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General

Nathan Damigo on the Venezuela adventure

January 9, 2026/1 Comment/in General/by Kevin MacDonald

From Nathan Damigo’s Substack

I oppose the toppling of the Maduro regime in Venezuela for the same reason I oppose the war in Gaza and against Iran; they are all being done on behalf of Jewish power. Internationally, Jews will no longer have to deal with Venezuela as a thorn in their side at the United Nations or elsewhere globally. Jews will become richer from the recapturing of Venezualan oil fields and use that money to further fund anti-White NGO’s to fuck us over. They will also use the money from the oil to stabilize the judeo-capitalist regime in Washington, either creating a new petrodollar or taxing its import. The more stable the jewish regime is financially, the longer they can continue to use it/us for their interests. Jews won all around on this one, anyone celebrating is a fool or bad actor.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-01-09 14:38:502026-01-09 14:38:50Nathan Damigo on the Venezuela adventure

Viktor Orban on migration and the EU

January 9, 2026/12 Comments/in General/by Kevin MacDonald

3. The third major issue is migration.

The implementation of the Brussels migration pact is unacceptable for Hungary. Under the pact adopted by Brussels, Hungary would be required from June onward to process 23,000 applications within a single year. This would only be possible if a migrant camp with a capacity of 10,000 people were established. The Hungarian government’s position remains unchanged: Hungary will not accept a single migrant, will not build refugee camps, will not alter its border protection regime, will not become a country of immigration, and will not accept Brussels dictating with whom Hungarians must live.

Viktor Orbán thanked God that Hungary kept its borders secure and refused migrants during the 2015 crisis. Today, he said, it is entirely clear that “we backed the winning side.” As he put it, many Western European countries would give half an arm to become migration-free.

The PM called it unprecedented that Hungary has been ordered to pay one million euros per day for refusing to admit migrants. He added, however, that Hungary is better off not admitting migrants, and not assuming the financial, social, and societal burdens that come with them.

In conclusion, he said he expects that over the next 10–15 years there will be significant demand for people from Western Europe — “not migrants, but native Europeans, making use of freedom of movement” — to work and live in Hungary. This, he said, will contribute to helping Hungary address its own demographic challenges, adding: “We will not have migrants, but Germans, French, and Italians.” His point was that fellow Europeans can far more easily integrate into Hungarian life than people from outside of Europe. …

· The Prime Minister said that, in his view, the EU leadership elite has strong interest in a change of government in Hungary. Brussels does not even hide this, he added, noting that he was told “quite bluntly” to “step aside, because new people are now needed — people who will pursue a Brussels-aligned policy instead of a sovereigntist one.” He stressed that this election is of particular importance to Brussels because Hungary demonstrates in practice that there is a clear and workable alternative to the pro-war strategy promoted by the Brussels elite.The Prime Minister said that, in his view, the EU leadership elite has strong interest in a change of government in Hungary. Brussels does not even hide this, he added, noting that he was told “quite bluntly” to “step aside, because new people are now needed — people who will pursue a Brussels-aligned policy instead of a sovereigntist one.” He stressed that this election is of particular importance to Brussels because Hungary demonstrates in practice that there is a clear and workable alternative to the pro-war strategy promoted by the Brussels elite.
Balázs Orbán
After the Liberal World Order: How Hungary Reads the New Global Reality

An in-depth reading of Viktor Orbán’s year-opening international press conference on global shifts and Hungary’s national interests
Balázs Orbán
Jan 07, 2026

2025 marked a turning point in international politics: the liberal world order has come to an end — the election of Donald Trump delivered the final blow. It is clear that from 2026 onward, we have entered a new era — one that can rightly be described as the Age of Nations. Hungary is not merely enduring this change; it is shaping it. Since 2010, Hungary has been among the forerunners of this new era and intends to remain an active force in shaping it.

At his year-opening international press conference, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán made it clear which four key issues will define Hungarian politics through 2026.

1. War or peace?

According to the Prime Minister, the most important question facing Europe in 2026 is the choice between war and peace. He defined the Hungarian government’s task as keeping Hungary away from the dangers of war. Referring to the EU summit last December, he stressed that decisions were taken in Brussels to move toward war. The most vocal advocate of this course is Manfred Weber, President of the European People’s Party. It is no exaggeration to say that the 2026 Hungarian election may be the last election before war. The government elected in 2026 will decide the question of war or peace for Hungary, he stated.

Viktor Orbán also noted that 2026 will be marked by the rise of social movements across Western Europe opposing the pro-war elite. Beyond Hungary, only a few countries currently propose a fundamentally different strategy for the EU — one that rejects the logic of a war economy, war loans, and permanent militarisation. Instead, they advocate peace, stability, peace agreements, and a peace economy, he said. “Recently, there were three of us — and there will be more,” he added.

He also pointed out that, according to Ukrainian government statements, excluding military and security spending, Ukraine is requesting €800 billion over the next ten years, at a time when the European economy is already in decline. Whoever pays this bill will ruin their own people, the Prime Minister warned, adding: “People do not usually allow themselves to be ruined.”

2. The second key issue is energy.

Viktor Orbán stressed that national sovereignty is increasingly dependent on energy supply, which has also become one of the most critical issues of technological development. Those countries that are able to provide affordable energy for emerging industries, such as artificial intelligence, will be the winners of the new era, he said. Hungary’s task, he added, is to ensure strong supply chains, stable infrastructure, and robust national energy companies. He stated that Hungary’s energy supply and energy security are guaranteed, that energy independence is secured, and that the country is capable of producing the energy required to build new capacities. Achieving this, he noted, required a change in Hungary’s previous energy policy and the expansion of Hungarian companies’ presence across multiple regions of the world.

At the same time, he emphasized that certain EU regulations affecting the gas and oil sectors are damaging to Hungary. Hungary is defending itself against these measures through legal means, both because they constitute an abuse of legal authority and because the EU treaties assign energy policy to national competence. In parallel, Hungary is also working politically and indirectly against Brussels’ energy regulations, by seeking to help bring the war to an end by 2027. This would allow energy sanctions against Russia to be lifted. He pointed out that current Brussels price regulations increase energy prices in Europe by 20 percent, while the next round of regulations would lead to even greater price increases.

3. The third major issue is migration.

The implementation of the Brussels migration pact is unacceptable for Hungary. Under the pact adopted by Brussels, Hungary would be required from June onward to process 23,000 applications within a single year. This would only be possible if a migrant camp with a capacity of 10,000 people were established. The Hungarian government’s position remains unchanged: Hungary will not accept a single migrant, will not build refugee camps, will not alter its border protection regime, will not become a country of immigration, and will not accept Brussels dictating with whom Hungarians must live.

Viktor Orbán thanked God that Hungary kept its borders secure and refused migrants during the 2015 crisis. Today, he said, it is entirely clear that “we backed the winning side.” As he put it, many Western European countries would give half an arm to become migration-free.

The PM called it unprecedented that Hungary has been ordered to pay one million euros per day for refusing to admit migrants. He added, however, that Hungary is better off not admitting migrants, and not assuming the financial, social, and societal burdens that come with them.

In conclusion, he said he expects that over the next 10–15 years there will be significant demand for people from Western Europe — “not migrants, but native Europeans, making use of freedom of movement” — to work and live in Hungary. This, he said, will contribute to helping Hungary address its own demographic challenges, adding: “We will not have migrants, but Germans, French, and Italians.” His point was that fellow Europeans can far more easily integrate into Hungarian life than people from outside of Europe.

4. The fourth issue is Hungary’s path to development.

Hungary’s goal remains achieving economic growth and rising living standards, even as much of Europe is forced into austerity. To do this, Hungary must carefully shepherd its own financial resources. Therefore, Hungary will not participate in financing Ukraine, whether through war loans or financial aid. “We will mobilise the economic resources available to us in the interest of Hungarians,” Orbán emphasised.

He continued by stating that Hungary will not accept Brussels’ decisions aimed at shifting Member States’ economies toward a general European war economy. Transitioning to a war economy, he said, serves neither the cause of peace nor the economic interests of Member States.

Hungary will stay out of the war economy and instead build a “peace economy” that enables development. This, he said, is the Hungarian path — in contrast to Brussels’ war-driven approach.

Viktor Orbán concluded by noting that because Hungary is building a peace economy, measures have entered into force as of 1 January that would be unimaginable in much of Western Europe:

· Family tax allowances are being doubled: the more children a Hungarian family has, the greater the tax benefit for parents;

· Full personal income tax exemption from January for mothers under 30 with one child and mothers under 40 with two children; three-or-more-child mothers already exempt

· The minimum wage has been increased by 11 percent,

· A corporate tax reduction of approximately €230 million is being implemented to enhance competitiveness, encourage investment, and support economic growth;

· A 14th-month pension has been introduced, effectively adding two extra monthly payments to annual pensions for retired workers;

· Fixed-interest housing support loans are being continued to support first-time homebuyers,

· Uniformed service members receive a six-month salary bonus in recognition of their service and efforts to safeguard peace.

Hungary will continue to pursue a policy of peace, sovereignty, and development in this new era as well.

What to Expect in Hungary’s 2026 Parliamentary Elections

Responding to journalists’ questions, the Prime Minister also assessed the situation surrounding Hungary’s upcoming parliamentary elections.

· He stressed that in the 2026 parliamentary elections Hungary will have to choose between the Brussels path and the Hungarian path. The options facing the country are clear: either it follows the Brussels path, which leads to war and economic austerity, or it follows the Hungarian path, which offers peace and opportunities for development — enabling a stronger country, a stronger economy, and a better life for Hungarians.

· The Prime Minister said that, in his view, the EU leadership elite has strong interest in a change of government in Hungary. Brussels does not even hide this, he added, noting that he was told “quite bluntly” to “step aside, because new people are now needed — people who will pursue a Brussels-aligned policy instead of a sovereigntist one.” He stressed that this election is of particular importance to Brussels because Hungary demonstrates in practice that there is a clear and workable alternative to the pro-war strategy promoted by the Brussels elite.

· Viktor Orbán said he sees a situation similar to that of 2022, when parliamentary elections were last held. Everything is exactly the same as it was then — an opposition alliance, even if it has now been recalibrated, with the same people, advisers, experts, and economists. “We have to fight the same battle,” he said, “only the stakes are higher, because now there is a war.” He added that the only significant difference between 2022 and the current situation is that the war has since become a defining part of political reality, raising the stakes, and that Brussels-alignment has been expanded with openly pro-Ukraine and pro-war positions.

Viktor Orbán at his year-opening international press conference, outlining Hungary’s strategic reading of a changing global order and the national-interest framework guiding Hungarian policy in the years ahead.

On the U.S.

The liberal world order has come to an end — the election of Donald Trump delivered the final blow, said Viktor Orbán.

In a previous interview, the PM had stated that in contrast to the Biden years, Hungarian–American relations are experiencing a golden age, with excellent cooperation between the two countries, including at the highest levels of political engagement. There is full alignment between the two governments on the issues of peace and war, the protection of family values, and migration. “This is a comradely relationship, where the American president represents the interests of the American people, and I represent the interests of the Hungarian people,” he said.

He also recalled that since Donald Trump took office, 13 major U.S. investments have come to Hungary — a “remarkable achievement” at a time when Americans are increasingly bringing companies back home. Further significant investments are expected this year as well. All of this shows that there is life beyond Brussels, he added.

On Venezuela

The Venezuelan military operation will have consequences beyond the country itself, Orbán said. Treating it as an isolated event with no impact on global politics would be naïve. Similar developments may emerge elsewhere.

Viktor Orbán said Hungary assumes that the United States may be able to reintegrate Venezuela’s oil resources into global trade. This could increase supply and lower energy prices, in line with U.S. industrial policy interests, and could also be beneficial for Hungary. He added that Donald Trump may be right in arguing that future global power positions will be shaped by control over natural resources. At the same time, he considers it premature to draw moral conclusions or give a final interpretation of the new world order. The postwar liberal world order has ended, but the new era — the Age of Nations — is still taking shape.

The PM stressed that Hungary is not making predictions, but seeking to understand these processes and their impact on our home country. He expressed hope that the United States will succeed in mobilising Venezuela’s resources, establish democratic conditions, and bring an end to narco-state governance. He also recalled that Hungary has taken in several hundred Hungarian-origin families who fled Venezuela and welcomed the changes now underway there, adding that Venezuela has a strong future ahead.

Explaining why Hungary chose not to be part of a joint EU position on Venezuela, Viktor Orbán recalled that under the EU treaties, foreign policy remains a matter of national competence. Coordination is useful, he said, but a common foreign policy is neither necessary nor possible, as there is no agreement — not on Venezuela, nor on Ukraine, nor on the Middle East. Trade policy, he noted, is the only area on which Brussels speaks with authority, under EU rules.

On China

Hungary sees China not as a threat, but as an opportunity, according to the Prime Minister. Hungary consistently pursues cooperation with China — this is not a new direction, but a long-standing practice of Hungarian foreign policy that the government continues. As Viktor Orbán said, within China’s foreign policy classification, Hungary belongs to the so-called “all-weather” category – meaning that the partnership is maintained under all circumstances. This is an exceptional achievement that clearly serves Hungary’s interests.

Viktor Orbán also noted that this cooperative approach toward China is not the majority position within the European Union. Some seek to restrict relations on ideological grounds and label China a “systemic rival.” He considers this approach misguided. In his view, the modern world is not defined by a clash of systems: culture matters more than politics. China is China, Europe is Europe, and America is America — each has a system of governance rooted in its own cultural foundations.

The PM stressed that Hungary does not seek to judge or copy the way others live, but to follow a path that suits the Hungarian people.

Hungary’s Place in a Changing Global Order

Viktor Orbán also said that, in line with the philosophy of connectivity, Hungary should maintain the best, closest, and most constructive relations possible with all major economic blocs of the world.

This applies to the United States, China, Russia, the Arab world, and the Turkic world alike, he stated. He added that, as a member of the European Union, meaningful politics in Brussels is only possible if countries remain sovereign; therefore, Hungary does not wish to take part in any form of federal arrangement, insisting on the rights granted to it under the EU’s founding treaties.

Orbán Viktor emphasized that Hungary envisions its future within the European Union, under the protective umbrella of NATO, while pursuing a sovereign foreign policy and a sovereign economic policy — and that this is both feasible and necessary.

What emerges from Viktor Orbán’s year-opening international press conference is a clear strategic position: in an era of war, instability, and global realignment, Hungary is choosing peace, sovereignty, and development. The Hungarian path is built on connectivity — maintaining open channels with all major powers while preserving national independence. This is how Hungary intends to secure stability and opportunity in 2026.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-01-09 08:37:252026-01-09 08:37:25Viktor Orban on migration and the EU

Woman Killed In Minneapolis Was “ICE Watch” Left-Wing Activist Trained To Resist Fed Agents: Report

January 9, 2026/4 Comments/in General/by Kevin MacDonald

ZeroHedge: Woman Killed In Minneapolis Was “ICE Watch” Left-Wing Activist Trained To Resist Fed Agents: Report

The New York Post reports that Renee Nicole Good was an anti-ICE “warrior” and part of a network of left-wing activists who worked to “document and resist” ICE operations in Minnesota.

Key details from the NYPost report:

Good, who moved to the city last year, linked up with the anti-ICE activists through her 6-year-old son’s woke charter school, which boasts that it puts “social justice first” and “involving kids in political and social activism,” multiple local sources said.

“She was a warrior. She died doing what was right,” a mother named Leesa, whose child attends the same school, told The Post at a growing vigil where Good was killed Wednesday.

Good and her wife Rebecca, 40, who were raising the child together and sent the boy to Southside Family Charter School, a K-5 academy opened in 1972 which has from its inception been “unabashedly dedicated to social justice education,” according to co-founder Susie Oppenheim.

It was through her involvement in the school community that Good became involved in “ICE Watch” — a loose coalition of activists dedicated to disrupting ICE raids in the sanctuary city.

“From my understanding, she was involved in social justice … we are a tight-knit community and a lot of parents are [activists],” former Southside gym teacher Rashad Rich, who resigned from the school last month, told The Post.

. . .

County worker Kristin Peter, 30, who was also at the vigil, said Renee was on the same ICE Watch team as one of her coworkers, and that she herself was attending a meeting of the group Thursday night.

NYPost’s report throws a wrench into the just a “driver” or just a “woman” narrative that some corporate media outlets ran earlier.

*   *   *

Update (1755ET):

Renee Nicole Good, the woman shot and killed by ICE, was driving a Honda Pilot SUV that the Missouri Department of Revenue confirmed was registered with Missouri license plates. Business records show that Good operated a maintenance company in Kansas City, Missouri, called “B.Good Handywork LLC.”

Even though the Minneapolis City Council released a statement saying Good was “a member of our community,” it does not answer whether she was a full-time resident or simply part of an out-of-town left-wing resistance network conducting pressure campaigns against ICE operations in the sanctuary city.

One eyewitness described Good as “the main car in the protest, as I understand it. She was very successful in blocking traffic. She was doing exactly what she set out to do.”

At the beginning of the interview, the eyewitness said, “I woke up to some commotion out front. I heard some whistles going on out front.”

We must note that the whistles sounded before Good accelerated her car forward after blocking the street, prompting the officer to fire several shots into the vehicle, killing the activist.

Reuters associates “shrill sound of whistles” as an “anti-ICE resistance tool”…

Democrats were quick to label Good as a “legal observer.”

Local media confirmed.

Left-wing activists can train to be legal observers with the American Civil Liberties Union and the National Lawyers Guild. As the Capital Research Center notes, the NLG has been consistently identified with radical-left politics and was heavily influenced by communists in its early years. Key Weather Underground figures like Bernardine Dohrn and Bill Ayers had strong ties to the National Lawyers Guild (NLG). Dohrn served as the first law student organizer.

“The idea of community members watching law enforcement officers through organized patrols originates from the Black Power Movement,” NLG wrote on its website, adding, “The National Lawyers Guild, as the first integrated bar association in the U.S., took components from this practice and developed its Legal Observer Program in 1968 in New York City in response to protests at Columbia University and city-wide antiwar and racial justice demonstrations.”

Not even a week ago, we noted, “Today, the Guild provides legal support and protest training for Black Lives Matter, Antifa, and other left-wing street movements, teaching activists how to push confrontation to the legal edge without crossing into prosecutable domestic terrorism.”

It appears the White House has some understanding of why Good was blocking the street or impeding ICE agents, as White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt told reporters earlier that the Minneapolis ICE shooting “occurred as a result of a larger, sinister, left-wing movement that has spread across our country.”

MSM being MSM.

Meanwhile…

MSM’s narrative…

Democrats have been seeking a proper narrative to justify new rounds of protests and riots, similar to the Los Angeles unrest last summer, to reshape public perception of ICE.

*   *   *

It didn’t take long. Within hours of an ICE-involved shooting in the Minneapolis area, the Democratic Party’s protest industrial complex moved into action, quickly creating conditions for coordinated demonstrations across multiple cities. The rapid response suggested these nonprofit activist networks were on standby, waiting for a catalytic event, as an army of radicals intensified pressure campaigns against federal agents, blocking streets, harassing officers, and openly doxxing them.

Shortly after the ICE-involved shooting that left one woman dead, multiple videos of the incident went viral on X. In at least one video, she appears to be blocking the street with her vehicle in an attempt to impede ICE agents and is later shot and killed after advancing toward one of the agents. Numerous angles of the incident are circulating on X, offering competing narratives.

The Democratic Party’s propaganda machine, desperately searching for the next narrative after the optically displeasing Somali-linked daycare fraud scandal, was quick to deploy a new storyline.

As we noted hours before protest activity erupted in the Minneapolis area (read here), the left-wing nonprofit Minnesota Immigrant Rights Action Committee functioned as a rapid-response mobilization hub, coordinating a coalition of left-wing activist groups to flood the streets by late evening.

Footage of the demonstrations:

The rapid response extended beyond Minnesota. In New York, Party for Socialism and Liberation New York City, reportedly funded by China-based far-left billionaire Neville Roy Singham, mobilized activists within hours.

Communist Jackson Hinkle appeared enthusiastic about what appeared to be multi-city coordinated protests.

In Seattle:

Looking ahead, the socialists are planning pro-Maduro protests in the US, funded by PSL.

Democrats appear prime for a George Floyd 2.0 moment.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-01-09 07:49:222026-01-09 08:16:01Woman Killed In Minneapolis Was “ICE Watch” Left-Wing Activist Trained To Resist Fed Agents: Report

How Israel’s move in Somaliland fits in its broader strategy for regional dominance

January 8, 2026/4 Comments/in General/by Kevin MacDonald

Israel views any fixed political agreement as a liability constraining its freedom of action. War is no longer an exceptional condition but a way of life, a normalized instrument of regional order.

There is some truth to this. But it also papers over something more important: Israel views any fixed political arrangement — even an agreement that is overwhelmingly in Israel’s favor — would serve as a constraint on its freedom of military action. Israel’s moves in Syria and Lebanon, alongside its broader regional realignments, point to an emerging strategic preference for a model of managed, perpetual conflict, rather than a stable political status quo that cannot be altered. War is no longer an exceptional condition but a way of life, a normalized instrument of regional order.

Mondoweiss: How Israel’s move in Somaliland fits in its broader strategy for regional dominance

Israel’s strategic posture favors a constant state of war over political deals that might constrain future aggression. Its recognition of Somaliland is part of this strategy, and an attempt to plant the first flag of its would-be empire in Africa.
By Abdaljawad Omar  January 6, 2026

As Donald Trump proclaimed a “forever peace” in the region last October, Israel proceeded to dramatically escalate its military operations, launching repeated assaults across Palestine, Syria, Lebanon, and beyond. In Gaza, Israel has violated the ceasefire over a thousand times; in Lebanon, it continues to target resistance forces; in Syria, it attempts to destabilize the new regime by exacerbating sectarian divisions; and more recently, it has continued to beat the drums of war with Iran. Its recent recognition of Somaliland also signals an Israel that seeks to regionalize its terror regime, challenge Turkey’s presence in Somalia, and position itself closer to Yemen and Iran for future skirmishes.

Some might consider this a failure of Israeli policy — that Israel is incapable of translating military success into a new political reality, and its war grinds on while the political horizon remains frozen. Without such a political transition, the argument goes, military success remains transient: decisive in appearance, yet incapable of altering the structural conditions that generate and sustain resistance.

Israel views any fixed political agreement as a liability constraining its freedom of action. War is no longer an exceptional condition but a way of life, a normalized instrument of regional order.

There is some truth to this. But it also papers over something more important: Israel views any fixed political arrangement — even an agreement that is overwhelmingly in Israel’s favor — would serve as a constraint on its freedom of military action. Israel’s moves in Syria and Lebanon, alongside its broader regional realignments, point to an emerging strategic preference for a model of managed, perpetual conflict, rather than a stable political status quo that cannot be altered. War is no longer an exceptional condition but a way of life, a normalized instrument of regional order.

For now, this model is sustainable for Israel because its consequences are largely externalized: peripheral arenas and adversarial societies bear the brunt of the damage of its operations, while the Israeli home front remains relatively insulated from sustained disruption. The absence of a definitive political settlement is not a liability but a boon.

Perpetual war, so long as it remains geographically displaced and technologically mediated, allows Israel to defer the difficult work of political resolution while maintaining strategic initiative, leaving the door open for unilateral military action in the future.

The strategic logic of this model is reflected in two developments, respectively spatial and geopolitical in nature.

The first development is most immediately felt, with Israel expanding its buffer architectures in Syria, spatially dispersing resistance formations in south Lebanon, and continuously expanding its buffer zone within Gaza by bringing more parts of the Strip under its control.

These aren’t tactical adjustments, but long-term arrangements based on the logic of “security perimeters” and the preemptive management of threat horizons.

The other development is less visible but no less significant, represented in Israel’s entanglement in the byzantine geopolitics of states jockeying for influence across the region. There is the Saudi-Turkish-Qatari scramble to determine Syria’s future — each backing different factions, pursuing incompatible visions, yet united in their determination not to be left out of whatever arrangement eventually emerges from the rubble.

Meanwhile, Israel has been cultivating relationships with Greece and Cyprus, building up a network of eastern Mediterranean partnerships that look suspiciously like an attempt to outflank Turkey, with whom competition is becoming increasingly open.

It’s a messy business, and the alliances don’t follow any neat ideological lines. Yesterday’s enemy can become today’s tacit partner if the circumstances require it, with Israel dealing with the Saudis on some fronts while watching them bankroll projects elsewhere that run counter to their interests. The Israeli-Turkish relationship oscillates between functional cooperation on trade and energy and bitter rivalry on everything from gas exploration rights to influence in post-Assad Syria.

But even though Israeli actions suggest a growing comfort with inhabiting a permanently offensive posture in the region, its imperial entanglements also create new liabilities. Yes, Israel’s room for maneuver has been enlarged, but it has also been constrained — and not always in predictable ways — due, in part, to its relatively new relations with states such as the United Arab Emirates. More partners mean more options, to be sure, but they also entail more obligations and points at which things can unravel once the interests of the various actors inevitably diverge.

So the question isn’t whether Israel wields influence in the region (it plainly does), but whether this dense thicket of diplomatic activity constitutes a coherent strategy or a mere accumulation of tactical expedients whose long-term durability remains uncertain.

And then there’s Israel’s boldest move yet: its attempt to plant the first flag of its would-be empire in Africa.

Somaliland: the Horn of Africa gambit

Israel’s recognition of Somaliland on December 26, 2025, adds yet another layer to this already congested landscape, operating simultaneously across multiple vectors of competition: with Turkey over influence in the Horn of Africa, and against the ability of Yemen’s Ansar Allah (commonly known as “the Houthis”) to disrupt trade routes.

Turkey has maintained its largest overseas military base in Somalia since 2017. Camp TURKSOM in Mogadishu has trained some sixteen thousand troops and secured, in February 2024, the exclusive rights to train, equip, and modernize Somalia’s navy and patrol its exclusive economic zone. This consolidation of Turkish strategic presence transforms Somalia into something approaching a client state, not through direct annexation but through the patient accumulation of security, infrastructural, and economic dependence.

The Israeli move was framed explicitly as being “in the spirit of the Abraham Accords,” yet it functions equally as a counter to Turkish maritime ambitions and as a wedge into a region where Ankara has spent over a decade building institutional depth.

Israel’s recognition of Somaliland is not an isolated diplomatic gesture, but an attempt to secure a foothold in proximity to these competing networks. Somaliland’s coastline sits directly across from Yemen, offering monitoring and intervention capacity over Ansar Allah’s activities while simultaneously complicating Turkish ambitions in the region. What emerges is a field of overlapping projects: Turkish military infrastructure consolidating Somalia as a projection platform into the Red Sea; Iranian weapons flows moving through Somali territory to sustain Ansar Allah operations; and the Israeli recognition of Somaliland in an attempt to disrupt both.

The recognition of Somaliland appears minor but it reverberates across multiple strategic theaters at once — the Horn of Africa, the Red Sea shipping lanes, the Turkish sphere, the Emirati-Israeli alignment, and the broader axis of resistance.

The question is whether these entanglements represent calculated strategic depth or merely additional commitments that generate their own unforeseen vulnerabilities, binding each actor to the volatile fortunes of a region where clarity remains perpetually deferred, and alliances shift faster than the institutional arrangements meant to stabilize them.

What we are witnessing is not chaos but rather the return of classical balance-of-power politics. It is something far more familiar to students of European statecraft: a multipolar regional system where even ostensible allies pursue contradictory objectives, and where every gain by one actor automatically triggers compensatory maneuvers by others.

Consider the balance of forces. Turkey, a NATO member, builds military infrastructure in Somalia while competing with Israel — another American partner — for influence across the Horn and the eastern Mediterranean. The Saudis and Turks back opposing factions in Syria while both maintain channels to Washington. Israel cultivates Greece and Cyprus as counterweights to Turkey, yet all remain within the American security umbrella. This isn’t alliance breakdown — it is alliance complexity. The trouble is that it requires a kind of diplomatic sophistication that the current regional leadership often lacks.

More centrally, however — as with much of Israel’s regional conduct — this move is best understood as part of a broader preparation for future war.

The recognition of Somaliland is instructive precisely because it appears minor. On its own, it registers as a small diplomatic gesture; in practice, it reverberates across multiple strategic theaters at once — the Horn of Africa, the Red Sea shipping lanes, the Turkish sphere, the Emirati-Israeli alignment, and the broader axis of resistance. This is how power increasingly operates in a multipolar environment: not through singular, decisive moves, but through the cumulative positioning of nodes whose strategic value emerges relationally and in anticipation of the other’s actions.

More centrally, however — as with much of Israel’s regional conduct — this move is best understood as part of a broader preparation for future war. Perpetual war, here, isn’t an emergency condition to be avoided, but a governing paradigm to be managed, expanded, and spatially pre-configured long before war erupts again.

Regionalizing Israel’s strategy towards Palestine

Israel’s reorientation toward perpetual war is not unprecedented. States that enjoy overwhelming technological and military superiority often discover that victory is less useful than managed instability. An unresolved conflict preserves freedom of action, allowing borders to remain elastic, threats to be continuously redefined, and exceptional measures to become permanent. Israel’s conduct across Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and now the Horn of Africa suggests a growing comfort with precisely this condition.

Seen in this light, the apparent failure to translate military dominance into political settlement begins to look less like an inability and more like a choice. Political closure would impose constraints: fixed borders, binding obligations, and reciprocal guarantees. Endless war, by contrast allows Israel to act preemptively, redraw security architectures, and embed its power into the geography of the region without having to negotiate or seek international ratification.

Israel is expanding territories under its control not to govern them, but to shape them for the purpose of absorbing shock. This strategy isn’t new to Israel when it comes to its relationship with the Palestinians, having for decades sustained a managed, perpetual war in the West Bank and Gaza that it has continuously modulated between alternating cycles of escalation and containment. The difference is that Israel is now moving to regionalize this model.

What’s new about this strategy isn’t its logic, but its scale, transplanting a decades-old strategy of managing its colonial frontier within Palestine to geographies far beyond it.

In other words, what’s new about this strategy isn’t its logic, but its scale, transplanting a decades-old strategy of managing its colonial frontier within Palestine to geographies far beyond it. Yet with this increase in scale, things get more complicated, giving the people of the region more reasons to resist.

As for the forces of resistance, it is precisely Israel’s refusal to entertain a political arrangement with them that keeps resistance alive. They have not been defeated because they can’t be so long as Israel’s only acceptable notion of defeat is total collapse or surrender. Certainly resistance won’t be defeated through Israel’s method of targeting the entire social and infrastructural body of what it declares to be “enemy societies.”

And the Israelis actually understand this better than they publicly admit: the buffer zones, the spatial fragmentation, the preemptive configurations — these are all tacit admissions that victory in any meaningful sense is unattainable.

What’s being managed and perhaps even perpetuated is the desire to sustain an intractable situation without any form of resolution. The resistance elements — whether Palestinian, Lebanese, or Yemeni — can certainly be weakened, perhaps even contained, but they can’t be eliminated entirely, because they’re embedded in political contexts that military force alone cannot address.

The regionalization of Israel’s regime of violence is generating an unintended strategic effect: the idea of a unified arena, encouraging coordination, resource-sharing, and political alignment among resistance forces.

At the same time, the regionalization of Israel’s regime of violence is generating an unintended strategic effect: by extending its operations across multiple theaters, it has renewed the salience of the idea of a unified arena, encouraging coordination, resource-sharing, and political alignment among resistance forces, including those that for long stretches viewed one another with suspicion.

It is true that, for now, many of these actors remain preoccupied with survival, political relevance, and the arduous work of rebuilding. Israel is determined to keep it that way, working to further fragment Syria, consolidate partnerships with Greece and Cyprus, deepen military cooperation with the Emirates across the Red Sea, operate in tandem with select Kurdish forces, and continue to bomb targets in Gaza, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, and Iran.

Yet the longer Israel pursues this strategy of regional entanglement, the more it collapses once-discrete arenas into a single, interconnected field of confrontation.

In doing so, it pushes previously separated actors into closer proximity, lending renewed force to the idea of resistance not as a collection of isolated struggles, but as a set of interlinked campaigns increasingly compelled to operate in tandem.

Israel’s victoryless war is not an aberration, nor a failure of translation. It is the mature expression of a political order that can neither resolve resistance nor survive its resolution — and therefore reorganizes space, diplomacy, and force around the permanent modulation of war.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-01-08 09:48:432026-01-08 09:48:43How Israel’s move in Somaliland fits in its broader strategy for regional dominance

The Trump Corollary: We’re Nation-Building OUR Nation

January 7, 2026/5 Comments/in General/by Ann Coulter

Things went much better when we called the shots in Latin America

We’re not “nation-building” in Venezuela. We’re “puppet-government-installing.”

And not a moment too soon. Our complete withdrawal from the Western Hemisphere over the past fifty years, while we concentrated on turning distant hellholes like Somalia into “a proud, functioning and viable member of the community of nations,” as Madeleine Albright said in 1993, seems to have left the U.S. sitting in the middle of a crime-ridden ghetto.

Back when the U.S. was constantly meddling in Latin America, removing and inserting leaders at will, I note that 100,000 Americans weren’t dying of drug overdoses every year. Cuba and Venezuela weren’t emptying their prisons and mental institutions into our country for fun. Third Worlders weren’t streaming across our border, killing, raping and robbing Americans. Instead of cocaine and Fentanyl, the region’s main exports were things like oil and sugar. Today, they can’t manage to extract natural resources there for the taking.

To be sure, mistakes were made, such as the State Department backing Fidel Castro (based on the Walter Duranty-like reporting of The New York Times’ Herbert Matthews).

If only we’d kept intervening, that error might have been corrected half a century ago.

But liberals got sanctimonious about the U.S. bossing around lesser countries. Why, they’re just as capable of self-government as we are!

No, they’re not. With rare exceptions, brief periods of prosperity in Latin America are invariably followed by revolution, seizure of major industries, grandiose promises to “the people,” graft, corruption, gangsterism, violence and economic collapse. As historian Paul Johnson put it, “Everyone in [Latin America] talked revolution and practiced graft.”

Vice President Kamala Harris was tasked with getting to the “root cause” of illegal immigration from Latin America. It turns out the “root cause” is Latin Americans.

The first clue was Argentina, a bustling, on-the-move country with a booming economy and burgeoning middle class in the 1930s and early 1940s.

Alas, in 1946, “the people” voted, and, in their wisdom, chose the demagogue Juan Perón. In short order, their economy was in shambles and they were being ruled by a dictator. Even after having seen how he immiserated their country, “the people” proceeded to elect Perón again. And then a third time.

This national self-immolation became the template for Latin American governance — up to and including Venezuela.

Venezuelans had their chance at self-government and blew it, electing the communist Hugo Chávez by acclamation four separate times, and Nicolás Maduro once (contested). Now, they can’t keep the lights on and the entire Venezuelan economy runs on shipping cocaine from Colombia to Mexico.

Since our seizure of Maduro, word has gone out for everyone in the media to compare his arrest to our adventurism in Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia, Libya, Nigeria, Bosnia, Kosovo, Yugoslavia and so on. This is absurd.

Whatever happens in any of those places has very little effect on any American’s life. By contrast, Latin Americans are killing, raping, addicting and pickpocketing Americans every single day.

We’re nation-building all right, but the nation we’re building is ours. That’s what the Bushies got wrong: They were nation-building other nations.

POP QUIZ: Please explain how teaching Afghan school girls to read benefits me. (I’m not against it, I just don’t want it on my AmEx.)

Maduro was not seized because he killed a bunch of Christians in Nigeria — and for the record, I’m against that. He was captured and put on trial because he has been repeatedly indicted in U.S. courts for trafficking cocaine that has killed a quarter million Americans.

He was also sitting on the largest proven oil reserves in the world. We need oil — and we need China not to get Venezuela’s oil.

This is why the Monroe Doctrine “once ranked with the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution in the pantheon of American reverence,” in the words of the late Yale historian Gaddis Smith.

The gist of President James Monroe’s 1823 statement was that the Western Hemisphere is ours, and any European incursion would be seen as “dangerous to our peace and safety.” (That was before we had to worry about Chinese incursions.) In return, we’d stay out of their affairs.

Overseeing Latin America wasn’t a walk in the park.

In 1950, legendary diplomat George Kennan wrote a memo, warning that “most of the Latin American world” exhibited “tremendous helplessness and impotence,” adding that he could think of no place that had produced a more “hopeless background for the conduct of human life than in Latin America.” [Africa?]

Because of the strategic importance of the region to U.S. national security, Kennan argued that “harsh governmental measures of repression may be the only answer,” even measures that violated “American concepts of democratic procedure.”

This became known as “the Kennan corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine.

In accordance with that corollary, then-Secretary of State John Foster Dulles pushed for a U.S.-backed coup d’état to depose the communist president of Guatemala in 1954. No “boots on the ground.” No “nation-building.” Secretary Dulles did not proceed to “rule” Guatemala. Our puppet did. And that was it for a communist Guatemala.

Commenting on the successful mission, Dulles said, “This intrusion of Soviet despotism was, of course, a direct challenge to our Monroe Doctrine, the first and most fundamental of our foreign policies.”

The media are in a dither, demanding to know who’s going to “run” Venezuela. The president should tell them, “Whomever the CIA chooses.”

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Ann Coulter https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Ann Coulter2026-01-07 12:19:522026-01-07 12:19:52The Trump Corollary: We’re Nation-Building OUR Nation

The Sexually Depraved Antisemite

January 6, 2026/7 Comments/in General/by Kevin MacDonald

I was thinking that the tired and bankrupt psychoanalytic approach to anti-Semitism had died a natural death, but it’s still prancing around, confident as ever. As always, the advantage of psychoanalysis for Jewish theorists of anti-Semitism is that it is infinitely malleable and can be used to argue anything, as with the Frankfurt School who managed to morph confident, loving parents into instigators of anti-Semitism in their children. I review several other psychoanalytic theories of anti-Semitism in The Culture of Critique, ranging from the ridiculous to the absurd—or is it the other way around?. Always with no empirical basis and of course Boteach (“America’s rabbi”) would never consider that Jewish behavior had anything to do with why people often dislike Jews. Ask a Palestinian whose family has been genocided in Gaza or their property expropriated on the West Bank.

The Sexually Depraved Antisemite

Rabbi Shmuley Boteach
Jan 04, 2026

Erotic Psychosis and the Roots of Modern Jew-Hatred

I’m feverishly writing my newest and 37th book, Kosher Sex for Antisemites. I hope to publish it quickly, within a month or two, God willing.

For those who need convincing that sexual depravity and repression are at the very heart of antisemitism, here is a somewhat comprehensive overview. And it explains why the worst of the emerging modern antisemites – from Candace Owens to Tucker Carlson, from Nick Fuentes to Dan Bilzerian, from Andrew Tate to Kanye West, and so on and so on, all evince, have discussed, have condemned, or have been accused, of extreme sexual decrepitude or engage in constant sexual condemnation, especially of my international best-selling book Kosher Sex or my daughter Chana’s company of the same name.

Sexual repression and sexual unease are at very root of antisemitism, racism, and bigotry. Let’s dive deeper.

Psychologists and historians have long observed a link between sexual repression and extremist hatred. The premise is that unresolved or deviant sexual urges can be “sublimated” into aggression toward scapegoated groups. In other words, sexual psychosis – extreme anxiety, perversion, or obsession around sex – often finds an outlet in hatred of an “other.” We now explore how repressive attitudes toward sex, women, and desire have fueled antisemitism and other hatreds throughout history. From medieval clergymen demonizing lust and Jews in the same breath, to modern totalitarian and fundamentalist regimes obsessively policing sexuality, we will see a recurring pattern. The case studies range from Adolf Hitler’s perverse relationship with his niece to the Taliban’s draconian dress codes. Each example illustrates how twisted sexual psychology and misogyny have contributed to history’s worst outbreaks of antisemitism and group hatred.

Ancient and Medieval Foundations: Demonizing Sex and the “Other”

Hostility toward sexuality is deeply ingrained in the Western religious tradition, and it often went hand in hand with demonizing outsiders. Early Church Fathers painted women as dangerous seductresses allied with the Devil. As one analysis notes, “the Church Fathers demonized all women as agents of the Devil” – Eve’s weakness made her the devil’s gateway, and thus all women were viewed as potential temptresses leading men to sin. In medieval Christendom, this paranoia about female sexuality fused with antisemitism. Church art and sermons frequently linked Jews and women as demonic figures undermining Christian society. Medieval Christians imagined both witches and Jews attending diabolical “sabbaths” and committing obscene acts with Satan. Misogyny and Jew-hatred thus shared a common root: fear of carnal sin and the need to blame someone for it.

One striking symbol of this overlap is the depiction of Ecclesia and Synagoga in Gothic cathedrals. The Church (Ecclesia) is shown as a virtuous crowned woman, while the Synagogue (symbolizing Judaism) appears as a defeated female figure – often blindfolded with a broken staff. The blindfold and fallen posture signified Jews’ supposed spiritual blindness and moral corruption. Notably, both are female figures, reflecting how medieval Christians feminized Judaism as a lustful, fallen woman. Such imagery sent a clear message: false religion (Judaism) and uncontrolled female sexuality were twin evils. By portraying Jews as morally weak “daughters of Eve,” medieval society justified harsh measures against them. This climate of sexual fear fed blood libel myths – accusing Jews of ritually killing Christian children and using their blood for their Passover matzo – and other paranoid fantasies, all rife with the language of impurity and defilement.

The medieval Catholic Church further institutionalized this mindset by equating piety with celibacy and bodily denial. Natural sexual desire was cast as sinful unless strictly controlled for procreation. Church authorities relentlessly warned that lust could doom one’s soul – and by extension, the community’s salvation. This obsession with purity found scapegoats in any group associated with carnal “impurity.” Women, labeled daughters of Eve, were obvious targets. Jews, seen as the killers of Christ, were likewise cast as agents of the carnal world or even literal partners of Satan. It’s no coincidence that demonology manuals of the Middle Ages often lumped together witches (almost always women) and Jews as servants of the Devil. In 1494, for example, the Nuremberg Chronicle depicted a monstrous synagogue personified by a woman riding a pig – a vicious slur linking Jewish worship to filthy lust. Such grotesque images reveal how sexual disgust was weaponized into religious and racial hatred.

Repression and Rage in the Inquisition Era

 

By the late medieval and early modern period, anxieties about “impurity” reached fever pitch in institutions like the Spanish Inquisition. The Inquisition enforced rigid Catholic orthodoxy, including sexual morality, through terror. Its leaders, notably Tomás de Torquemada (Grand Inquisitor from 1483–1498), were celibate clerics living in extreme sexual repression. Torquemada himself was rumored to have converso (Jewish-convert) ancestry, and some historians suggest this fueled his zeal to prove his “purity” by persecuting Jews. Under his influence, Spain issued the Alhambra Decree of 1492 expelling all unconverted Jews. The rationale wasn’t only religious but explicitly biological: fear that “impure” Jewish blood would mix with Christian through intermarriage. This is evident in Spain’s first racial laws, the limpieza de sangre (“purity of blood”) statutes, which barred anyone of Jewish descent from many positions. In essence, the Inquisition viewed Jewish lineage like a sexual contamination of Christian society.

Spanish churchmen often framed Jewish practices in lurid sexual terms. They accused secret Jews (crypto-Jews) of indulging in lecherous orgies during Sabbath or of corrupting Christian morals. In reality, many conversos lived ordinary family lives – but inquisitors projected their own morbid fantasies onto these communities. Torture chambers of the Inquisition even had a perverse sexual tinge: prisoners were stripped and physically violated under the guise of extracting confessions. This state-sanctioned sadism targeted heretics, witches, and Jews alike. Notably, the same era that saw mass trials of Jews also saw witch-hunts that burned thousands of women. Both phenomena sprang from the same source – a pathological fear of sexuality and an urge to purge society of imagined “pollution.” The Inquisition’s violence thus embodies how institutional repression of sex can mutate into genocidal hatred.

Martin Luther: Sex, Misogyny, and Anti-Jewish Fury

 

The Protestant Reformation did little to temper these dark undercurrents – in some ways, it intensified them. Martin Luther (1483–1546), the ex-monk who shattered Catholic celibacy rules by marrying a former nun, had a complex relationship with sex and hatred. On one hand, Luther affirmed marriage and sexual intimacy within it, rejecting Rome’s demand of clerical celibacy. Yet he still absorbed his era’s misogyny and harbored violent loathing toward Jews when they refused to convert to his new church. Luther’s later writings drip with vitriol: he called Jewish synagogues “devil’s houses” and urged faithful Christians to burn them down. His 1543 treatise On the Jews and Their Lies is among history’s most antisemitic documents.

What drove Luther’s anti-Jewish turn? Biographically, Luther struggled as a young monk with intense guilt over sexual thoughts – by his own account, he engaged in self-flagellation and prayer to suppress “carnal lusts.” Such inner turmoil may have predisposed him to harsh judgment of others’ faith and morals. He also equated the “carnality” of the Catholic Church (which he saw in its lavish rituals and corruption) with Jews – an age-old Christian trope. Fascinatingly, Luther at times conflated Jewish women with witches in his imagination. A recent analysis notes Luther’s “overlapping fears” of women and Jews, especially embodied in the figure of the “Jewish witch”. In other words, Luther’s mind linked the two great bogeymen of medieval lore: the seductive woman and the blasphemous Jew. This overlap reinforced his conviction that Jews were agents of the devil’s work – much as misogynist folklore saw witches.

Though Luther’s Reformation ended mandatory celibacy for clergy, it didn’t end repression. Protestant regions were just as eager to police sexuality (fornication, adultery, etc.) and to hunt witches as Catholic ones. In some Lutheran territories, authorities enforced modest dress and harsh punishments for sexual “sin.” Luther’s own sermons thundered against “whoredom” and urged women’s subordination in the home. All of this created a culture where deviating from sexual norms (or religious norms) provoked hysteria. Within that climate, scapegoating Jews as a source of social ills found fertile ground. Luther’s case thus illustrates how even a theological revolution failed to escape the shadow of sexual anxiety and antisemitic tradition. If anything, his disinhibition (after breaking from Rome) made his language toward Jews even more shockingly violent and obscene – as if all the repressed fury had to find a new target once the pope was out of reach.

The Third Reich: Hitler’s Perversion and Purity Obsession

No discussion of hatred and sexual pathology is complete without Adolf Hitler. Hitler and the Nazi regime exemplify sexual repression twisted into genocidal antisemitism. On the surface, Nazi ideology championed “family values” and condemned the decadence of Weimar-era liberalism. The regime outlawed pornography, persecuted homosexuals, and promoted a cult of wholesome Aryan motherhood. But beneath this puritanical facade ran currents of fetishism, hypocrisy, and personal perversion – starting with Hitler himself.

Hitler’s own sexual psychology was deeply troubled. He famously carried on a secret relationship with his half-niece, Geli Raubal, which combined avuncular control, jealousy, and quite possibly incestuous obsession. For over two years in the late 1920s, Hitler kept the much younger Geli as a close companion, living together under the same roof and controlling every move she made. Contemporary accounts and later testimonies suggest the relationship was volatile and unhealthy. Geli grew restive under Hitler’s tyrannical protectiveness – he dictated whom she could befriend or date, even while he himself flirted with other young women. According to friends, their fights were intense, and Geli at times feared Hitler’s rages.

Most disturbingly, multiple sources (including Hitler’s close associates and the testimony of Otto Strasser to U.S. intelligence) indicated that Hitler forced Geli into degrading sexual acts to satisfy his peculiar fetishes. Strasser recounted that Geli described “disgusting” acts demanded by Hitler – things she “had never dreamed could happen,” comparing them to cases from Krafft-Ebing’s Psychopathia Sexualis. In interviews with the OSS in 1943, Strasser divulged specifics: Hitler would make Geli undress and urinate on him as a form of stimulation. Geli reportedly told another confidant that Hitler’s perverted desires “sickened her,” but she complied because she didn’t want to lose his favor. This grotesque picture – a man aroused only by humiliation and dominance – suggests a severely warped sexuality at Hitler’s core. Geli Raubal’s tragic fate, dying of a gunshot wound in 1931 in Hitler’s apartment, widely deemed a suicide under duress, only underscored the pathological nature of Hitler’s intimacy.

Hitler’s sexual impotence and paraphilias dovetailed eerily with his antisemitic fanaticism. In his manifesto Mein Kampf, Hitler repeatedly casts the Jew as a sexual menace. He fulminated that syphilis – the era’s most feared sexually transmitted disease – was a “Jewish” plot to corrupt Aryans. He wrote that “the prostitution of love” and the spread of venereal disease were the result of “Judaization of our life” and the “mammonizing of our mating instinct”, poisoning the blood of German youth. In Hitler’s mind, Jews literally embodied pollution of the pure German body through sex. He railed that even noble families had allowed “any department store Jewess” to bear their children – a “sin against blood and race” that he called “the original sin of the world”. These are explicitly sexualized accusations: Jews were corrupting Aryan purity by sleeping with them, introducing financial motives into marriage, and spreading disease. Hitler’s fixation on racial purity was at heart an extreme sexual anxiety projected onto an entire people.

It is telling that Hitler’s trusted propaganda chief in Nuremberg, Julius Streicher, was himself a sexually deranged personality and pervert. Streicher’s newspaper Der Stürmer specialized in pornographic antisemitism – it printed lurid cartoons of Jewish men molesting blonde German maidens and grotesque tales of Jewish sexual crimes. Streicher seemed obsessed with sexual depravity, to the point that even fellow Nazis found him repulsive. By 1940 his reputation as a “corrupt, sadistic sexual pervert” had become an embarrassment. After the war, at the Nuremberg Trials prison, Streicher would make lewd comments to female staff and even washed his face in the toilet bowl – earning him the moniker “the dirty old man” of the Nazi prisoners. A prison doctor wondered whether Streicher’s “lewd sexual perversions and rabid anti-Semitic writings” sprang from the same diseased mind. Indeed, the pattern of the sexually depraved anti-Semite recurred in Nazi ranks. Another infamous example was Ilse Koch, the “Bitch of Buchenwald,” who was notorious for sexual sadism toward camp inmates. The Nazi movement thrived on projecting its own covert lusts and vices onto Jews as an “evil” to be eradicated.

In Nazi ideology and policy, this translated to concrete sexual persecution. The Nuremberg Race Laws of 1935 criminalized intercourse or marriage between Jews and “Aryans” as Rassenschande (“racial shame”). Propaganda like the film Jud Süß (1940) revolved around the trope of a lecherous Jew preying on a German woman, reinforcing the fear of Jewish sexual predation. Meanwhile, Hitler’s regime promoted early marriage and childbearing for “pure” Germans, but also enforced sterilization of those deemed genetically or morally unfit (including sexual “deviants”). Any non-conforming sexuality – from homosexuality to interracial relations – was harshly punished, always under the pretext of protecting the Volk’s purity. In sum, the Nazi war on the Jews cannot be separated from this sexual panic. As psychoanalysts observed at the time, Hitler’s personal impotent rage was writ large as state policy: an entire genocide grounded partly in terror of “impure” sex. Hitler’s own words tie it together chillingly: “Sin against blood and race is the original sin”. He was, in effect, sacralizing sexual purity – and sentencing millions to death for allegedly violating it.

Islamist Extremism: The Veil, the Whip, and the Enemy

In more recent times, we see similar dynamics in religious fundamentalist movements, particularly Islamist extremism. Groups like Iran’s Islamic Republic, Hamas, and the Taliban combine virulent hatred (often including antisemitism) with obsessive control of sexuality and women’s bodies. Their ideologies make female modesty and sexual morality a pillar of identity – as important as, if not inseparable from, their enmity toward Jews or “infidels.”

Iran under Khomeini: Purity and Persecution

After the 1979 Iranian Revolution, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini established a theocracy that harshly polices personal behavior. Khomeini and his clerics developed an almost surreal focus on sexual “sin.” In his writings and sermons, Khomeini issued detailed pronouncements on sexual matters ranging from marital relations to bizarre hypotheticals about bestiality and incest. For example, in a 1961 legal manual, he calmly ruled on scenarios like: “If a man sodomizes the son, brother, or father of his wife after their marriage, the marriage remains valid”. He even addressed intercourse with animals: “If a person has intercourse with a cow, a sheep, or a camel…”, describing how it would render the animal’s milk impure. Such fixation on sexual minutiae earned the post-revolutionary regime a reputation for hypocrisy and prudish absurdity. As one commentator put it, “in the Islamic Republic of Iran all politics may not be sexual, but all sex is political.”

This extreme sexual puritanism went hand in hand with fierce antisemitism and anti-Westernism in Iran’s official ideology. The hijab (veil) was made compulsory for all women – not just as a religious rule, but as a revolutionary symbol. In fact, Iranian officials often cite the hijab as one of the regime’s three core ideological pillars, alongside opposition to the United States and Israel. The message is stark: if the veil were removed, the entire Islamic Revolution’s integrity (including its stance against Israel) would collapse. Khomeini regularly referred to America as the “Great Satan” and Israel as the “Little Satan,” casting the political struggle in religious terms loaded with moral disgust. The regime’s propaganda frequently depicts Israel (and Jews by extension) as a corrupter of Islamic values – spreading immorality, drink, and unveilings. In this narrative, defending Islamic sexual morality (e.g. strict gender segregation, modest dress, no LGBTQ tolerance) is part of defending the ummah (Muslim community) against Jewish and Western plots.

Iran’s theocracy has enforced its sexual code with brutality reminiscent of the Inquisition. Morality police patrols have beaten or arrested women for a wisp of hair showing, and courts have ordered floggings and even stoning for adultery. In recent years, brave Iranian women’s protests against forced hijab have been met with incarceration and violence. Meanwhile, state media spews Holocaust denial and antisemitic conspiracy theories, blaming social ills on unseen Zionist puppeteers. The psychological interplay is clear: to maintain an iron grip on sexuality, a regime needs internal and external enemies to blame for any cracks. If youths are tempted by Western music or premarital relationships, it must be the “Zionists” corrupting them via the internet or satellite TV. This convenient scapegoating sustains both the sexual repression and the hatred. As journalist Maziar Bahari observed, Iran’s recent turmoil is “the culmination of 60 years of sexual suppression by Ayatollah Khomeini” – repression that bred such frustration that it’s now boiling over.

Hamas: Demonizing Sex and the Jew

In the Palestinian arena, Hamas presents another case where institutional misogyny and antisemitism co-exist. Hamas’s 1988 founding charter is explicitly antisemitic, quoting the Protocols of the Elders of Zion and describing an eternal struggle against the Jews. In the same document, Hamas delineates a strictly traditional role for women: they are to be the homemakers and child-rearers of the Islamic nation. The charter extols Muslim women primarily because they “manufacture men” – i.e. produce sons – and guide the next generation. This language reduces women to vessels of reproduction for the cause, stripping them of individual agency. It is a worldview that fears female sexuality unless it is tightly controlled and harnessed for the collective.

After seizing power in Gaza in 2007, Hamas incrementally imposed its moral code on the population. By 2009, it launched a self-described “virtue” campaign to curb “immoral” behavior in Gaza. Armed Hamas police would stop couples in public to verify they were married or related, and they even beat young men for swimming shirtless on the beach. That year, Hamas authorities also began enforcing Islamic dress on women and schoolgirls. Human rights monitors reported that school administrators, under Hamas orders, turned away female students not wearing a hijab and full-length robe; in one case a schoolgirl was slapped by the administrator for not wearing the jilbab (long gown). Women in Gaza suddenly found themselves policed in their clothing, segregated in schools (Hamas passed a law in 2013 mandating gender segregation even in co-ed institutions), and publicly shamed for any perceived un-Islamic behavior.

This Islamist modesty drive exists alongside Hamas’s intense propaganda against Jews and Israel. To Hamas, there is a cosmic battle between Islamic virtue and the “degenerate” influence of the Jewish state. Israeli society is portrayed as morally corrupt – secular, permissive, full of unveiled women – in contrast to Gaza’s supposedly pious resistance society. Some Hamas preachers have gone so far as to blame plagues on women’s behavior; for example, a Hamas-affiliated columnist absurdly claimed that Palestinian women’s immodesty was responsible for the spread of swine flu in 2009. By castigating women for disease, they redirected public anger toward “moral failures” rather than government shortcomings – a tactic familiar from medieval scapegoating. And by extension, the Jew (or Zionist) lurks behind the moral failures, egging on the society to abandon its purity. Indeed, Hamas’s literature often asserts that Western and Zionist forces deliberately spread pornography, drugs, and liberal ideas to undermine Muslim communities. Thus, cracking down on social vices is packaged as part of the anti-Israel resistance.

The Taliban and Others: The War on Women = War on Enemies

Perhaps the starkest modern example of institutional sexual psychosis is the Taliban in Afghanistan. Although the Taliban’s main ideological enemy has been the West (and internal dissenters), they share the jihadist antisemitic worldview common to Islamist extremists. More importantly, their treatment of women is illustrative. During their regime (1996–2001 and again since 2021), the Taliban imposed one of the most draconian gender apartheid systems in history. They forced women to wear the burqa, a head-to-toe shroud with mesh over the eyes. Girls were banned from attending school past puberty, and women were not allowed to work or even leave home without a male guardian. Any deviation was met with public floggings or executions – stadium spectacles were held where “adulteresses” were shot in the head or whipped. In their twisted interpretation, female visibility and education were threats to the moral order.

This pathological misogyny correlates with the Taliban’s embrace of violent jihad. Their fighters, cloistered away from any normal interaction with women, are promised 72 virgins in paradise if they martyr themselves – a fantasy that exploits their sexual deprivation. The demonic bargain of sex in exchange for murder is startling. The Taliban and similar groups (like Boko Haram in Nigeria) frame their war in terms of protecting their women’s honor from infidel influence. It’s notable that when the Taliban conquered territory, one of the first things they often did was destroy anything deemed “immoral” – they smashed televisions (to prevent Western images), banned music and dancing, and beat men who didn’t grow beards (to enforce a stern, ascetic image). This puritanical zeal is inextricably linked to their hostility toward all outsiders. In their rhetoric, Westerners and Jews (often conflated in conspiracy theories) are seeking to defile Muslim women and pollute Islamic culture. So long as a woman’s ankle is considered an existential threat, the mentality that justifies massacring perceived enemies is easily sustained.

Other secular tyrannies have also exhibited sexual pathology in service of hate – from Stalin’s purges (accompanied by a prudish public line on sexuality) to certain elements of the alt-right today (which blends neo-Nazi antisemitism with toxic masculinity and hatred of feminism). Across cultures, there is a recurring profile: the man (it is almost always men) who cannot handle women’s autonomy or his own desires, and who finds release by lashing out at another group. The incel (involuntarily celibate) subculture, for instance, has bred terrorists who target women and also echo white-supremacist, often antisemitic, talking points. These are modern manifestations of an ancient syndrome.

The Perils of Repression

History’s worst fanatics, racists, and especially antisemites were not merely ideologues in a vacuum – they were humans with private demons, often centered on sex. Whether it was a celibate monk like Torquemada compensating for fleshly temptations by punishing Jews, or Hitler projecting his impotent rage onto an entire race, the pattern is disturbingly clear. Sexual psychosis breeds hatred. When natural desires are twisted into guilt, fear, or obsession, they seek a scapegoat. Women, as the bearers of sexuality, and Jews, as the eternal “outsider,” have been frequent targets. The examples in this chapter have shown how controlling women’s bodies and demonizing sexual freedom go hand in hand with violent antisemitism and bigotry:

  • Medieval clergy vilified women’s lust and cast Jews as devils, merging misogyny and antisemitism into a single demonology.
  • Inquisitors and reformers enforced chastity and piety while unleashing fury on “impure” heretics and Jews.
  • Nazi leaders thundered against sexual “degeneracy” and fantasized Jews as sexual predators, even as their own sexual perversions festered.
  • slamist regimes and militias obsess over veils, virginity, and virtue, elevating the control of female sexuality to an ideological pillar on par with hatred of Israel and the West.
None of this is to say that all hate is reducible to sex – economic, political, and theological factors obviously play roles. But it is a striking through-line: those who preach the most hate often also preach the most repressive sexual morals, and their personal lives frequently betray hidden obsessions or dysfunctions. Understanding this connection can help us recognize that antisemitism and misogyny are two heads of the same monster.

In our own time, combating hate requires more than challenging an ideology in abstract. It may also require shining light on the human aspects – the fears, shames, and frustrations – that extremists twist into fuel for hate. Healthy attitudes toward sex and women, openness and education, might undercut the psychological root that makes a young man susceptible to blaming Jews for his own woes. As the cases here demonstrate, societies that celebrate life, love, and equality tend to be inoculated against the virus of violent hate. In contrast, societies (or subcultures) that repress and deny the vital part of human nature that is sexuality often breed monsters in the dark. It is an enduring lesson.

When Eros (love) is shackled, Thanatos (death) is unleashed – a lesson written in the blood of history from Geli Raubal’s Munich apartment to the streets of Tehran and Gaza.


Rabbi Shmuley Boteach, widely known as “America’s Rabbi”, is one of the world’s most recognized and influential Jewish voices. A bestselling author, award-winning columnist, global human rights advocate, and dynamic public speaker, he has dedicated his life to spreading Jewish values, defending the Jewish people, and championing universal human dignity. The international bestselling author of 36 books that have been translated into multiple languages and sold millions of copies worldwide, his works—including Kosher Sex, Kosher Adultery, The Kosher Sutra, and Kosher Hate—blend timeless Jewish wisdom with modern relevance, challenging readers to rethink love, intimacy, ethics, and spiritual life. His writings are known for their boldness, accessibility, and unapologetic defense of morality in the modern age. In 2000, Rabbi Shmuley became the only rabbi to win The Times of London’s prestigious “Preacher of the Year” competition, and remains the record-holder to this day. He has also been honored with the American Jewish Press Association’s highest award for excellence in commentary, cementing his reputation as one of the foremost Jewish communicators in the world. Follow him on Instagram and X @RabbiShmuley.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-01-06 12:00:112026-01-06 12:00:11The Sexually Depraved Antisemite

Crippling the King: Leftism in the Light of a Consciocentric Classic

January 6, 2026/7 Comments/in Featured Articles, General, Media Influence/by Tobias Langdon

Dystopian novel? No! Instruction manual? Yes! Those two questions are about George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949). The two answers are from the kind of people Orwell was satirizing in the novel. Britain presently has a government full of people like that. It’s the Labour government of the gray grasper Keir Starmer, the Black buffoon David Lammy and the hectoring harpy Jess Phillips. Are those three in politics because they love Truth, Goodness and Beauty? No! Are they in politics to pursue and abuse power? Yes!

Gray grasper, Black buffoon, hectoring harpy: the Labour leftists Keir Starmer, David Lammy and Jess Phillips

Power is what truly interests and motivates those at the top of the left. That’s why leftists have been so successful in co-opting and corrupting so many institutions, from the media to the universities, from the Church to the military. Leftists are unburdened by any concern for truth, logic or reality, by any need to fulfil their promises or benefit those they claim to care about. Take the British Labour party. It was founded, as its very name proclaims, to champion and protect the working-class. But the Labour grandee Roy Hattersley has openly boasted that in the 1960s he refused to work for what “a clear majority of my [working-class] constituents, and most of the country, undoubtedly wanted — the repatriation of all [non-White] immigrants.” And the Labour grandee Maurice Glasman has openly lamented “a terrible situation where a Labour government was hostile to the English working-class” in the 1990s. Yes, it was a terrible situation. But it was also an Orwellian situation:

Even the names of the four Ministries by which we are governed exhibit a sort of impudence in their deliberate reversal of the facts. The Ministry of Peace concerns itself with war, the Ministry of Truth with lies, the Ministry of Love with torture and the Ministry of Plenty with starvation. (Nineteen Eighty Four, Part 3, chapter 9)

In modern Britain, the Labour party is “hostile to the working-class,” the Conservative party seeks to destroy, not to conserve, and the Liberal-Democrats believe neither in freedom nor in democracy. That’s Orwellian. A novel first published in 1949 is still fully relevant to British politics in 2026. Why so? Because the kind of leftists Orwell was satirizing back then are still around right now. They love power and hate Truth, Beauty and Goodness. But what is the point of power for leftists? Here is the answer supplied in Orwell’s novel by the inquisitor O’Brien as he tortures and lectures the protagonist Winston Smith in the perma-lit cellars of the Ministry of Love:

[O’Brien said:] “The real power, the power we have to fight for night and day, is not power over things, but over men.”

He paused, and for a moment assumed again his air of a schoolmaster questioning a promising pupil: “How does one man assert his power over another, Winston?”

Winston thought. “By making him suffer,” he said.

“Exactly. By making him suffer. Obedience is not enough. Unless he is suffering, how can you be sure that he is obeying your will and not his own? Power is in inflicting pain and humiliation. Power is in tearing human minds to pieces and putting them together again in new shapes of your own choosing.” (Nineteen Eighty Four, Part 3, chapter 3)

There’s a shorter way of saying all that: Power is about crippling the King. But who is the King? I’m not talking about Chuck the Cuck or Elvis or any other mundane and material monarch. Instead, I’m talking about the King of the Universe. But I’m not talking about Jesus either. No, I’m talking about this King:

The most important thing in the universe can’t be seen, touched, tasted, smelt or heard. No scientific instrument can detect it or measure it. Indeed, everything that science knows and understands about it could be written on the full stop at the end of this sentence. Then again, from the scientific point of view there is no reason whatsoever for it to exist. The universe could — and for billions of years seemingly did — get along perfectly well without it. What is it? It’s consciousness, of course. Without it, you have nothing. With it, you have everything — the myriad sights, sounds, scents, sensations of human existence. All the thoughts and emotions. And the ability to transcend the material. Consider this example of simple logic: If A = B and B = C, then A = C. Such logic applies throughout space and time, although its enactment within your brain occupies a mere speck of space and blink of time. (“Magnissimum Mysterium: Pondering a Huge but Hidden Factor in Politics and White Nationalism,” The Occidental Observer, 19th February 2022)

All of that is why I insist that Consciousness is King. And the crippling of consciousness is, I’d suggest, the central theme of Nineteen Eighty-Four, which is what I’d call a consciocentric classic. That’s why O’Brien proclaims this leftist lie there: “Nothing exists except through human consciousness.” (Op. cit., Part Three, chapter 3) Nineteen Eighty-Four is centered on consciousness and on the second of what are, for human beings, two of the most significant things about consciousness. The first is that we can’t ever explain it in ourselves. The second is we can easily alter it in others. For me, the most interesting and important of all philosophical and scientific questions is this: “How does consciousness work?” But that question is interesting in part because, so far, it’s been intractable. Trying to explain consciousness is like trying to kiss the sun. Anyone can try it, but no-one is going to succeed. Consciousness is at once the most intimate and most elusive phenomenon in the universe. We’ve all got it (or have we?), but no-one has come within a million light-years of explaining it.

The voice and the voyeurism

But if no-one can explain consciousness, anyone can alter it, both in themself and in others. I’m altering your consciousness right now through the medium of language. But if you want, you can turn me off, as it were. You can stop reading and never give my blathering another thought. That isn’t true in Nineteen Eighty-Four. Ordinary citizens can never turn off the blathering of the Party. Or escape its gaze:

The flat was seven flights up, and Winston, who was thirty-nine and had a varicose ulcer above his right ankle, went slowly, resting several times on the way. On each landing, opposite the lift-shaft, the poster with the enormous face gazed from the wall. It was one of those pictures which are so contrived that the eyes follow you about when you move. BIG BROTHER IS WATCHING YOU, the caption beneath it ran.

Inside the flat a fruity voice was reading out a list of figures which had something to do with the production of pig-iron. The voice came from an oblong metal plaque like a dulled mirror which formed part of the surface of the right-hand wall. Winston turned a switch and the voice sank somewhat, though the words were still distinguishable. The instrument (the telescreen, it was called) could be dimmed, but there was no way of shutting it off completely. (Nineteen Eighty Four, Part 1, chapter 1)

In Nineteen Eighty-Four, you can’t turn off the voice of the Party and you can’t escape the voyeurism of the Party. In other words, the Party is always in your consciousness. That’s where egomaniacs and megalomaniacs want to be: always at the center of your world just as they are always at the center of their own. Jews and “transwomen” are like that, which is part of why Jews and translunatics are so prominent in leftism despite being such small minorities. The narcissism and vengefulness of Jews and translunatics are also things that those two groups pursue through leftism. The original Narcissus merely wanted to gaze on his own face in adoration. The narcissists named after him want you to gaze at adoration at their faces too. And if you don’t gaze, if you don’t accept their adorability, they want to punish you. In other words, they want to cripple your King — to permanently mar and mark your consciousness. That’s what the Party does to Winston in Nineteen Eighty-Four:

“Do not imagine that you will save yourself, Winston, however completely you surrender to us. No one who has once gone astray is ever spared. And even if we chose to let you live out the natural term of your life, still you would never escape from us. What happens to you here is for ever. Understand that in advance. We shall crush you down to the point from which there is no coming back. Things will happen to you from which you could not recover, if you lived a thousand years. Never again will you be capable of ordinary human feeling. Everything will be dead inside you. Never again will you be capable of love, or friendship, or joy of living, or laughter, or curiosity, or courage, or integrity. You will be hollow. We shall squeeze you empty, and then we shall fill you with ourselves.” (Nineteen Eighty Four, Part 3, chapter 2)

In short, O’Brien is telling Winston that the Party will cripple his King. When O’Brien says “you,” he means “your consciousness.” The Party will always be in Winston’s thoughts, always fouling his emotions — always be part of his consciousness. And Winston could never have escaped that fate, because he is in effect playing a role chosen for him by the Party, which was aware of his rebellion from the very beginning. Indeed, there are hints in the novel that he’s been hypnotized into heresy, that the Party has written a script for him to read just as it’s prepared a stage for him to act on and be secretly filmed and photographed on.[1] Winston thinks that he’s found a private room without a telescreen where he and his fellow rebel Julia can live and love away from the Party’s control and the Party’s scrutiny, even if only for a few months. But in reality the room is a trap prepared for them by the Party. And at one point the Party sardonically inserts itself into Winston’s consciousness there, gloatingly foretelling what awaits him at the Ministry of Love:

[Julia] suddenly twisted herself over in the bed, seized a shoe from the floor, and sent it hurtling into the corner with a boyish jerk of her arm, exactly as he had seen her fling the dictionary at Goldstein, that morning during the Two Minutes Hate.

“What was it?” he said in surprise.

“A rat. I saw him stick his beastly nose out of the wainscoting. There’s a hole down there. I gave him a good fright, anyway.”

“Rats!” murmured Winston. “In this room!”

“They’re all over the place,” said Julia indifferently as she lay down again. “We’ve even got them in the kitchen at the hostel. Some parts of London are swarming with them. Did you know they attack children? Yes, they do. In some of these streets a woman daren’t leave a baby alone for two minutes. It’s the great huge brown ones that do it. And the nasty thing is that the brutes always——”

“Don’t go on!” said Winston, with his eyes tightly shut.

“Dearest! You’ve gone quite pale. What’s the matter? Do they make you feel sick?”

“Of all horrors in the world — a rat!” (Nineteen Eighty Four, Part 2, chapter 4)

Yet it wasn’t a real rat or a real hole: it was a member of the Thought Police wiggling a toy rat through a fake hole. The Party was in Winston’s consciousness, but he wasn’t conscious that it was the Party. That kind of game with consciousness — “I know what this really means, but you don’t” — appeals to a certain psychology. It’s both sardonic and sadistic. Blacks working in restaurants and similar places play that game when they contaminate the food of Whites with spittle, mucus, urine and feces: “We know that this is more than food, you honky mofos, but you don’t!”[2] And Jews played the game when they secretly rigged explosives in the pagers used by members of Hezbollah in Lebanon: “We know that these are more than pagers, you anti-Semitic scum, but you don’t!” It’s debatable whether the booby-trapped pagers were a legitimate tactic of war. It isn’t debatable whether Israelis and their supporters took sadistic pleasure in the slyness and cunning whereby Israel mutilated and maimed its enemies. They certainly did take sadistic pleasure in it and the psychology of that sadism is explained in Nineteen Eighty-Four.

So is the psychology — and sadism — of the surveillance state. Early on Winston ponders the three chutzpah-laden slogans of the Party: “WAR IS PEACE, FREEDOM IS SLAVERY, IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH.” After that:

He took a twenty-five cent piece out of his pocket. There, too, in tiny clear lettering, the same slogans were inscribed, and on the other face of the coin the head of Big Brother. Even from the coin the eyes pursued you. On coins, on stamps, on the covers of books, on banners, on posters, and on the wrappings of a cigarette packet — everywhere. Always the eyes watching you and the voice enveloping you. Asleep or awake, working or eating, indoors or out of doors, in the bath or in bed — no escape. Nothing was your own except the few cubic centimetres inside your skull. (Nineteen Eighty Four, Part 1, chapter 2)

The Party is always in Winston’s consciousness, always watching him, always speaking to him. But he clings to the hope that Die Gedanken sind frei — “Thoughts are free.” As he will later learn, he’s wrong about that. The Party can get inside his skull too, can inflict pain on him not just indirectly, through his peripheral nerves, but also by directly interfering with the working of his brain:

Without any warning except a slight movement of O’Brien’s hand, a wave of pain flooded [Winston’s] body. It was a frightening pain, because he could not see what was happening, and he had the feeling that some mortal injury was being done to him. He did not know whether the thing was really happening, or whether the effect was electrically produced; but his body was being wrenched out of shape, the joints were being slowly torn apart. Although the pain had brought the sweat out on his forehead, the worst of all was the fear that his backbone was about to snap. He set his teeth and breathed hard through his nose, trying to keep silent as long as possible.

“You are afraid,” said O’Brien, watching his face, “that in another moment something is going to break. Your especial fear is that it will be your backbone. You have a vivid mental picture of the vertebrae snapping apart and the spinal fluid dripping out of them. That is what you are thinking, is it not, Winston?” (Nineteen Eighty Four, Part 3, chapter 2)

It wasn’t “really happening”: it was being “electrically produced.” O’Brien knows about the “vivid mental picture” because he put it into Winston’s head with the torture-machine he’s operating. Even more frightening in some ways is the mind-alteration machine O’Brien later uses. It can make Winston see four fingers as somehow five fingers, make him believe that the lunatic lies of the Party are luminous truths. I’ve written about that machine previously at the Occidental Observer, when I discussed the Jewish psychologists Amy R. Krosch and Sheldon Solomon.[3] I said that they and countless other leftists “would be delighted to use a mind-alteration machine against thought-criminals like those who write for and read the Occidental Observer.”

Amy R. Krosch and her krusading komrades “Catherine” Wall and Stephanie Tepper, whose “research interests holistically focus on bias and prejudice” and on “high-level social inequalities”[4] (images from Krosch Lab)

At present leftists can’t use mind-machines like that, but they can certainly try to alter your mind — to cripple your consciousness — in other ways. We are entering dark and difficult days, as the lunacies and lies of leftism begin to bear the poisonous fruit of societal collapse and civil war. Open conflict may soon begin between Whites and the incompatible, unassimilable racial and religious groups imported by the left to wage war on Whites and the West. But part of that war has always been waged against the minds of Whites. They want to cripple your King, to contaminate and corrupt your consciousness. O’Brien proclaims this in that consciocentric classic Nineteen Eighty-Four: “Nothing exists except through human consciousness.” That is a leftist lie, because there is an objective reality outside and independent of human consciousness. But O’Brien’s lie is based on an obvious truth: that nothing matters or has value except through consciousness, whether human, animal, alien or divine.[5] Leftists want to inflict their own misery and hatred of existence on healthy, happy Whites. They also want Whites to despair. Don’t let them do it. Don’t let them cripple your King.

Stonetoss offers some excellent advice visually, just as Nick Griffin offers some excellent advice verbally


[1]Years before he rebels, Winston dreams of hearing an unknown voice in a pitch-dark room that tells him: “We shall meet in the place where there is no darkness.” (Op. cit., Part One, chapter 2) He doesn’t understand the words, but the voice is O’Brien’s and alluding to the perma-lit torture-chambers of the Ministry of Love.

[2]This secret contamination by Blacks is a big but under-reported problem in America. I’m sure that it’s also a big but under-reported problem in other countries where Blacks and other non-Whites are serving White customers. Of course, some Whites do it too, both to other Whites and to non-Whites, but disgusting behavior like that is worse in racially mixed and resentment-filled societies.

[3]In the article itself, I said I wasn’t certain that Amy R. Krosch was Jewish. A commenter helpfully pointed out that “Sarah Gunther, Amy Krosch’s civil-law wife, works for the American Jewish World Service and donates to Jewish religious charities.”

[4]  All three of these heresy-sniffing academics are “LGBTQIA,” all three are possibly Jewish, and all three look both crazy and malevolent.

[5]Imagine a physically complex and active universe that does not contain consciousness and of which no consciousness is ever aware (or rather: don’t imagine it). How would such a universe differ from an empty universe or from nothing, pragmatically, phenomenologically and even ontologically speaking? It wouldn’t, I suggest.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Tobias Langdon https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Tobias Langdon2026-01-06 11:27:252026-01-07 01:48:56Crippling the King: Leftism in the Light of a Consciocentric Classic
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