention and deflect it from deeper issues.  As above, never, ever, would they criticize Jews or Israel in any serious fashion.

But wait, you say; today, thank God, we have independent news sources on the Internet, ranging from groups like Politico or Buzzfeed or Vox or ProPublica or The Intercept—and there are brave individual journalists and writers.  They, surely, are not frightened by the Jewish Lobby; they, surely, will give us the honest truth.

Sadly, no.  Once again, nearly all such sources rigorously avoid touching the “third rail” of the Jewish Question.  Jews are never named, they are never outed, they are never involved—as Jews—with anything.  Indeed, the word ‘Jew’ almost never appears in such sources, as if it were an evil talisman of some sort.  And this, even in our supposedly brave, hard-hitting, independent journalism.

A sampling of recent reportage is revealing.  Now, of course, I cannot have reviewed every word written by the following individuals; but still, the following essays were obvious candidates for a serious discussion of the role of Jews qua Jews, and yet the subject appears—nowhere.  Consider the following recent examples of an apparently studied refusal to “name the Jew”:

All these men are thoughtful and well-informed on their subjects; so why, then, do they refuse to directly address the Jewish Question?  It is the central aspect of the matters at hand.  Without the Jewish angle, nothing really makes sense.  At best, we have half the story.  Where is the full story?  Are they ignorant of it?  Do they know, and yet willfully avoid it?  Either way, the results are not good.

The last of the above-mentioned articles is particularly instructive.  Patrick Lawrence—former International Herald Tribune reporter, “media critic, author, and lecturer,” and now writer for the “independent” ScheerPost—offers us a trenchant analysis of the decline of that liberal media icon, the New York Times.  But in a 5,000-word essay, the word ‘Jew’ appears precisely once, and then in an apologetic sense.  In the second paragraph, Lawrence writes of the sadistic mockery displayed by the IDF soldiers, “a carnival of racist depravity one would have thought beyond what is worst in humanity—and certainly beyond what any Jew would do to another human being.”  This displays an ignorance of Jewish history; such behavior is certainly not “beyond what any Jew would do,” and in fact, is entirely consistent with Jewish behavior over the centuries.

Lawrence ignores the essential fact that the NYTimes is a thoroughly Jewish institution, and has been since Adolph Ochs bought the paper back in 1896.  The current publisher is a Jew, Arthur Sulzberger, as is the editor-in-chief, Joseph Kahn.  I don’t have exact statistics, but the vast majority of their stories carry at least one Jew in the byline.  If the NYTimes is biased toward Israel (even though it has been lately, and belatedly, calling out Palestinian suffering in the current onslaught), it is clearly and obviously because the organization is owned and run by Jews—this is Fact #1, but Lawrence, like every other media critic, fails to point this out.

Of course, he can’t help but name Jews along the way, but never as Jews; their Jewishness “has nothing to do with it!” as our screaming liberals might say.  Lawrence cites Max Blumenthal, David Leonhardt, Jeffrey Gettleman, Anat Schwartz, Adam Sella, Joe Kahn, Roger Cohen, Emily Bazelon—almost certainly, all Jews.  (Lawrence’s own ethnicity is unknown.)

Near the end of the piece, Lawrence laments that “we are now face to face with the destructive power of corporate media,” which serves “the policy cliques who run the imperium.”   He quotes Blumenthal to the effect that “these [NYTimes’] lies, fabrications, distortions, half-truths, and exaggerations…need to be called out.”  “Is there a truer way to make the point?” asks Lawrence.  Yes there is—like pointing to the entirely Jewish character of the Times for over a century, and its long history of “lies, fabrications, and distortions” on behalf of Jewish interests.

There is almost no pushback against this sort of journalism, apart from a few outlets, like TOO, with very limited reach—often banned from social media and credit processing. What he have is virtually nothing compared to the constant barrage of poisonous, anti-White messages emanating from the Jewish media empire.

One Solution, and Some Concrete Steps

Speaking of solutions, here is mine (disclaimer: it is not original):  Based on history and extensive empirical evidence, even a small proportion of Jews in a given nation begin to cause serious problems.  There is a threshold, a share of the population, beyond which Jews must not be allowed; and that threshold is very low.  Based on my experience, the figure is about 0.1%.  Once Jews exceed this percentage in any nation, corruption and social disruption ensue.

The USA is a case in point.  Today, we have about 6.5 million Jews in a population of around 330 million, or about 2%.  This is 20 times my proposed threshold, and indeed, we have massive Jewish corruption.  To avoid significant damage, the US would have to restrict its Jewish population to no more than around 300,000, in total.

Hence my solution: Encourage the Jews to leave.  In principle, there are many incentives that could be applied; see below for a few thoughts.  And granted, it is not likely to happen quickly.  Still, there is value in openly and explicitly stating the goal, and to begin working toward it, no matter how long it may take.

“Great idea,” I hear people say, “but what exactly should we do, who will do it, and how?”  There are several things we can do, all of us, to initiate the process.  For now, it must be a grass-roots movement—which has many benefits because it means that every person, in their own way, can take concrete action.  Don’t wait for “leaders” or “parties”; those will come with time.  Act now, as an individual or part of a small, local, face-to-face group.  Here are a few options:

First, get informed.  Become a knowledgeable spokesman on the Jewish Question.  Know your history, and learn what you are up against.  There are a handful of essential texts that go a long way toward self-education.  I myself have edited and published some of these:  Mein Kampf, Classic Essays on the Jewish Question, The Jewish Hand in the World Wars, and Eternal Strangers: Critical Views of Jews and Judaism through the Ages.  Two more classic works would include Theodore Fritsch’s Riddle of the Jews’ Success and Henry Ford’s The International Jew.  A few months of effort invested in reading these books would be hugely profitable.

Second, adopt a clear and rational “anti-Semitic” stance.  Avoid emotion and hyperbole.  Be rational and factualIdentify Jews and Jewish crimes as such, and back your statements up with evidence that Jewish identity is important, e.g., by showing that it is a common pattern among Jews.  Speak openly to friends and neighbors about the situation; show them that the situation is far worse than they imagine, and that Jews are at the root of many of our social and political problems.

Third, openly promote the goal of an America free of Jewish influence.  As stated above, the avowed goal should be a nation free of Jewish influence—which, in practice, means many fewer actual Jews. There is no time limit here; stating the goal is what is important now.  And don’t be dissuaded by claims of “that’s unrealistic”; all visionary goals initially seem unrealistic.  Press ahead.

Fourth, emphasize the nonviolent nature of this goal, and the nonviolent means to get there.  The idea is not to cause harm to Jews but rather to make them see that it is in their own best interests to voluntarily leave.  There are many ways to achieve this—starting with a popular movement that simply and openly declares an intent to reduce Jewish influence over the long run.

Individuals can also take action, to the extent possible, to boycott and sanction Jewish enterprises so as to deprive them of profits.  Granted, this can be difficult in the present day, given the difficulty of finding businesses and products without Jewish ties. But small and local businesses often meet this requirement, if only by default.  Encourage local businesses to both stay free of Jewish ties and to impose their own boycott.

Further nonviolent means will become available when the appropriate political environment comes into being—again likely beginning at local levels.  For example, Jewish malfeasance could be compensated by a “Jew tax” of some sort, as was done in the Roman Empire.  And we might consider banning circumcision as a form of male genital mutilation.  Granted, such things would be challenged on constitutional grounds; but who knows what the political climate may be in the future?  Ending dual citizenship with Israel is another obvious action, and would force many Jews to choose their true loyalty.  Non-citizen Jews could be given limited residency permits and then compelled to leave.  Non-citizens implicated in any crimes could be deported to their home countries.

Fifth, in all discussions, press for transparency.  Among our celebrities, governmental figures, and media stars, we need to know who is a Jew (or part-Jew), and we need to expose those non-Jews willing to serve Jewish interests for money or ideology (e.g., Christian Zionism).  On a larger scale, we will eventually need to identify everyone by ethnic origins; we will need both local and national databases to distinguish the White from the non-White population.  (Jews, needless to say, are not White.)  Only in this way can we measure progress on our road to a nation free of Jewish influence.

Political figures should be of particular focus.  Given the primacy of anti-Semitism, the only relevant political question is: How will you tackle the Jewish Question?  For candidates at all levels, we need to be “one-issue” guys, and that issue is attacking Jewish power.  At every candidate forum or local town hall, ask them, straight up, what they will do on this matter; e.g., by asking a question like “What is the role of Jewish influence in our foreign policy establishment?”  And when they cave in or evade the answer, call them out for being moral cowards or Jewish lackeys.

Sixth, start at the small-scale and the local.  Make efforts to create a reasonable assessment of your local Jewish populations (by city, county, or state).  Many such jurisdictions already have very few Jews (i.e. under 0.1%); declare them as such, declare victory, and then build alliances with neighboring or larger jurisdictions.

Seventh, exploit all negative Jewish news stories to the maximum.    For example, Jewish organizations and individuals have been in the forefront of pro-immigration movements—Jews such as Alejandro Mayorkas, who was recently impeached because of his role in the open-borders policy of the Biden Administration but never identified as a Jew in Congressional debates.  The same goes for pro-war movements, such as the leading role of Jews like Bill Kristol in the leadup to the Iraq war and Victoria Nuland in the coup that was directly influential in promoting Russian antagonism in the runup to the war in Ukraine. These people are but rarely, if ever, identified as Jews. Jews are often disproportionately involved in unethical and criminal actions, at all levels of society, from white-collar criminals, child molesters, sex traffickers, to master criminals operating at a global level; such people are not the main prongs of Jewish power but their Jewish identity should not be hidden as it is now. The current Israeli crimes in Gaza are textbook cases of Jewish malevolence and should do much to remove the mantel of ethical superiority and victimhood that Jews have been so adept at promoting.  When talking with friends, be sure to emphasize that these are Jews: not “Israelis,” not “Zionists.”  Call a spade a spade.

Eighth, donate money to bona fide anti-Jewish groups and activities.  As an active writer and publisher, I know how hard it is to get by, and how valuable even small donations can be.  There are good, dedicated people out there, working hard every day to solve the Jewish Problem.  They can always use an extra dollar.

Ninth, avoid all Jewish-run or -funded groups.  Jews are masters of ‘controlled opposition’: of funding or becoming members, or even leaders, of supposedly anti-Jewish groups simply in order to control them and ultimately destroy them.  There are a number of such Jews: Paul Gottfried, Davis Hawke, Laura Loomer, Chaya Raichik, Andrew Auenheimer (aka Weev), Milo Yiannopoulos.  Andrew Breitbart (died 2012) was Jewish, and his Breitbart news remains a thoroughly Jewish enterprise.

In a similar vein, be highly suspicious of individuals or groups who can’t quite bring themselves to criticize Jews by name.  They may well have ulterior motives.

Tenth, get active.  Become a writer, speaker, organizer, teacher, leader.  Everyone has different talents; put them to good use, in service of perhaps the most urgent task facing humanity today.  Each person knows their locality the best: what motivates people, what irritates them, what are their ‘hot buttons.’  Demonstrate to people in your region the primacy of anti-Semitism: its urgency, its necessity, and its effectiveness.

And perhaps a final suggestion:  Refuse to sustain Jewish supremacy.  The USA is a gigantic machine for the creation of Jewish wealth and power.  Everything that serves to benefit America actually benefits the Jews.  For every dollar you earn working for an “American” company, someone, often a Jew, earns ten.  Everything you do as a “patriot” to aid America aids the Jews because of the Jewish role in our current regime.  It takes a tremendous amount of work to sustain and grow the Jew-machine.  Therefore, the obvious course of action is to stop working for it.  Withhold your labor; withhold your wealth; withhold your allegiance.   Invest overseas (but not Western Europe, which, in many cases, has even stronger pro-Jewish laws and governments than we do).  Work for yourself, for a family business, or for a foreign firm.  Bring the Jew-machine to a grinding halt.

A Better World

Imagine, if you will, an America free of Jewish influence.  Imagine a federal government that (a) has very few Jews, and (b) is filled with largely competent, capable, well-meaning people, working in the best interests of this nation.  Imagine a government not given over to Jewish dictates and not flooded with corrupting Jewish money.  Imagine a United States not hell-bent on a Jewish-inspired program of world domination; a US military not raining death and destruction on people around the globe; no 800 military bases in other nations, many against their will; and a military budget closer to $500 billion than $1.5 trillion.

Imagine an America with closed and secure borders, and all illegal immigrants forcibly deported (Jews have always led the charge for open borders); imagine public schools and universities not steadily ramming leftist-liberal ideology down students’ throats (Jews have been in the lead promoting woke ideology); imagine LGBTQ and “trans” issues fading back into relative obscurity (where they were before Jews got involved); imagine corporations prioritizing quality-of-life issues, or environmental sustainability, rather than maximization of profits (Jewish materialism and greed rule today); imagine a stable, rational, and inflation-free economy instead of one acting like a global casino (as Jews prefer); imagine paying no income taxes to the feds (Jews inaugurated mandatory income taxes for everyone in World War II).[14]  Perhaps best of all, imagine a democracy not being synonymous with “rule by the Jews.”

All this is possible, and more.  In fact, more than possible; it is almost certain, should we decide we want to eliminate Jewish influence.

Skeptical, dear reader?  Then put me to the test.  Jews have been disproportionately influential in America for at least 100 years, with their power increasing dramatically after World War II and especially as a result of the counter-cultural revolution of the 1960s.[15]  Therefore, let us conduct a fair experiment.  Let us strive for the next 100 years to be a nation free of Jewish influence.  At the end of that new century, let us make a fair assessment of the pros and cons versus the previous 100 years, and make an honest determination which life was better.  Should it be determined that America’s Jewish century was better, so be it; let us welcome the Jews back with open arms.

But should we find that, in fact, our century of America free of Jewish influence was better, perhaps vastly better, let us celebrate our courage and our vision, and be a true inspiration for the world, showing what can be attained with resolve and determination.  It happened before; it can happen again.

Thomas Dalton, PhD, has authored or edited several books and articles on politics and history. All his works are available at www.clemensandblair.com, and at his personal website www.thomasdaltonphd.com.


[1] See the Peace Index for January 2024 (survey 8th to 15th), in which the use of force in Gaza was described as “appropriate” (51%) or, incredibly, “too little” (43%), yielding 94% of Israeli Jews who are comfortable with the overwhelming use of force against a civilian population.

[2] For a fairly thorough documentation of the facts, see my book The Steep Climb: Essays on the Jewish Question (2023; Clemens & Blair).

[3] Mixed-race Jews—as with Blacks and Hispanics—are a special case and require separate discussion.  In short, I am inclined to count anyone with at least one Jewish grandparent as a Jew.

[4] Roman History 69.13.

[5] On the Jews and their Lies (2020; Clemens & Blair), p. 180.

[6] In A. Hertzberg, The French Enlightenment and the Jews (1968), p. 300.

[7] Ecce Homo, Superstition in All Ages, and Good Sense, respectively.  For details, see T. Dalton, Eternal Strangers (2020; Castle Hill).

[8] The following passages are taken from my 2022 translation of Mein Kampf, volume one, pp. 85-97.

[9] Jews have long been prominent in ethically dubious industries, including usury, slavery, war-profiteering, human trafficking, alcohol, drugs, gambling, and pornography.

[10] Fritsch, incidentally, authored the compelling book The Riddle of the Jews’ Success (1923/2023)—a highly revealing practical study in Jewish tactics.

[11] As explained in my 2019 book, The Jewish Hand in the World Wars (Castle Hill).

[12] Ron Unz, incidentally, recently came to the same conclusion: “These days most Westerners claim to regard genocide in a decidedly negative light. So does this not syllogistically require them to embrace and endorse ‘antisemitism’? Surely a visitor from Mars would be very puzzled by this strange dilemma and the philosophical and psychological contortions it seems to require.”

[13] Although a case could be made for the serious Holocaust revisionists; men like Carlo Mattogno, Germar Rudolf, and Juergen Graf are almost completely unknown, even to Holocaust skeptics, so severe has been the censorship of their work.  For the curious, take a look at www.armreg.co.uk, and the new revisionist Holocaust Encyclopedia.

[14] See my Steep Climb, chapter entitled “Tax the rich!”

[15] In fact, I have argued for a precise date upon which this nation sold its soul to the Jews: 20 December 1911.  See my Steep Climb, pp. 255-257.

Eugen Dühring on the Jewish Question, Part 2 The Jewish Question

Go to Part 1.

Part 2: The Jewish Question

One of the most important contributions of Dühring’s work to the history of anthropology and culture is the distinction he makes between the Jews and the other Semites so that all the features of the so-called “anti-Semitism” are in fact directed only to the Jews as a specific branch of the Semitic race, “the most vicious minting of the entire Semitic race,” and not to all the members of that race in general.

The Jewish question too is not a religious one but of the inherent and unchangeable character of the Jewish people.[1] Thus, as Dühring puts it,

it lies in the interest of a noble mankind, thus of a true humanity and culture, that this obscurantism of religion which has up to now covered and protected the worst characteristics of the Jews with its darkness be fully re­moved so that the Jew may be revealed to us in his natu­ral and inalienable constitution.[2]

In general, Dühring believes that all official religions are en­crusted with superstition and it would be best to substitute religious dogma with something more genuinely spiritual in social institutions. The point of departure for Dühring’s critique of Jewry is thus an entirely moral one. The chief accusation against the Jews is that they are morally corrupt and therefore thrive most in a society where moral corruption has already set in or has begun to set in.

This is the justification of the appellation of the Jewish race as a parasitical one since it feeds on the moral corruption of the host so­ciety, a corruption either created by it or, if already present to some degree, fostered by it. The dangers of moral corruption through the admixture of Jews into European society have increased particularly after the emancipation of Jewry in the sixties and seventies of the nineteenth century. The source of the Jewish corrupt nature is located by Dühring in their basic lack of conscience and cruelty vis-à-vis the other nations. Exploitation of other nations is their major aim and a genuine sense of human rights is utterly lacking in their commercial, essen­tially usurious, dealings. This lack of a moral sense makes true pol­itics impossible among them and their involvement in all sorts of so-called Socialist movements is only conditioned by their desire to extract advantages for themselves from disturbed social and eco­nomic conditions.

The religious constitution of the Jews is evidenced most clearly in their overarching theocratic ideas of society wherein the Jewish people are enslaved to their Lord God but, in turn, must enslave the rest of mankind to please this sole, jealous monarch of the world.[3] Yahweh is indeed nothing but an embodiment of the Jewish self-inter­est and represents the very opposite of the Indo-European natural pantheon.

Germanic mythology is ruled by concepts of fidelity and na­ture-based spirituality which have unfortunately been obscured by the overlaying of the original German moral character by Christian­ity, a religion which is very closely related to the Jewish racial culture in which it arose as a reaction to the evils of the Jewish nature.[4] The Jewish religion has no truly religious character but, instead, a markedly economic-political one. Given their natural proclivity to prof­it-making, it is not surprising that the Jews have, in their extensive wanderings away from their homeland, curried favor with pow­er-holders in all ages through their financial loans. The Alliance Israelite Universelle based in Paris is in fact a modern confirmation of the operation of the political influence of Jews on an international scope under the cover of an apparently religious organization.

The influence of the Jews on society is more evident in the up­per and middle classes than in the lower, since the former are more exposed to the thoroughly Judaized press and literature of modern times.

The Jews themselves lack all creative power in science as well as in art and merely trade in the ideas of others. The Jewish economist, David Ricardo, for example, derived his famous ground-rent theo­ry from the Scot James Anderson, and the Jewish mathematician, Carl Gustav Jacobi, derived his ideas from the Norwegian Niels Abel. Even the sole distinguished philosopher of the Jewish race, Spinoza, has produced a system which is singularly lacking in all ideals above rational calculation. The neglect of compassion in his Ethics as a feeling-based category to be overcome by rational understanding points to the real cult of intellectual power which lies at the base of his system.[5]

The Jewish talent in literature is always of a hybrid sort displaying even amidst occasional attempts at Germanic sublimity an irresisti­ble proclivity to buffoonery, as in the case of Heine, and to polemics, as in the case of Börne. The Jews have also turned Lessing’s sympa­thetic attitude to the Jews (perhaps, as Dühring maintains, because Lessing was himself originally of Jewish descent) into an exaggerat­ed cult of Lessing as the glory of the German Enlightenment when ­ in fact his works are entirely artificial and lacking in genuine emo­tional power.

The Jews lack all heroism of character required to produce epic or dramat­ic literature and can, at best, attain some weak lyricism as revealed in their ancient Psalms. Like Richard Wagner, Dühring also criticiz­es the unpleasant manner of Jewish chanting in the synagogues and goes even farther than Wagner in his anti-Judaism in maintaining that Wagner himself compromised in the end with the Jews in ac­cepting generous donations from the Jews at Bayreuth and in pur­porting to save those Jews who supported his “music of the future,” rather like a dispenser of indulgences. The general unsuitability of the Jews for artistic enterprise is, in fact, located by Dühring in their lack of “that free and unselfish activity of the mind which alone ad­vances to uninterested truth and beauty”.

The Judaized press, however, constantly ridicules the German as having the nature a simpleton, of the “deutschen Michael.” The Jews have, through their involvement with the political parties of the present, corrupted the concepts of socialism and social democracy. Their aim in the realm of economics has been always, whether it be through Marx or through Lassalle, to foster economic dissatis­faction through terms such as “class-warfare” in order ultimately to achieve a “merging of all nations into a Jewish kingdom.”

The German state was in fact founded originally on the moral quality of loyalty, which was the basis of the feudal system which developed therefrom in the Middle Ages. Loyalty should thus be the source of future German politics as well. Jewish politics, on the other hand, is based on betrayal—of Europeans as well as, occa­sionally, of Jews too by other Jews. The intolerant Jewish ethos can operate only in an exploitative manner and under the enforcement of a terrorism learnt from their fear-inspiring Lord God.

True piety is lacking in their politics as much as in their religion. The Jewish infiltration into the legislative activities of the German state after their emancipation has enabled them to herd the Ger­man people under the thrall of individualistic “freedom” into the ex­ploitative hands of the Jews. In this they have been abetted by the university professors and intelligentsia, since the latter depend for the most part on the Jewish press for their reputation. The advance­ment of Jews from an original pariah status to the leading political positions in the European nations is evidenced by the rise of Gam­betta in France and of Disraeli in England. Gambetta rose to power on the basis of a French political fiasco for which his own people were responsible.[6] Disraeli’s opportunism is manifest in his use of the stock-exchange business to acquire foreign lands.[7] But the true manipulative schemes of the Jew are revealed by Disraeli himself in his fictional writings such as Coningsby, Sybil, and Tancred. The very appoint­ment of a Jew like Disraeli as the head of the English aristocracy is a sad sign of the degeneration of the English in recent times.

The solution of the Jewish problem must be an international one if it is to have any lasting effect. One of the major preparatory steps is the elimination of the false idea of tolerance. Tolerance of baseness is a contradiction of the principle of human tolerance itself: “Humane reciprocity will consist in living in peace insofar as the nobler humanity comes together in the good. For the rest, however, precisely battle and destruction will emerge so much more energetically against the inhuman.” Similarly, the principle of equality cannot mean the consideration of that which is unequal as equal. The economic communes and corporations which Dühring suggests in his Socialitarian system thus must reserve the right to exclude harmful economic elements like the Jews.

The political solution of the Jewish problem lies first in the spiritual emancipation of the people from the Jewish mentality and ethos. But individual natures are too weak to carry out this process of reformation of society by themselves and so must be helped by state legislation and administration. The disenfranchisement of the Jews is a sine qua non of all remedial action with regard to the Jewish problem. Their exclusion, internment, and deportation must be encouraged wherever possible.

However, Dühring is too realistic to think that the creation of an independent Israeli state in Palestine and the deportation of the Jews to it would suffice to solve the Jewish problem. For, the Jewish race is an essentially nomadic one and will soon disperse again throughout the world even if it did manage to concentrate itself in Palestine for a while. The nomadic nature of the Jews itself is ex­plained by Dühring as being due to the basically unpleasant nature of the Jews, so that they are repulsive even to themselves when they are alone with themselves and not in the midst of European socie­ty—to whom they are, naturally, far more repugnant.

The specific means to be adopted against the Jews must be un­dertaken in three fields, the political, the economic, and the social. Political representation and occupation of official positions by Jews is to be curtailed immediately in such a way that no Jew can be elect­ed to Parliament any more than any Jew can exercise a right to vote in European elections.

The excess number of Jewish judges must be reduced through forced retirement; the cost of retirement payments incurred hereby would be much less than the damages that are to be anticipated if the Jews continue to distort legislation and justice in the country over a long period of time. The financial measures to be adopted against the Jews should be directed by the knowledge that all Jewish racial economics is based on avarice and the ambition to dominate others. The powerful Jewish financial houses must be nationalized forthwith and placed under official curatorships and state supervision.

This step must be carried out not only in Germany but in every country where the Jews exert such financial power. If we remem­ber Dühring’s identification of the main means by which most of the Jewish finance was acquired by cheating, then we will understand the indispensability of such steps against it. The social means should at first be focused on the chief Jewish agent of social influence, the press, wherewith the Jews turn public opinion into Jewish opinion. Jews must be removed from all ownership as well as editorial positions of newspapers; though, for the cultivation of a public opinion different from the present pre­dominantly Jewish liberal one, radical political changes are neces­sary as well.

Education too should be reoriented in a native Germanic way by the exclusion of Jews from school and university instructorships. If the Jews have succeeded so far in their social endeavours, it is pre­cisely because the university professors have, in their weakness and corruption, encouraged the parasitical activity of the Jews.

Other important social means against the Jews consist in the discouragement of intermarriages between Germans and Jews. He rightly points out that the case where a Jewish woman marries a German man is somewhat better than the reverse since the man is the bearer of the inherited spiritual qualities.

Dühring does not yet[8] think that legislation is necessary for this purpose since the natural aversion that Germans, especially Ger­man women, have to Jews will act as a deterrent. Also, the reduc­tion of the financial power of the Jews and the increasing economic independence of women will make German women less tempted to marry rich Jews for economic reasons. In general, the danger of such mixtures can be successfully reduced only if there is strict legislation regarding the number of Jewish immigrants permitted into a particular territory.

The state’s role in anti-Jewish measures must be supplemented by agitations on the part of the people. The parties themselves are im­potent in their narrow programmes and have too much connection to Jewish agencies to be effective in any way. For example, the meas­ures taken by the German Conservative parties to reduce corrup­tion in society were not specifically limited to the Jews and affected even the better elements engaged in the occupations in question. The Jewish question is first and last a moral question and demands the reestablishment of German loyalty and trust against the frivolity of the Jewish mind and the corruption that creeps under cover of this frivolity.

What is at stake is the very existence, moral and material, of the European peoples, for “if things are not directed, the descendants of traders in old wardrobes, scraps and cattle bones must get to the very bones of the modern peoples after they have pocketed their wealth and lamed their mind through inoculation”. The solution to the Jewish problem must be an international and a continually last­ing one, and Dühring maintains that even the most powerful means cannot be shied away from in the effort to free the better peoples and nations from what he calls their “internal Carthage.”

*   *   *

The social effect of Dühring’s work can be estimated more gener­ally in the anti-Jewish Congresses organized first at Dresden in 1882, and then at Chemnitz in 1883. At the latter, a division occurred on account of the ideological differences between those who favored Dühring’s more uncompromising views and the Christian elements at the meeting. However, a loose confederation of ‘Reformvereine’ sprang up in the 1880s, and by 1890 there were 136 of them. As Pe­ter Pulzer reports,[9] the extreme view, associated with Dühring, pre­dominated in Westphalia, under the leadership of Dr. König.

While the state social legislation of Bismarck served to allay the enthusiasm regarding the Jewish problem somewhat and to disin­tegrate these anti-Jewish organizations, the movement acquired a new impetus from the leadership of Theodor Fritsch in Leipzig who revitalized it according to the extremist point of view. It was Fritsch’s call for an anti-Jewish organization “above the parties”[10] which cre­ated such seminal nationalist societies as the Thule Society and the Germanen Order. It is true that the latter were in fact not so directly influential on the NSDAP itself, which—though created initially by Karl Harrer (along with Anton Drexler) at the suggestion of the Germanen Or­der that several economic ‘Rings’ of the society should be set up all over the country—ultimately proscribed the Germanen Order for its overly Masonic qualities.[11]

However, Alfred Rosenberg, the National Socialist ideologue wrote a work on the Jewish question very similar to Dühring’s called Die Spur des Juden im Wandel der Zeiten (The Track of the Jew Through the Ages) (1920).[12] In it he discusses first the his­torical circumstances of the Jews from their diaspora after the de­struction of Jerusalem to their various interventions in modern Eu­ropean politics. The second section deals with the Jewish mentality as revealed in its religious documents and cultural and economic works. The work ends with a discussion of the Jewish ambition for eco­nomic and political mastery of the world and suggests ways of curb­ing this tendency forthwith in Germany. The points contained in Rosenberg’s anti-Jewish program are in many ways similar to the points of the Nürnberg Laws of 1935.

Thus, even if it may not have had an immediate political con­nection with the programs of the National Socialist regime, the extraordinary value of Dühring’s work on the Jews consists in its prophetic accura­cy. Dühring’s systematic uncovering of the viciousness of the Jewish character and his suggestions for the removal of this evil bear the closest resemblance to the increasing anti-Semitic mood, ideologi­cal as well as popular, and the actual course of anti-Semitic events in Germany in the 1930s and 1940s.

Starting with the measures to exclude Jews from official positions and the prohibition of intermarriages between Jews and Germans promulgated in the Nürnberg Laws of 1935 and ending with in­creasing irritation with the very presence of Jews on German soil, the anti-Judaic programmes of the National Socialists were anticipated almost to the last detail by the blind philosopher of Berlin. Between the first appearance of Dühring’s work and the first major political measures taken against the Jews by the National Socialist re­gime there had elapsed a rather long period of about sixty years; neither Jews nor Jewish sympathisers can blame the Germans for having been too rash in their dealings with a racial group whose social and cultural influence had been philosophically identified as morally criminal. The claims of George Mosse and Donald Niewyk that the brutal­ization of German politics was spurred by the defeat of 1918[13] is only partially accurate, since the sharp turn of anti-Semitic trends in the Weimar Republic was actually propelled by the blatant arroga­tion of power by those very Jewish elements whom intellectual an­ti-Semites from the start had sought to exclude from German society through more rational social discrimination.

The moral corruption associated with Jewish finance and mores showed no signs of improving since the first publication of Dühring’s work but, rather, it achieved a giddy triumph at the end of World War I in the ill-fated Weimar Republic, which was initially es­tablished as a Socialist republic by Karl Liebknecht, the Jewish agita­tor, and conducted in a markedly Jewish social and political climate. It cannot be very surprising to one who is familiar with Dühring’s analysis of the Jewish ethos and its role in modern Germany that the Germans reacted to this ethos with a populist movement such as National Socialism. Those sections of the population which suffered most from the sense of exploitation at the hands of the Jewish economic and so­cial system naturally supported a German nationalist movement which sought in the end to destroy the Jewish evil at its very roots. As Dühring had foretold, “The German, to be sure, moves his limbs mostly only when the usurpation become too malicious; but if he does that once, then he does that which he undertakes, no matter what, also in a fundamental way.”

In retrospect, therefore, we may consider the National Socialist movement as being in no way an aberration but one which was clearly predicted in advance by philosophical under­standing. Historical discussions of Hitler’s regime which puzzle over the extreme measures taken by it against the Jews and Jewish Bolshe­vism and quickly dismiss them as the products of the monstrous psycho­logical complex of one individual are clearly handicapped by their unfamiliarity with the real philosophic impetuses of an ideological political movement such as National Socialism. Peter Pulzer’s suggestion that Hitler was merely relying on the political effectiveness of anti-Semitism,[14] for instance, seems not to understand that anti-Semitism was in its origins, and throughout its career in the early years of the twentieth century, not a mere tool in German politics (except perhaps in the case of Bismarck) but the very aim of it.[15]

The failure of the National Socialist regime was partly due to its rashness both in internal politics and foreign policy. The hasty foreign political moves made by Hitler at a time when neither the German people nor the remainder of the European nations had yet been forged into a political and cultural unity could not but fail. Be­sides, the powerful influence of the Jewish presence in America and Britain was not reckoned with adequately to forestall the defeat at the hands of the Allies.

The real tragedy of World War II, however, is that the failure of the Nazi movement and the discovery of the National Socialist attempts to eliminate Jewry in Germany have only succeeded in handing over the sympathy of the public to the very elements which formed the pivotal issue of the war. The corruption and degeneration that Dühring and the National Socialists at­tempted to check have proceeded with redoubled vigor after the war, and the enslavement of the European peoples to the Jewish baseness and vulgarity has become almost complete.[16] Dühring’s prophetic philosophical work on the Jewish character thus clearly retains its cautionary significance.


[1] This is in fact borne out by the evidence of Josephus regarding the circumstanc­es of the expulsion of Abraham and his tribe from Chaldea, for he states that the Chaldeans drove him out because he forsook the lofty, astronomically oriented, natural philosophy of the Chaldeans for a more mundane ethics (Jewish Antiq­uities, I, 157; cf. Philo the Jew, De mutation nominum, 72–76, and De migratione Abrahami, 184). This first recorded expulsion of the Jewry from a host country is strengthened by the second, dating from Egyptian antiquity, when, according to Dühring himself, the Jews revealed their avaricious worldly nature in their at­tempt to take as much of the Egyptians’ gold and silver with them as possible when they left Egypt.

[2] All quotations from the Judenfrage are from my translation of the sec­ond edition.

[3] Compare Schopenhauer’s contempt for the Jews which was directed by his rec­ognition of their worldly nature and superficial theism, rationalism, and opti­mism. The references to these characteristics of the Jewish mentality are ubiqui­tous in his works. For instance, in his ‘Fragments for the History of Philosophy’ (Parerga and Paralipomena, I), he declares: “[the religion of the Jews] is, therefore, the crudest and poorest of all religions and consists merely in an absurd and re­volting theism—While all other religions endeavour to explain to the people by symbols and parables the metaphysical significance of life, the religion of the Jews is entirely immanent and furnishes nothing but a mere war-cry in the struggle with other nations”, (cf., Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung, Ill, Art.48, IV, Art.59; Parerga, I, ‘On Philosophy at the Universities’; and II, ‘On Religion’).

[4] In Sache, Leben und Feinde, Dühring points out that “The belief which Christ demanded was the belief in his person, the blind subjection to the word of the master and prophet, but not that naturally grown fidelity such as it lies in the nature of the better peoples and characters” (p.288) and both in this work and in the Ersatz as well as in the later editions of the Judenfrage, Dühring maintains that the ascetic ordeal of self-crucifixion exemplified by Christ in his life is valid only for the inferior Jewish flesh, embodying the characteristic Jewish self-interest, and should not apply to the healthy peoples.

[5] In his Kritische Geschichte der Philosophie, Dühring declares: “The concept of so-called virtue coincides with that of power. From the logical affirmation of in­dividual power the symbol of all ethical principles is supposed to be ultimately produced by means of the understanding and higher insight” (3rd. ed., Leipzig, -excha1878, p.306f.).

[6] The 16 May 1877 Crisis that brought down the royalist president Patrice MacMahon.

[7] The acquisition of the Suez Canal for Britain with funds derived from the Roth­schilds is a case in point.

[8] That is, at the time of writing the second edition (1881).

[9] Peter Pulzer, The rise of political anti-Semitism, London: Peter Halban, 1988, 99.

[10] Hammer, XI (1912), 153–58, ‘Vom partei-politischen Antisemitismus’.

[11] See Reginald H. Phelps, “’Before Hitler came’: Thule Society and Germanen order’, Journal of Modern History, 35 (1963), 245–61.

[12]  See my English edition of this work, The Track of the Jew through the Ages, London: Ostara Publications, 2016.

[13] See George Mosse, “Der erste Weltkrieg und die Brutalisierung der Politik: Betrachtungen über die politische Rechte, den Rassismus, und den deutschen Sonderweg”, in Manfred Funke et al. (ed.), Demokratie und Diktatur: Geist und Gestalt in Deutschland und Europa, Düsseldorf, 1987, pp. 127–139 and Donald Niewyk, “Solving the ‘Jewish problem’: continuity and change in German anti­semitism, 1871–1945”, Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 35 (1990), p.370.

[14] Peter Pulzer, The rise of political anti-Semitism, London: Peter Halban, 1988, p.202.

[15] Cf., in this context, Roger Griffin, The Nature of Fascism, London: Pinter Publishers, 1991, where he points out that German Fascism can be explained only in terms of a “palingenetic” effort on the part of the German nation to rid itself of all Jewish forms of social and political life.

[16] See for example Wilmot Robertson, The Dispossessed Majority, Cape Canaveral, FL: Howard Allen Press, 1976, Ch.15, p.178f, where he points out that “what is happening today in the United States today is what has been happening through­out much of Western history. The Jews, finding themselves unrestricted and un­curbed in a land rich in resources and labour, are rapidly monopolizing its wealth. It is almost certainly the same historic process that took place in Visigothic, Ar­abic and Catholic Spain, in medieval England, France and Germany—and most recently in twentieth century Germany. Yet no one cares—or dares—to notice it. Those who are so concerned about labour monopolies or business cartels, about the influence of the Roman Catholic Church or the military-industrial complex, about the WASP domination of the big corporations or the international Com­munist conspiracy, seem strangely silent and utterly unconcerned about the activ­ities of an ever more powerful, ever more dominant, supranational ethnocentrism with almost unlimited financial resources at its command”. The reason for the relative silence regarding the Jewish power in America is of course, as Robertson himself shows, the domination of the press and the media in America by the Jews. Not only does this domination help to curtail criticism of the political and com­mercial manipulations of the Jews but it also, more harmfully, forces the Jewish vulgarity in well-nigh irresistible doses onto the gullible masses through the film, television, music, and sports industries financed and administered in large part by the Jews.