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Anti-White Speech Stemming from Seattle “Race and Social Justice Initiative” Training May Have Been Legally Actionable Workplace Harassment

October 1, 2026/2 Comments/in General/by Kevin MacDonald
Anti-White Speech Stemming from Seattle “Race and Social Justice Initiative” Training May Have Been Legally Actionable Workplace Harassment
By Eugene Volokh
From Diemert v. City of Seattle, decided by Chief Judge Mary Murguia, joined by Judges William A. Fletcher and Lucy H. Koh:
During his employment, Diemert participated in the City’s Race and Social Justice Initiative (the “RSJI”). The RSJI aims to undo institutionalized racism in the workplace by, among other things, requiring employees to attend trainings on racial justice and facilitating racially aligned affinity groups.
Diemert brought various claims, most of which the court rejected; but the court allowed a hostile environment claim to go forward based on the following allegations:
Diemert points to the following as evidence of an objectively hostile work environment: (1) in 2015, Diemert was discouraged from applying for a supervisory role, a person of color was hired for the position, and Diemert was required to perform the responsibilities of the position without receiving the commensurate title or pay; (2) in 2015, [a manager in Diemert’s department] asked Diemert, “[W]hat could you possibly offer our department …, being a straight white male?”; (3) in 2016, manager Gloria Hatcher-Mays told Diemert “that it was ‘impossible’ to be racist toward ‘white people'”; (4) in 2017, supervisor Tina Inay encouraged Diemert to step down from his lead role in the department in part to allow a person of color to take his position; (5) in 2017, a coworker called Diemert a “racist” and told him “that ‘white people’ are to be blamed for ‘all atrocities’ and that the United States was built upon a system of ‘white supremacy'”; (6) in 2019, Diemert overheard RSJI trainers say that “white people are cannibals,” that “racism is in white people’s DNA,” and that “white people are like the devil”; (7) between 2019 and 2020, supervisor Shamsu Said called Diemert a “colonist,” “physically accosted” Diemert, accused Diemert of having “white privilege,” and informed Diemert that he was “to blame for all injustices in the United States”; (8) in 2020, coworkers told Diemert that he “did not have a right to speak about black oppression” and accused him of using his “white privilege” to discredit their lived experiences; (9) in 2021, a new coworker stated that his “[s]elf and personal care” included “being around Black and brown folks”; and (10) also in 2021, Diemert was criticized by coworkers after Diemert defended critical race theory bans in connection with a discussion of the Tulsa Race Massacre.
And here’s the bulk of the court’s analysis of this claim (which strikes me as more precedentially significant than the court’s analysis of the other, rejected, claims):
To succeed on a hostile work environment claim under Title VII, Diemert must show: (1) that he was subjected to verbal or physical conduct because of his race, (2) that the conduct was unwelcome, and (3) that the conduct was sufficiently severe or pervasive to alter the conditions of his employment and create an abusive work environment….
“The working environment must both subjectively and objectively be perceived as abusive.” To determine whether a work environment is abusive, courts consider the totality of the circumstances, including “the frequency of the discriminatory conduct; its severity; whether it is physically threatening or humiliating, or a mere offensive utterance; and whether it unreasonably interferes with an employee’s work performance.” “No single factor in this non-exhaustive list is required.” “The required level of severity or seriousness varies inversely with the pervasiveness or frequency of the conduct.”
“Not every insult or harassing comment will constitute a hostile work environment.” “‘[S]imple teasing, offhand comments, and isolated incidents (unless extremely serious)’ will not trigger Title VII’s protections.” “The standard for judging hostility is meant to ‘ensure that Title VII does not become a “general civility code.”‘” And “properly applied, this standard ‘will filter out complaints attacking the ordinary tribulations of the workplace, such as the sporadic use of abusive language, gender-related jokes, and occasional teasing.'”
Workplace training programs designed to address racial barriers are not inherently discriminatory, and nothing in Title VII prohibits employers from either discussing historical and ongoing discrimination against persons of color or seeking to address such discrimination. See, e.g., Chislett v. N.Y.C. Dep’t of Educ. (2d Cir. 2025) (rejecting the proposition that “the conduct of implicit bias trainings is per se racist”). But “Title VII’s disparate-treatment provision draws no distinctions between majority-group plaintiffs and minority-group plaintiffs.” Accordingly, race-conscious training programs may violate Title VII when they create a racially hostile work environment. See Chislett (“When employment trainings discuss any race ‘with a constant drumbeat of essentialist, deterministic, and negative language [about a particular race], they risk liability under federal law.’ And when a municipal agency consistently ignores the racial harassment of employees in both trainings and workplace interactions, it can be held liable.”)….
Here, the parties dispute only whether the workplace incidents at issue were sufficiently severe or pervasive to create an objectively hostile work environment…. We conclude that [the alleged] incidents were sufficiently numerous, frequent, and severe to create a triable issue as to the existence of a racially hostile work environment. Viewed in isolation, the incidents at issue here might not be sufficient. We have held, for example, that referring to a Chinese coworker as “China Man” while mocking her appearance; telling a Hispanic coworker that “Hispanics do good in the field”; and referring to a female coworker as a “madonna,” a “regina,” and a “castrating bitch,” were not severe enough to create a hostile work environment. But unlike cases involving only one or two racially offensive incidents, Diemert has presented evidence of numerous incidents over a five-year span.
This case, therefore, is comparable in frequency and severity to cases in which the evidence supported a finding of a hostile work environment. Reynaga v. Roseburg Forest Prods. (9th Cir. 2017), for instance, is instructive. There, the plaintiff, Reynaga, was one of two Hispanic employees who worked as a millwright. Reynaga alleged that his coworker made racially derogatory comments and engaged in other harassing conduct repeatedly over his six years of employment, including: (1) using racial slurs to refer to Blacks and Arabs; (2) stating “I’m a true believe[r] that we should close the borders to keep motherf—ers like you from coming up here”; (3) stating “Minorities are taking over the country”; (4) asking Reynaga whether “all Mexican women [were] fat”; (5) referring to Native American women, one of whom Reynaga was married to, as “nasty fat squaws”; (6) belittling Reynaga in front of a coworker as “a big boy” with a “little, tiny dick” who “needs all the help he can get”; and (7) while Reynaga was working, commenting “Boy, you’re slow,” and remarking to the other millwrights, “Man, he just dinks around.” We held that a reasonable trier of fact could find that the coworker’s conduct was sufficiently severe or pervasive to create a hostile work environment ….
This case is comparable. As in Reynaga, the incidents at issue here referenced Diemert’s race, targeted Diemert, caused Diemert to file complaints, required the City to separate Diemert from an allegedly harassing coworker, occurred over a substantial period of time, and were comparable in number and frequency.
This case is also comparable to Chislett. There, the plaintiff, Chislett, was a white woman who directed an initiative under the Office of Equity & Access in New York City’s education department and supervised fifteen employees. Chislett attended bias trainings where an instructor stated that the “values of white culture are supremacist,” and an executive director declared that “[t]here is white toxicity in the air, and we all breathe it in.” At an overnight retreat, speakers “stated that ‘white culture’s values’ are ‘homogenous and supremacist.'”In another training, participants were asked to write “white values” on a poster and form a line based on their proximity to white privilege. The trainings conveyed a persistent message that “white culture is generally defensive; entitled; paternalistic; power hoarders; and privileged.” At another staff retreat, Chislett was singled out by coworkers in a fifteen-minute confrontation that referenced her race. She was assigned a leadership coach who “offered [her] insight into what it means to be a white leader leading staff members of color.”
Racialized comments from trainings spilled over into the broader workplace. When Chislett “asked her Black subordinate … why she was late to a meeting,” for example, the employee accused Chislett of making a “race-based judgment” and told Chislett that she “could ‘not be trusted.'” The employee later referenced the incident and scolded Chislett, “How dare you approach me out of your white privilege!” Another Black subordinate called Chislett a “racist,” both subordinates told Chislett that “‘race [wa]s at the center of every conversation’ they had with her,” and other subordinates told Chislett “that she was ‘socialized as a white person to be defensive.'” Chislett also heard employees “ma[k]e racist statements about a colleague of partially white parentage.” At one point, Chislett was removed from her supervisory responsibilities—although her title and pay remained the same. Many of her supervisory duties were transferred to a Black subordinate. Viewing the facts in the light most favorable to Chislett, the Second Circuit concluded that a rational juror could find that Chislett experienced a racially hostile work environment.
Here, too, the evidence presented by Diemert, accepted as true, would show that Diemert was subjected to a series of racially offensive statements and generalizations bearing little or no connection to legitimate training efforts, that he was denied or discouraged from pursuing opportunities for advancement on account of his race, and that he received scant support from his superiors when he challenged what he perceived as discriminatory behavior. Construing this evidence in the light most favorable to Diemert, and drawing all reasonable inferences in his favor, we cannot say, as a matter of law, that a reasonable jury could not find that Diemert was subjected to a racially hostile work environment. Where “severity is questionable, ‘it is more appropriate to leave the assessment to the fact-finder than for the court to decide the case on summary judgment.'” …
I’m generally pretty skeptical of imposing “hostile work environment harassment” liability on employers based on their or their employees’ speech to the workplace at large (as opposed to speech targeted to a particular employee); see here for more. But while some judges have shared these First Amendment concerns, other judges (and other government actors) seem to be fine with such speech restrictions; and here the bulk of the speech was indeed allegedly speech targeted at employees because of their race.
The post Anti-White Speech Stemming from Seattle “Race and Social Justice Initiative” Training May Have Been Legally Actionable Workplace Harassment appeared first on Reason Magazine.
https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-10-01 17:02:552026-10-01 17:02:55Anti-White Speech Stemming from Seattle “Race and Social Justice Initiative” Training May Have Been Legally Actionable Workplace Harassment

It’s the Iran War, Stupid.

October 1, 2026/14 Comments/in General/by Ann Coulter

Republicans’ only play this year is to talk about deporting criminalsOn a recent New York Times podcast, columnist E.J. Dionne claimed that the “key” to Trump’s “ victory in 2024 was his promise “to bring order to the southern border,” but instead — for some inexplicable reason — he “launched this massive campaign” to deport illegals.

Great analysis, except Trump never promised to “bring order” to the border. That was Kamala.

Trump’s promises were slightly more grand. In particular, he said — repeatedly — that he would implement “the largest deportation operation in the history of our country.” His immigration plans were memorialized in panicked Times headlines like these:

“Sweeping Raids, Giant Camps and Mass Deportations: Inside Trump’s 2025 Immigration Plans” (Nov. 11, 2023)

“Trump Says He Would Try Again to Revoke Haitian Immigrants’ Protections” (Oct. 3, 2024)

“What if Trump Deported Millions of Immigrants?” (Oct. 22, 2024)

“Trump’s Deportation Vow Fuels Fear and a Potential Showdown in New York” (Nov. 9, 2024)

For proposing an immigration crackdown that appalled the Times’ newsroom, he was rewarded on Election Day with a sweep of all seven battleground states, a majority of the popular vote and a newly Republican Senate.

No Republicans proposed to bring “order” to the border. Under Biden, the border had plenty of “order,” in the sense that the 20 million foreigners sneaking into this country did so with a minimum of pushing and shoving.

To avoid the mayhem of throngs of people rushing our border, the Biden administration gave third-worlders an app to schedule their illegal crossings, whereupon Border Patrol would dust them off and direct them to the nearest welfare office. True, this was a direct violation of federal law as well as traitorous, but the one thing you couldn’t say was that it lacked order.

It was Democrats who ran on bringing yet more “order” to the border, meaning they wanted illegals to be admitted even faster.

For Dionne to confuse Trump with Kamala on immigration deserves some kind of award. I’d say we’ve found the stupidest mammal in North America, except the other two Times podcasters agreed with Dionne! Columnist Jamelle Bouie redoubled the idiocy, saying “when Trump says that he’s going to bring order, I think what voters hear is that he’s going to make the line work better.”

I mention this not to point out that Dionne and his fellow Times cognoscenti are abject morons, but because they’re about to do it again. Democrats appear to be cruising to victory in the midterms for one reason: The Iran War. Assuming the blue wave comes — in fact, if Democrats flip any seats — we’ll get the same rewriting of history as Dionne gave us.

2024: Trump wins massive victory by vowing to carry out “mass deportations.”

The media a year later: He said he was only going bring order to the border!

2026: Democrats run against the Iran War and win.

The media next year: The midterms prove Americans want to abolish ICE!

No matter how clear voters are about wanting more deportations and fewer wars, we’re always told that what they really want is fewer deportations and more wars. Coincidentally, that is what the big donors of both parties want.

So it’s worth mentioning right now — five weeks before the election — that Trump’s single most popular issue is immigration and his least popular is the Iran War (plus the inextricably linked high gas prices and inflation).

Every Democrat in the U.S. Congress has voted to end the war — except Sen. John Fetterman, and his own party thinks he’s a Republican. Every Democrat running for office this year is vocally opposed to the Iran War.

It’s a good issue for them. Polls show that nearly 90% of Democrats and 70% of independents oppose military action in Iran. (Dems aren’t great on 80-20 issues like trans rights, but they rule on the 90%-10% stuff.)

According to a recent Fox News poll, voters trust Republicans more than Democrats on only one issue: immigration. While Democrats are favored 55%-40% on inflation, and 53%-43% on foreign policy, voters still prefer Republicans on immigration 49%-48%.

Moreover, respondents rank immigration the third “most important issue facing the country today,” just after inflation and the economy. The Iran War comes in sixth. (Climate change is 614th.)

Just for fun, let’s compare recent New York Post headlines.

“Fox News Poll: Majority says immigration enforcement has crossed the line.” Upon review, the “majority” turns out to be a bare 53%. That’s about as good as it gets for Trump these days.

But with overwhelming majorities opposing the Iran War, the Post’s headline was: “Iran back producing ballistic missiles despite US claims after Operation Epic Fury.” The poll showing only 31% supporting the war was slipped in at the end of the article.

That’s New York Times-level deviousness. You’d never know Post publisher Rupert Murdoch supports constant war and open borders.

Perhaps Republicans should pay more attention to voters than a pro-war propaganda sheet. You know what’s even more popular than hating the Iran War? Deporting felons. That’s favored by 94% of Republicans and 79% of Democrats. You couldn’t get that many Americans to agree that Lindsay Clancy should get her tubes tied.

If there’s any hope in an election year dominated by an unpopular war (notwithstanding the Post woo hoo – we’re winning!), it lies in the mass deportation of criminals.

COPYRIGHT 2026 ANN COULTER

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Ann Coulter https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Ann Coulter2026-10-01 09:27:332026-10-01 09:27:33It’s the Iran War, Stupid.

Netanyahu is embracing Israel’s isolation

September 30, 2026/9 Comments/in General/by Kevin MacDonald
I chose A People That Shall Dwell Alone for the title of my first book on Jews because it is central to their self-concept. They are a people apart, with a self-concept as a morally superior group—a light unto the nations. This sense of moral superiority in the face of isolation and rejection because of their obvious evil  in Gaza and the West Bank was apparent in Netahyahu’s recent UN speech and is increasingly central to Jewish self-concept. As noted in my review of Clifton & Lustick:
The self-conception of Zionists increasingly accepted that Jews are a “people that shall dwell alone, and will not be reckoned among the nations” (100)—freeing Israel from any concern about the opinions of non-Jews. “Zionism and the state of Israel are vehicles for an intrinsically peculiar people to pursue its unique mission in an inevitably hostile world, suffering isolation and injustice but with faith in eventual redemption and universal recognition of Jewish specialness.” (100) Again, Netanyahu: “Utter contempt for world opinion” (98)

Mondoweiss: Netanyahu Is Embracing Israel’s Isolation

Netanyahu’s speech at the UN General Assembly was not directed at the world, but Israelis. He was trying to convince them that Israel doesn’t need to change, as long as it stands united against the world — and lives by the sword.
By Jamal Zakkout September 29, 2026
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks during the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly at United Nations headquarters, Thursday, Sept. 24, 2026. (AP Photo/Seth Wenig)

Benjamin Netanyahu’s address to the United Nations General Assembly last week sounded more like a speech marking the end of an era than one opening a new chapter. Perhaps behind it was an awareness that this could be the last time he stands on that podium as Israel’s Prime Minister.

With the approach of Israel’s elections, set for October 27, Netanyahu’s political future has become inseparable from the way he addresses Israelis and the world. Yet his speech appeared directed primarily at his electoral audience at home, with little regard for the international community.

Netanyahu did not come to New York to offer a new political vision, propose a way out of the war, or present a vision for the region’s future. He came above all to defend his standing in Israel and his conduct of the war, while recasting Israel from a state facing growing international criticism into a purported victim confronting a hostile world. The question was thus turned on its head: instead of asking what Israel was doing to Palestinians and to the region, the focus became what the world was doing to Israel.

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Shop the From The River To The Sea, Palestine Will Be Free short sleeve t-shirt in the Mondoweiss store!

The sight of dozens of delegations walking out of the hall as he entered provided a striking image of the very predicament Netanyahu sought to deny. Rather than treating it as a sign of growing political isolation, however, he incorporated it into a narrative of “heroism”. The more others walked out, the more steadfast he appeared in his own telling. And the louder the criticism became, the more determined he was to present himself as the leader who stands alone but refuses to bend.

Israelis united against the world

When political options narrow, military force and confrontational rhetoric can serve as substitutes for a political way forward. The aim was less to convince the world that Netanyahu had a plan to end the conflict than to demonstrate that he could still defy the world and reject its demands — and ultimately settle the conflict by force.

At the same time, the speech was clearly directed at Israelis. Netanyahu spoke of unity, resilience, and courage, of Israel standing against its enemies, invoking the image of a leader who protects his people and knows how to confront the world. This is what led some analysts to describe it as an electoral speech rather than a diplomatic one.

Netanyahu was not trying to convince the world that Israel had changed; he was trying to convince Israelis that Israel did not need to change. The speech sought to move the narrative from accusation to victimhood, from isolation to heroism, and from accountability to persecution.

But the image of a united Israel he presented sits uneasily with the country’s internal reality. Israel’s divisions did not begin on October 7. The war was preceded by a profound crisis over the nature of the state, democracy, the judiciary, religion, society, and identity. These divisions have deepened around Netanyahu’s project and that of his allies. Presenting himself as the leader who unites Israelis against the world, therefore, overlooks the fact that his own policies have been part of the internal struggle that has divided Israeli society.

This is the deeper political meaning of the false heroism in the speech: an attempt to turn isolation into evidence of strength, the absence of a political solution into proof of steadfastness, and the world’s rejection of Israeli policies into evidence that those policies are justified.

What should Palestinians take from this?

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Simply, that force may impose new realities, but it cannot by itself turn them into lasting legitimacy. Palestinians should not compete with Israel over power, but consolidate their existence and national rights as a political and legal reality grounded in self-determination, freedom, and equality. That requires moving beyond reaction, strengthening unified national institutions and resilience, and speaking to Israelis and the world in a language aimed at ending the conflict rather than denying the other side.

Between the end of Netanyahu and a new image of Israel

Perhaps the absence of a meeting between Netanyahu and Donald Trump during this visit was more than a matter of protocol. The meeting was not on the U.S. president’s schedule at a time when Netanyahu is fighting an electoral battle and facing growing international isolation. It would be an exaggeration to turn that absence alone into a judgment about his political future. But the question remains legitimate: did it reinforce Netanyahu’s sense that his political era is approaching its end, and that Israel itself is paying the price for conflating the state with his government and its policies?

Netanyahu has increasingly blurred, in both his rhetoric and political practice, the distinction between the Israel he claims to represent and himself as the person who represents it. At this moment, the new Israel exposed by war and international isolation appears more starkly before the world: a state attempting to protect its old image through force, even as the gap widens between that image and what the world sees in its policies — occupation, settlement expansion, genocidal war, ethnic cleansing, and the denial of Palestinian rights. The construction of ever more “iron walls” may not be enough to conceal this image forever.

If this was indeed Netanyahu’s final address to the General Assembly as prime minister, he wanted to leave the podium with the image he had chosen for himself: a leader standing alone but refusing to bend, confronting the world while insisting that his people stand united behind him.

Yet his speech revealed another image: a leader trying to turn isolation into heroism, force into a substitute for politics, and the denial of the Palestinian people’s rights into a reality imposed through brute power. Perhaps this is the clearest irony of all: he sought to present himself as the leader whom the world could not isolate, yet, unwillingly, he may have contributed to deepening Israel’s isolation.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-09-30 12:32:062026-09-30 12:33:08Netanyahu is embracing Israel’s isolation

Just another day on the West Bank

September 29, 2026/6 Comments/in General/by Kevin MacDonald

About 150 Israeli Settlers Rioted in West Bank, Blocking IDF Effort to Allow Palestinians Back Home

Settlers set fire to structures and vehicles, threw stones and wounded three Israeli officers. Three were arrested. A senior security source told Haaretz the IDF ‘failed big time’ when it only sent 12 Border Police officers to secure the operation

Smoke billows at the Tubasi family home in Jalud, West Bank, overnight into Tuesday.

Smoke billows at the Tubasi family home in Jalud, West Bank, overnight into Tuesday. Credit: Use according to section 27A of the Israeli Copyright Law
Matan Golan,
Yaniv Kubovich

and

Josh Breiner

09:02 AM • September 29 2026 IDT

About 150 settlers rioted overnight into Tuesday in the West Bank village of Jalud as Israeli forces failed to secure the return of a Palestinian family to its home, the IDF said this morning, despite a court ruling ordering that the family be allowed to return to their home safely.

Also overnight, Israeli forces raided the Palestinian village of Al-Mughayyir, north of Ramallah, and arrested one of its residents. At the same time, settlers also raided the village and set cars and houses on fire.

 Police officers were wounded by the settlers and are in light condition, according to the IDF. The Israel police added that three vehicles were seized and three young men were arrested: an 18-year-old Jerusalem resident, a northern Israel resident and a 15- and 17-year-old West Bank resident.

Smoke billows from the Tubasi family home in Jalud

Use according to section 27A

The settlers set fire to Palestinian structures in the village, vehicles and other property, and also threw stones. The IDF’s statement said that such incidents “divert attention, undermine stability and harm the defense and counter-terrorism activities of the security forces.” A tour of the surroundings on Tuesday morning found the houses completely burnt and destroyed, along with burnt vehicles.

One of the Tubasi family members told Haaretz that around 11:00 P.M. on Monday, the IDF’s civil administration informed them they would be returned to their home that night. About an hour later, security vehicles escorted the family members, who were driving their car up the hill where the homes are located.

The damage in Jalud after settlers raided it overnight into Tuesday.

The damage in Jalud after settlers raided it overnight into Tuesday. Credit: Matan Golan
According to information obtained by Haaretz, the IDF decided to return the family members to their home without notifying the police or Shin Bet security service, leaving the soldiers escorting the family inadequately protected and the defense establishment unprepared for the riots that unfolded overnight.

Within ten minutes, he said, hordes of settlers arrived and threw stones at the homes. Border Police initially ordered the family to stay inside, as settlers tried to break in. The family member said that Border Police tried to disperse the settlers using tear gas and stun grenades, but the settlers broke in “through the door and the windows.” The family then fled to the roof, but the settlers managed to overpower Border Police guards and get to the roof.

Settlers in Jalud overnight into Tuesday

The forces tried to expel the attackers, and when they failed, they put the family members into an armored military vehicle and evacuated them from the scene. According to the family member, half an hour later, smoke began to rise from the homes.

Security sources who spoke with Haaretz said that both the Shin Bet and the West Bank Police were caught off guard by Central Command chief Maj. Gen. Avi Bluth’s decision to return the family to their home in the middle of the night.

Forces were dispatched to the area only after authorities learned that some 150 settlers were heading there with the intention of attacking the family and setting fire to homes in the village.

“The IDF didn’t inform anyone,” a senior security source said. Therefore there were only 12 Border Police officers at the scene. “The IDF failed big time,” the source added.

“It’s impossible to explain how, in an incident of this magnitude, with the eyes of the entire world watching us and a High Court ruling in place, the IDF can do whatever it wants without coordinating with all the relevant forces and without considering the consequences of such an incident.”

Haaretz has learned that between midnight and 1 A.M., security officials began receiving numerous alerts about disturbances and settlers moving toward the Jalud area in response to the family’s return.

The Tubasi family last week.

The Tubasi family last week. Credit: Itai Ron

In practice, the family was escorted by a small West Bank Police force subordinate to Central Command chief Bluth. The force found itself at a severe numerical disadvantage, with roughly 15 personnel and the family facing some 150 Israeli settlers, who began attacking them, damaging vehicles and setting homes on fire.

“How did the IDF not realize the scale of this mission? To carry out an operation such as this, and during the holiday of Sukkot when the [settler] outposts are packed, is madness,” a security source said.

Related Articles

  • Border police block Haaretz journalists from reaching home of Palestinian family Yair Foldes
  • Palestinian reports: Israeli settlers raid West Bank village and shoot at houses Matan Golan
  • Dozens of settlers wound Palestinians, attack foreign journalists in W. Bank Matan Golan

The Tubasi family were forced to leave their home about two months ago after settlers harassed them. The family’s homes are in Area B, where the Palestinian Authority administers civilian affairs and Israel maintains security control, and have been covered by a closed military zone order in recent months. The family was due to return Thursday, but the military coordination required for their return was postponed.

The state was supposed to secure the family’s return and update the court by September 22 on both their return and measures being taken to prevent settlers from coming back. Instead, it told the court that operational constraints had forced a postponement and that the return would take place “in the coming days.”

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-09-29 12:16:472026-09-29 12:18:20Just another day on the West Bank

TOO problems

September 29, 2026/8 Comments/in General/by Kevin MacDonald

TOO has been down quite a bit in the last few days. Mysterious. It’s working now.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-09-29 09:25:402026-09-29 10:11:18TOO problems

From Haaretz: Netanyahu’s Bet on the GOP Runs Into an Emboldened JD Vance Faction

September 28, 2026/2 Comments/in General/by Kevin MacDonald
A crowd of mostly Evangelical Christians waves U.S. and Israeli flags during a Christians United For Israel (CUFI) event in Washington.
A crowd of mostly Evangelical Christians waves U.S. and Israeli flags during a Christians United For Israel (CUFI) event in Washington. Credit: Jacquelyn Martin / AP

The Israeli prime minister tried to offset lost support among Democrats by increasingly relying on the Republican party. After Trump, that will become much more difficult to do

Leon Hadar
For the better part of three decades, Israel’s leaders have navigated American politics based on a simple assumption: Whatever losses of support Israel suffered among Democrats, the Republican Party would remain the unshakable anchor of the “special relationship.” Benjamin Netanyahu staked his entire American strategy on this bet, and for much of the Trump era it paid off: the embassy in Jerusalem, the Abraham Accords and more.

But wagers premised on the notion that domestic politics are frozen in amber have a way of going bad. The Republican Party of 2026 is no longer the party of Ronald Reagan, Dick Cheney and Lindsey Graham. It is, increasingly, the party of JD Vance, the vice president and presumptive heir to Donald Trump’s MAGA movement.

Vance represents a new generation of Republican politicians and influencers who are asking a simple question when it comes to the U.S. alliance with Israel: What exactly are we getting out of this relationship?

The numbers are hard to wave away. Pew Research found this spring that while Republicans overall still view Israel favorably by a comfortable margin, 57 percent of Republicans under 50 hold an unfavorable view of the country, up seven points in a single year. A YouGov survey last November found that a plurality of Republican voters would let the current military aid agreement lapse rather than renew it, and that a majority of those under 45 wanted aid to Israel to end altogether.

These are not campus radicals or members of the Democratic Socialists of America. They are voters who backed Trump, cheered his tariffs and have long ago soured on Ukraine. They look at open-ended commitments in the Middle East through the same skeptical prism. To them, the claim that Israel is America’s indispensable strategic asset sounds like an unconvincing sales pitch.

In Vance, this growing segment of the Republican base has found a leader eager to amplify its voice. When the war with Iran began in late February, Netanyahu reportedly sold Washington on the prospect of a quick campaign that would spark a popular uprising and topple the clerical regime. It did not happen. Vance, by several accounts, told the Israeli leader in March that his forecasts had been far too rosy.

After the April ceasefire, the vice president became the administration’s most forceful advocate of diplomacy with Tehran, arguing that the goal was to keep Iran from the bomb, not to march into another open-ended war. When Israeli officials attacked the resulting U.S.-Iran memorandum of understanding, Vance publicly reminded them that they were criticizing “the only powerful ally” Israel still had. On Joe Rogan’s podcast in July, Vance went further, suggesting that elements of the Israeli government were quietly working to derail the negotiations.

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None of this makes Vance an enemy of Israel. Earlier this month, speaking to the Republican Jewish Coalition in Las Vegas, he called the Jewish state vital to American security and condemned antisemitism, an obvious effort to reassure donors ahead of 2028. But listen to how he frames the relationship. Alliances, he said, are about interests; sometimes America’s and Israel’s align, and sometimes they do not. That is the vocabulary of Eisenhower, Kissinger and James Baker, not of Christian Zionists.

It’s worth recalling that this approach was once the dominant view within the Republican party. It was Eisenhower who forced Israel to withdraw from Sinai after the 1956 Suez adventure. It was George H.W. Bush who withheld $10 billion in loan guarantees in 1991 over settlement construction. The unconditional embrace of Trump’s first term was the historical anomaly, not the rule.

The clearest sign of the shift is not rhetorical but financial. The current ten-year memorandum between Israel and the U.S., which provides Israel with $3.8 billion a year in military aid, expires in 2028. Formal talks on what would replace it began in June, and the U.S. ambassador to Israel, Mike Huckabee, announced that the next agreement would rest on trade more than aid. There is a certain irony here. The most pro-Israel administration in memory is presiding over the beginning of the end of American aid to Israel.

It would be premature to write an obituary for the bond between Israel and the Republicans, however. Trump himself remains instinctively supportive of the Jewish state, while Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Senator Ted Cruz represent a still-powerful hawkish wing. Evangelical voters remain a core constituency that will influence GOP politics in the years to come.

What is more likely is that the relationship will mature into something cooler and more calculating: a marriage of convenience, sustained where interests overlap and contested where they do not.

Netanyahu’s real strategic blunder wasn’t misreading the Republicans but abandoning the bipartisan consensus that was Israel’s most valuable asset in Washington. He now finds himself losing support on both sides of the aisle. A country that bets everything on one faction of one party in a foreign capital should not be surprised when that faction changes its mind.

Leon Hadar is a senior analyst at a geostrategic consulting company.

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-09-28 12:21:342026-09-28 12:21:34From Haaretz: Netanyahu’s Bet on the GOP Runs Into an Emboldened JD Vance Faction

Mearsheimer on the Iran War: US has no military options and economic catastrophe looms

September 27, 2026/16 Comments/in General/by Kevin MacDonald

https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png 0 0 Kevin MacDonald https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png Kevin MacDonald2026-09-27 11:34:142026-09-27 11:38:28Mearsheimer on the Iran War: US has no military options and economic catastrophe looms
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