White Racial Consciousness and Advocacy

Addictions:  An Example of the Interplay of the Public and Private

Very often, the opposite of a good thing to do is also a good thing to do.   Loving is a good thing to do, obviously.  But despite what whites are admonished to condemn and repress in themselves (by people who don’t mean well by them), loving’s opposite, hating, is also a good thing to do.   Some things — injustice, abuse, attacks against us and those we care about — deserve our hating them and acting accordingly.

There is a Pete Seeger song from the 1950s called “Turn! Turn! Turn!” that gets at this value-of-opposites idea.

To everything
There is a season
And a time to every purpose, under heaven
A time to be born, a time to die
A time to plant, a time to reap
A time to kill, a time to heal
A time to laugh, a time to weep
A time to build up, a time to break down
A time to dance, a time to mourn
A time to cast away stones, a time to gather stones together

Almost exclusively, white racial discourse has focused on public concerns: white identity and culture, historical and current realities, philosophical and ideological concepts, and proposals and strategies for collective action.  And that’s all well and good, keep it going.   But the argument here is that at the same time we’re doing that, let’s give attention to the opposite of a public focus: let’s look at things from a private, or personal or individual, frame of reference; and take note of the interplay of the public and private, how each affects the other.

The private concern I shine a light on here is addiction.  Not addiction as a problem for the society and culture as a whole — though it is good to look at it from that angle — but rather as a problem for individual people: for him and her and you and me.   Read more

Not Guilty! Identity Evropa Organizer Ian Hoffmann speaks out on Charlottesville, Public Activism and our coming Courtroom Battles

“You had a group on one side who was bad, and you had a group on the other side that was also very violent, and nobody wants to say that, but I’ll say it right now,” The President had told a hostile press. “You had a group on the other side that came charging in without a permit, and they were very, very violent.”

I remember watching the prime time news in that hotel room on the 12th with my fellow White activists when we heard our Commander in Chief not only tell the truth about what had happened on the ground, but then give a cold shoulder to a hostile corporate media as they called on him to say something to “White nationalists who say they support you.” The President gestured to the media and walked back to the podium. The reporters grew silent waiting with bated breath. “They’d like me to sign the bill here, instead of outside, so I think we’ll do that. Ok? Thank you.” Knowing how triggered this would leave our enemies in the press and those who attacked the permitted rally, our hotel room erupted with laughter.

We hadn’t seen the fighting. We arrived late and heard that the rally had been moved out of the park and pushed through a gauntlet of violent Antifa. The images playing out on every major news network was the first violence I had seen from rally.

The night prior, the University of Virginia had hosted a 700-strong torch-lit march through its campus, where the marchers ousted counter-demonstrators at the monument to Thomas Jefferson — the slave-owning and soon-to-be-expunged -from-the-American-pantheon founder of UVA. Several marchers were forced to defend themselves. One, appearing stoic and unwavering on the news footage, was taken into custody. Read more

The Moral Battle

From the beginning of Trump’s candidacy I expected and hoped that it would accelerate racial polarization and White radicalization as well as discredit the anti-White media and its false narratives. As that racial polarization — the Great Divide — occurs, our success or failure, and with it the life or death of our race, will depend on how many of the people of our race break to our side of the divide. If it is most of them, we will probably win and our race will be saved. If not, our chances will be greatly diminished, and for something of this importance, this seriousness, with this much — literally the life or death of our race — at stake, we must take the utmost care to maximize our chances.

In April 1989 I gave a talk at a gathering of Instaurationists entitled “Creating a Moral Image.” It was well received and Wilmot Robertson published it in the August, 1989 issue of Instauration. It turned out to be the most controversial essay yet to appear in its pages. According to Wilmot most of the criticism was of a very low quality, too low even for the “Safety Valve,” but he did publish one essay-length response which, like the other criticism, wrongly saw my paper as a pacifistic rejection of warrior values. The critics missed the main point of the essay — the decisive battle for the hearts and minds of our people is being fought on the battlefield of morality. Violence per se was rejected only if it was immoral (by public perception and/or traditional Western standards) or counter-productive, and the example I cited was clearly both. I maintained that those who practiced or preached such immoral violence, or in any other way projected an immoral public image, were hurting our cause and playing into our opponents hands.

Over twenty-eight years later, in the wake of the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville, we see how little has changed, how clearly our battle is still one of morality, and how the points I made in that essay are, if anything, even more true now than they were then (see also “Moral Capital and White Interests“). Our anti-White opponents know this well, but too many pro-White activists have yet to heed the lesson. The storm now shaking the country, and the whole of the Western world, including the Trump administration, is one of perverse anti-White values and policies presented as consensus traditional and universal morality. Our anti-White antagonists were given, or arranged, the opening or opportunity they were looking for and took full advantage of it at our expense. They seized the moral high ground and from those heights are showering us with a torrent of moral invective, denunciation, condemnation and epithets, creating false pretexts to justify suppression of our message, our platforms and our gatherings as our moral image seems to have been dragged to new lows. Read more

Feelings and Thoughts on Charlottesville

Like everyone—in the world, really—I was riveted by the events in Charlottesville.   What came up for me:

My first reaction was elation and gratitude.  How about this!  White people—organized, and doing it publicly—standing up for their heritage and race, standing up for people like me, standing up for me.  When has this ever happened before?  Nothing comes to mind, and I’ve been around forever — I’m bearing in on eighty.  Thank you.

And they were doing it with such remarkable dedication and courage.  Richard Spencer and the other leaders had to know the physical peril they were putting themselves in; much less assaulted, they could have been shot.  The participants in this endeavor had to know they’d be trashed, not applauded, for doing what they believed in their hearts, and very arguably, was the right thing to do, and that it could even cost them their jobs, their livelihoods.  I was involved in anti-Vietnam War protests and, yes, black civil rights activities in the sixties and had nothing at all to lose doing it.  In fact, it was a good way to improve my social standing, including with women; it picked up my love life.

The Charlottesville protest had special personal meaning to me.  While I grew up in the North, the Griffins are from Georgia and my grandfather fought for the South in the Civil War.   That’s right, my grandfather—not my great-great-great grandfather—was an adult in 1860.  I know enough about my grandfather to be assured that his participation in that war was not in the defense of slavery and oppression.  And I know enough about history to affirm that the same can be said about General Robert E. Lee.  From the images on television over the weekend, what a magnificent statue of Lee it is, and sadly, I didn’t even know it existed, or that it was going to be removed.  Such an injustice and calculated assault on my race and my ancestors, and the protestors brought that to my and others’ attention.

These upbeat feelings, which persist, have gotten mixed up with some sobering thoughts, however.  Read more

Trump’s Tergiversations on Charlottesville and Their Significance

In the immediate aftermath of last weekend’s rioting and death in Charlottesville, VA, Pres. Donald Trump stated: “We condemn in the strongest possible terms this egregious display of hatred, bigotry and violence on many sides.”

This is about the best statement on the matter we could have hoped for from the President of the United States. In judging it, we should bear in mind his limited knowledge at that time about what had actually transpired in Charlottesville, as well as his limited knowledge of the case to be made for pro-White advocacy. The President seems to have sound instincts. He understands that as President it is his duty to condemn civil violence and lawlessness whoever commits it and however it may be motivated, and that is what he tried to do.

Predictably, a hurricane of abuse came down upon his head, perhaps best typified by John Oliver’s criticism that “it doesn’t get any easier than disavowing Nazis.” Only a Nazi, after all, could object to the removal of a statue of Robert E. Lee.

Two days later, under intense pressure, the President made a second statement which checked off all Cultural Marxism’s mandatory boxes, denouncing racism, the KKK, David Duke, Neo-Nazis, White Supremacists and people who hate cute little puppydogs. This caused consternation on our side, where some felt Trump had betrayed his supporters (see, e.g., Hunter Wallace’s remarks here). Yet it also met with little to no positive response from the anti-White establishment either: the headlines read not “Trump Denounces Racism,” but “Trump Waits Three Days to Denounce Racism.”

The President may have learned something from this experience, subsequently tweeting:

Made additional remarks on Charlottesville and realize once again that the #Fake News Media will never be satisfied…truly bad people!

Read more

Darren Osborne and the Finsbury Mosque Incident: A Rebellion against the Idea that Revenge Couldn’t Even Be Contemplated

At time of this writing, the Left and the British state are busily engaged in portraying a solitary, frustrated, drunken son of Albion as that great figure of myth — the ‘right wing extremist.’ By most accounts Darren Osborne is an everyman figure, a married father of four who enjoys his beer and the quiet life of the suburban lower middle class. In images displayed by the media, green weeds split the ground just outside his otherwise tidy home, while a police officer stands at the gate of a small, neat, garden fence. It’s the kind of home you’d walk past and not look at twice; a home like your own. Like a lot of men his age, Osborne appears to have grumbled occasionally at ‘the Muslims,’ and bristled at the growing number of Islamic terrorist attacks occurring in his nation. But there was nothing to suggest he might be a ‘man of action.’ He was not a member of any nationalist organization. He had no blog, no history of activism. The leader of the South Wales National Front, Adam Lloyd, told the press that Osborne “is not known to any of us here in South Wales National Front, and to our knowledge is not and never has been a member.” Darren Osborne surprised ‘the movement’ with his actions in Finsbury, though I suspect he surprised himself even more.

Modern ‘society’ is expert at controlling the behavior of men — in particular, the expectations, responsibilities, and burdens of the consumer society, propped up by mortgage and credit card usury. Shackled from cradle to grave. For many people, leaving education is merely the start of a succession of races to pay the bills each month. No grander purpose or vision lies beyond this bottom line. A wife may come and go, homes are bought and debts incurred, children are born in order that they too might one day begin the same race.

Some might say that this has always been the case, and in some respects they are correct. However, the last five decades have witnessed the steady politicization of the working environment, and this is unique. Being socially and politically compliant became a more important part of life than at any time in history. In the past, there always existed ‘the frontier’ or beyond. There was thus always a place to go for ‘the man with a cause,’ the noble outlaw. The Icelandic Sagas, which in many respects exalt this type of man, are replete with individuals and individualism — tales of people who wanted more from life than existing social systems offered, and so set forth into new lands or waged war on the status quo in old ones.

The globalized world of the 21st century offers no frontier. Nowhere is free of the airport, the convenience store, the security camera, the detective, or the State. The world, as they say, is getting smaller, not bigger. Only the born slave could see this as a good thing. Today, there is no place for rebellion to be displaced to, and the State maintains a greater monopoly on the use of force than at any time in history. In this context, conformity has become endemic. Rebellion of even the most mediocre kind now results in ejection from employment and disaster in the race to pay those all-important bills. Loss of job can result in loss of home, and in many cases family. At some point in recent times, a man’s ability to conform and remain silent became the fulcrum upon which his entire personal fate would rest. And because of this, the vast majority of men remain silent and still when it comes to anything meaningful. Robinson Jeffers, the great ‘inhumanist’ poet of the early 20th century wrote of this malaise in ‘Decaying Lambskins’:

Because we are not proud but wearily ashamed of this peak of
time. What is noble in us, to kindle
The imagination of a future age? We shall seem a race of cheap
Fausts, vulgar magicians.
What men have we to show them? but inventions and appliances.
Not men but populations, mass-men; not life
But amusements; not health but medicines.

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The Myth of the Right-Wing Extremist

Neither man nor angel can discern
Hypocrisy, the only evil that walks
Invisible
John Milton, Paradise Lost

The Anglosphere stands transfixed by an elusive bogeyman: ‘right-wing extremism.’ And more than any other nation at the present time, the United Kingdom seems to be in the grip of a media-engineered moral panic bordering on paranoid hysteria. This same country, it should be recalled, banned Richard Spencer in June because he had the temerity to advocate for the founding of a White nation on lines similar to those of the State of Israel. Spencer also dared to suggest an ideal of racial self-improvement. In the view of the British Home Office, then under the authority of Theresa May (now Prime Minister), if Spencer continued making such suggestions on British soil it would not be “conducive to the public good.” Furthermore, and without any self-awareness of its own hyperbolic unreason, the same department claimed that Spencer’s positions amounted to the “fomenting” of “serious criminal acts,” “terrorist acts,” and “inter-community violence in the UK.” Spencer, according to this narrative, is an ‘extremist.’

Given such an assessment, one might expect that the aftermath of an average NPI conference would be a veritable war zone. One imagines minorities fleeing the disintegrating streets of Washington D.C., pursued by radicalized and frenzied militants in trendy three piece suits. All, presumably, against a cacophony of explosions and the distant drone of an Aryan war chant.

Like many forms of madness, this strain of political dementia has its darkly humorous aspects. However, the political and cultural expressions of this socially-engineered panic are no laughing matter. In many cases, the legislative actions undertaken in such contexts are oppressive, tyrannical, and a dire threat to our most cherished freedoms. The myth of the ‘right-wing extremist’ is ultimately a rather calculated tool, regularly employed with the sole aim of stifling White voices. Read more