Civic Nationalism’s Last Gasp?

The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America
Victor Davis Hanson
Basic Books, 2021

Reviewed by Nelson Rosit

Is Victor Davis Hanson Donald Trump with a Ph.D. in classics? There are certain parallels between the author of The Dying Citizen and the forty-fifth president. While Professor Hanson uses the rubric “citizenship,” Mr. Trump uses the acronym MAGA to describe a renewed civic nationalism that might provide enough centripetal force to hold together this multi-ethnic entity called the United States for a while longer.

Hanson (b. 1953), grew up in the San Joaquin Valley and pursued an academic career. He is now a professor emeritus of classics at Fresno State and a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, a conservative-leaning think tank. Hanson’s latest book is a cogent articulation of the present policy positions of the establishment Right. It can be used to gauge the policy departure from the McCain-Romney Republicanism of the recent past. The important question, however, is: Can “true citizenship”/MAGA/civic nationalism provide any utility for the cause of White America?

VDH realizes that the United States is in crisis. He terms 2020 a revolutionary year, and believes only shock therapy can save the country. His quick assessment of ailments includes growing economic inequality, open borders, the rise of tribalism, the increasing power of a bureaucratic Deep State, and expanding globalism, all of which threaten to undermine American society. Of course, such a diagnosis begs the question: What is the treatment regimen? No nostrum is prescribed.

In his Introduction Hanson makes some common-sense observations: Self-governance is not an easy task, and to have rights people must assume responsibilities. I think the Founders made the point succinctly when they stressed the need for civic virtue to make a representative republic succeed.

Being a classicist, Hanson gives the reader some ancient history. Athens is usually identified as the first democracy. “Consensual government did not appear until about twenty-seven hundred years ago, most prominently in Athens, twenty-five hundred years after the beginning of large urban settlement in the Near East” (6). At least with VDH you do not get theories such as the African origins of Greek civilization as found in Black Athena,[1] or the Iroquois League being the model for American federalism.

The first chapter deals largely with economics, and, from a conventional-Right perspective, Hanson is pretty solid in this area. A strong middle class is essential for political and social stability. Judging from the context of his remarks Hanson includes the more established blue-collar workers in this middle class. The present economic system features stagnant wages and a raising cost of living that squeezes the middle. Massive immigration at home and outsourcing abroad has contributed to economic insecurity, and Hanson believes this has played a role in the decline of marriage. The author notes that most economic experts—men such as Paul Krugman and Larry Summers—state that high-paying production jobs are leaving America, and not coming back. Hanson does not buy that argument, and neither did former president Trump.

De-emphasizing Race

Chapters Two and Three discuss immigration and ethnicity (tribes), and here Hanson shows his respectable conservative stripes. He is against massive immigration, especially when many enter illegally, because it makes assimilation more difficult. Though he knows better, VDH still proclaims American exceptionalism and the magic dirt theory. He admits: “The few unusual countries, ancient and modern, that have tried to unite diverse tribes without imperial coercion have usually fared poorly” (106). The author does not identify those countries that have not “fared poorly,” but in any case, I would remove the modifier ‘usually’ from the above quote. I would also add that the American empire is definitely willing to use coercion to make its multi-ethnic state work. But if one has faith that the United States will be the exception the laws of history then you believe everything will work out in the end. The magic dirt corollary posits that when natives from dysfunctional societies such as Somalia and El Salvador reach the U.S., they will not replicate the cultural characteristics of their homelands, but will instead become model Americans. So far, all the data are against the magic dirt theory.

Due to the author’s belief in assimilation, he differentiates between multiracialism which he approves and multiculturalism which he opposes. A racialist would counter that culture is, in part, a racial construct. Large numbers of migrants who are genetically distant from the majority population make assimilation impossible. But VDH sees tribalism as “reactionary to the core” while clinging to his utopian hopes for these genetically distant migrants: the answer to growing tribalism in the United States is “true citizenship . . . that diminishes the power of ethnic identification and race” (112).

Hanson rightly criticizes the Left for trying to rewrite American history. Yet he indulges in the same practice to support his assimilationist project. He claims: “The United States has always cherished its universally applicable melting-pot ethos of e pluribus unum” (107). Of course, the U.S. has not always had a universalist ethos (e.g., the 1924 immigration restriction law), and the phrase e pluribus unum originally referred to uniting the several former colonies into one nation.

Later in the chapter VDH to “talks the talk” by castigating cultural Marxism and social justice warriors, but he misses the main point. He asks, “So why has twenty-first-century American race and gender victimization supplanted doctrinaire Marxist class oppression in the culture of resistance against established norms?” The reality is that it’s all about destroying White political and cultural hegemony, but Hanson, as a mainstream conservative, can’t accept that. He notes that “Today’s social justice warrior apparently would not wish to empathize with a West Virginia coal miner but prefers instead CNN anchor Don Lemon or billionaire rapper Jay-Z” (115)—implicitly referring to the White working class, but not discussing the obvious racial dynamic of a multi-racial left-liberal elite opposed to the White working class.  In fact, it is racial. Is the man being willfully blind? A little further on Hanson almost stumbles upon the answers his own question, but again the obvious conclusion eludes him. He notes that “old Marxism had once sought to transcend race” (117). Yes, it tried, but it failed to transcend race, and a similar fate will befall the author’s solution of “true citizenship,” because race is an essential human characteristic.

VDH realizes the purpose of the Left’s “assaults on traditional commemoration—from holidays to statues to eponymous street names—is to redefine the past as a way of recalibrating the future” (119)—George Orwell said it best in Nineteen-Eighty-Four: “Who controls the past controls the future: who controls the present controls the past.” But he fails to note these assaults are part of the war on White America The denigration of traditional heroes is, in effect, a psyop against White America.

In keeping with his non-racial civic nationalism Hanson believes “the worst thing about identity politics as currently practiced by the left is that it has stimulated the rise of identity politics on the right” (125). Okay, the Right is always responding to developments on the Left. I would call this a law of political science: The Right is always reactive, though not necessary reactionary. So Edmund Burke, father of modern conservatism, was reacting to the French Revolution, Mussolini was reacting to Lenin, and the January 6th rioters were reacting to the George Floyd riots of 2020. VDH claiming that White self-defense against attacks is worse than the attacks themselves! But race does not really exist, so what is the fuss about? Ignoring all the population genetic studies showing clear genetic clusters corresponding to traditional racial categories, he resorts to simply asserting that “it is difficult to agree upon a definition of what ‘white’ actually is, given that it is not necessarily aligned with superficial appearance” (127). I guess that if it cannot be defined to VDH’s satisfaction, it doesn’t actually exist.

The Deep State

Once Hanson gets away from the issue of race, he begins to make more sense, and in Chapter Four he deals with the Deep State. For decades mainstream political science textbooks have discussed the vast discretionary authority wielded by unelected, upper-level bureaucrats, not to mention the power of the military-industrial complex. However, when the Right began to criticize these entities as the Deep State, it was immediately labeled nothing but a conspiracy theory. Likewise, one can celebrate the growing ethnic diversity of America, but if it is termed “The Great Replacement,” it is a conspiratorial hoax. In his opposition to powerful centralized bureaucracy and other unelected institutions, I detect some libertarian leanings in his attitude toward government. My own view is that government is simply a vehicle; who is behind the wheel is what matters. There’s nothing inherently wrong with centralized government. Government is a vehicle that can take you where you want to go, or it can careen off a cliff.

Trump

Hanson is generally pro Trump in a nuanced way. In 2019 he published The Case for Trump in which he wrote that, although a flawed character, the president had a coherent agenda and had implemented much of it.[2] By 2019 almost everyone on the Dissident Right was very disappointed with Trump, some bitterly so. There were several reasons why Trump failed to meet expectations, and certainly opposition from the Deep State was one. In 2016–17 Trump, the tough guy New York real estate mogul, was a babe in the woods.

As a political novice who ran against both the Democrats and the GOP establishment Trump struggled to find talented and loyal administrators to fill top executive branch positions. His newly appointed National Security Advisor Ret. General Michael Flynn was the victim of a “government ambush” (171). The legitimacy of Trump’s 2016 election was questioned by the Russian Collusion Hoax. Robert Mueller put together “perhaps the most high-powered and experienced team of investigators even assembled by the Department of Justice” (174). After 22 months and 40 million dollars no Russian collusion with members of the Trump campaign was found.

After the failure of the Mueller investigation, impeachment was the next tactic used to hamstring the Trump presidency and render him un-reelectable.  During the Trump administration members of the executive branch exhibited “an unabashed audacity” in resisting the authority of the president. For example, former FBI Director James Comey wrote a book, A Higher Loyalty, which “publicized the deep state’s sanctimonious notion that violating laws and protocols in service of its own purported higher ethical agendas . . . was more than justified” (184).

The Constitution

Hanson shares with American conservatives a reverence for the U.S. Constitution. It is almost a fetish. I certainly hold the Founding Fathers in the highest esteem, but if the Constitution is our salvation, we would not be in the predicament we are in now. The Constitution is open to differing interpretations, and it can be and has been amended. Nevertheless, the document does act as an impediment to radical change from the Left. Hanson sums up the Left’s position: “[W]hy let old white men of a bygone age continue, from their graves, to impose their ossified values on a far more enlightened, ethnically and racial diverse, and knowledgeable twenty-first century nation?” (217).

According to Hanson several parts of the Constitution are vulnerable to being dismantled or circumvented. The Electoral College, an integral component of our federalist system, is one example, and the erosion of the First Amendment through “hate speech” restrictions is another. The technique used in the latter case is “freedom of speech, not reach.” The First Amendment prohibits government interference with free speech, but the Left believes that “the media, publishing, and especially Big Tech . . . have the right—and sometimes the responsibility—to apply codes of conduct and censorship in their own domains” (243). The Left also believes in the legitimacy of applying pressure on media companies to censor speech by government actor, as indicated in the recent revelations on the role of the FBI in getting Twitter and other media companies to censor the Hunter Biden laptop story, and the role of the Biden administration in getting Twitter to censor Covid-related opinions. Abridgment of the Second Amendment is also a concern of the author who believes that “the Founders in some sense saw the Second Amendment as the most important of the Bill of Rights” (251).

Another legal issue worrying Hanson is what he calls the new nullification, or what could simply be termed selective law enforcement. There are sanctuary cities that “seek to render elements of federal immigration law null and void” (254). Then there is the “de facto nullification” of giving rioters “space” for violent protests involving assaults, looting, and arson. The practice became official policy in April 2015 during the Freddie Gray riots in Baltimore when than mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake ordered city police to stand down in the face of mayhem. This approach became widespread in late spring and summer of 2020 during the Floyd riots when virtue-signaling mayors in cities such as Minneapolis, Portland, and Seattle refused to enforce laws protecting lives and property. In the case of Minneapolis, the pronouncements of Mayor Jacob Frey actually helped to incite violence in his city.

Globalism

Chapter Six deals with globalism. Here is, perhaps, one of the big changes that has occurred within the conventional Right since the McCain-Romney days. (Of course, Mitt Romney is still a Republican senator, so obviously the transformation was only partial). Under true citizenship/MAGA, the globalist policies of free trade, open borders, and offshoring have been replaced, at least in theory, with America First. Hanson defines globalism as simply “putting global concerns above national interests” (269). Globalism, championed by Western elites, dilutes VDH’s concept of true citizenship. Globalists are “post-citizens” who wish to transcend the boundaries of race, sex, and nationality. According to the author, organizing international relations around nation states is not ideal, but it “is the least pernicious system compared to the alternatives” (272).

It is not just that globalism has hurt the US with “lost jobs, investments, control over borders, and national cohesiveness,” it has resulted in “eroded indigenous customs and traditions the world over” (281). Hanson continues: “the global creed has destroyed the ancient idea of localism and regionalism as central to the human experience.” Globalists do not value the “unique traditions, ancestries, local histories—and differences” of particular locales (302).

The hubris of the globalists is particularly galling to VDH. They see themselves as the new elite whose education, training, and values entitle them to guide world affairs. Despite their lofty opinions of themselves, the author observes that the globalists of WHO failed completely to contain Covid-19. VDH considers NATO as part of, and perhaps a principal enforcer of, the globalist project. He quotes NATO’s first Secretary-General Lord Hastings Ismay who described the organization’s mission as “to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down” (297). No mention of containing communism. The Great Replacement is one of the results of globalism. Hanson does not use the term, but he relates how Bill Kristol, the Jewish neo-conservative pundit, declared that there was “a need to replace an increasingly pathological American white working class” with immigrants (291).

Epilogue

The book ends with an epilogue obviously written sometime after the main text. Here Hanson again discusses Trump, along with the 2020 election, January 6th, and the Biden administration. Though generally supportive, VDH expresses mixed feelings about the former president who could be “an idealistic populist, a rank cynic, a canny pragmatist, neither, or a combination of the three” (324). Once more, Trump was a bit naive, he “under-appreciated” and at times “seemed oblivious” to the political forces arrayed against him (326). Being a political outsider, he had no cadre of experienced and knowledgeable people to fill key administrative positions. Plus his “mercurial persona” and “often off-putting behavior” made him difficult to work with.

Hanson expresses doubts regarding the legitimacy of the 2020 election. Tens of millions of people voted by mail “with far less audit of signatures, addresses, and deadlines” than in the past. Voting by mail is “fraught with dangers of fraud and a general inability to authenticate voter eligibility and identification” (336).

As for the January 6th capitol protests, Hanson points to an obvious factor that the mainstream media and the political establishment refuse to acknowledge. By justifying the violence during the so-called “racial reckoning” of 2020, the Left created the climate for the assault on the capitol in January 2021. The protesters that day were poorly led, if indeed there was any real leadership at all. Some thought that violence was the way to be heard, that this was the way it is done now, this is how you do it. They did not realize that those rules only applied to the other side. As VDH puts it: “[T]he Left had for months contextualized the mayhem of Antifa and BLM and therefore should not have been surprised when others were emboldened to follow their violent example. The public was left with the general impression that, for political reasons, violence in the streets was being condoned and perpetrators not held to account for their illegal actions” (340).

Conclusion 

So, having considered Hanson’s “true citizenship,” which I have equated with MAGA/civic nationalism, we return to the question posed at the start:  Is this movement an on ramp to explicit White advocacy? Or is it a dead end? As Yogi Berra opined: “It’s tough to make predictions, especially about the future,” but I believe Trumpism will fade and will prove to be the last gasp for civic nationalism.

There are several reasons for this prediction: It will be difficult to have Trumpism without Trump, and his future is uncertain at best. For all his faults Trump is an authentic personality and seemed to have a unique ability to incite the Left. Meanwhile possible successors, such as Ron DeSantis, smack of opportunism. Of course, the Romney wing of the Republican Party never went away and they are working day and night to return to the pre-2016 business-as-usual approach. But the main reason that civic nationalism will fail to deliver is its refusal to face the reality of race and the importance of racial differences in human affairs.

Whatever happens, politics will not return to pre-2016 status quo ante. There are long-term trends, such as political and social polarization, that appear to be accelerating. Political violence, practiced by the Left since the “long hot summers” of the 1960s and more recently taken up by Antifa and BLM, has spread to elements of the political Right and could intensify. Due to selective law enforcement, however, violence, other than in self- defense, is likely to be counterproductive for the Right. Is there a role for the Republican Party to move a White agenda forward? As alluded to above, the neo-conservatives are working hard to regain full control of the party, and they hold the purse strings. But do they have the votes? American political parties are subject to change—a century ago, the Democrats were the White man’s party, and the Republicans, the party of Lincoln, received the Black vote. In any case, voting is without risk or cost and takes very little time or effort so any return on such a small investment is a plus.

In the final analysis electoral politics will only go so far in bringing about fundamental societal change. As Andrew Breitbart wrote: “Politics is downstream from culture.” People need to live the change they want. One encouraging trend sees White Americans moving to areas of the country that they find more politically and socially congenial, hopefully creating supportive networks. Liberal journalist Bill Bishop has termed this The Big Sort.[3] While others call it an ingathering.[4] This is where Hanson’s true citizenship might be most applicable, becoming civically engaged at the local level to build healthy White communities.


[1] Martin Bernal, Black Athena: The Afroasiatic Roots of Classical Civilization, Rutgers University Press, 1987.

[2] Victor Davis Hanson, The Case for Trump Basic Books, 2019.

[3] Bill Bishop, The Big Sort: Why the Clustering of Like-Minded America is Tearing Us Apart, Mariner Books (2009).

[4] See for example: Eric Paulson, “Nine Reasons for an Ingathering,The Occidental Observer (November 3, 2010).

Extremismo judeu: a quinta-coluna

O perigoso extremismo de Israel não tem por fundamento nenhuma figura individual mais influente de sua política, não deriva de nenhuma eminência parda ou vermelha daquela sociedade, como bem escreveu Joshua Leifer no seu artigo intitulado Israel’s New Kingmaker Is a Dangerous Extremist, and He’s Here to Stay, publicado em The New York Times no dia 07NOV2022. Ao contrário de supostas fontes pessoais do ódio, o que existe em Israel como causa principal de seu extremismo é o próprio supremacismo judeu em si mesmo. Esta forma de dominação ramifica-se no corpo político de praticamente todos os países do Ocidente. O governo sujeito a tal controle acabou sendo designado pela redução já bastante conhecida de ZOG, ou seja, Zionist Occupied Government [acrônimo aportuguesado: “Zogue” (n. do trad.)].

A mídia zogue apregoa, ilimitadamente, que os Estados Unidos estariam infestados de terroristas da extrema-direita doméstica. No entanto, faltam evidências para a comprovação dessas afirmações, a não ser que se considere como “evidência” a palhaçada que se passou no circo que foi o “julgamento” daqueles envolvidos nos acontecimentos do 6 de Janeiro [de 2021] por seleta comissão parlamentar. O referido artigo do NYT indica claramente que, na verdade, o país mais coalhado de racistas, etnonacionalistas e terroristas domésticos de extrema-direita é Israel. Eles podem.

A esquerda liberal, buscando tocar o terror psicológico, alardeia, apoplecticamente, que Trump houvera encarnado o espírito de Hitler. Ao contrário disso, porém, e na mesma medida, os fatos vistos a maior distância temporal mostram que nunca houve a menor possibilidade de Trump dar uma de Hitler e agir como um führer. Trump não tem o genoma de um homem forte. Ele é só um vulgar narcisista representando o papel de demagogo que o zogue lhe determinou. O verdadeiro totalitarismo vem do acatamento dos democratas à “autoridade” dos judeus, determinados a destruir a nossa sociedade por suas despóticas políticas “plandêmicas” e seu absolutista marxismo cultural. A intenção deles é superar as limitações da nossa natureza, pelo que seu cajado segue nos tangendo para os horizontes mais distantes e amplos do transumanismo de seus sonhos molhados.

O artigo de The NYT refere que existe amplo acordo entre os judeus quanto à “necessidade” de “remover ou transferir os árabes para fora de Israel”. Em que isso difere do Acordo de Transferência de Haavara, nos anos trintas, que resultou da colaboração entre nazistas e judeus? Sem nenhuma evidência a seu favor, os gasistas do holocausto (perdoem o trocadilho) querem fazer crer que o esforço para expulsar os judeus da Alemanha terá consistido numa política de extermínio dos judeus. Ah! Essa é boa! Isso aí é só um típico caso de projeção (Freud explica). Na verdade, a agenda da expulsão e do extermínio é aquela que o Estado Judeu vem implementando há décadas, impiedosamente, contra os palestinos.

No intento de criar uma Nova Ordem Mundial, obediente ao seu próprio poder unipolar, que dele faria uma espécie de “rei da montanha”, o Ocidente deixou-se enganar pelos Governos sob Ocupação Sionista, que o levaram a se confrontar com outras duas superpotências: a Rússia e a China. Os Estados Unidos são a cidade que os supremacistas judeus estão destruindo, insidiosamente, pela desinformação de que a nossa salvação dependeria da derrota da Rússia. A nossa Nação e as nossas tradições democráticas estão sendo transformadas numa espécie de Palestina do Primeiro Mundo.

Vladimir Putin não é nenhum anjinho, mas muitos de seus compatriotas veem-no como o herói da luta épica contra a dominação ocidental do mundo. Com efeito, a Rússia desafia a hegemonia ocidental, colocando-se à frente do combate em defesa da visão eurasiana dos negócios mundiais. O chefe russo trata de recuperar a soberania dos Estados para nova organização do mundo, mais branda e inclusiva, conforme preconizam alguns dos maiores teóricos geopolíticos da Rússia.

Um deles é, por exemplo, o falecido Lev Gumilev. Respeitadíssimo acadêmico, ele foi o criador de uma notável teoria etnogênica. Esse etnogenista chegou à compreensão das causas que levam os judeus talmúdicos à condição de concitadores da destruição em qualquer lugar onde estiverem.

Outro brilhante intelectual, este bastante mais popular, é o filósofo e geopolítico Alexander Dugin. Ele dedica o seu trabalho à promoção da sociedade tradicionalista em oposição ao projeto globalista do Great Reset. As ideias de Dugin pareceram tão perigosas para os seus inimigos que eles o tentaram matar na explosão de um carro-bomba. Não conseguiram, mas a filha de Dugin (Darya Dugina) estava no carro e morreu no atentado, em 20AGO2022, na cercania de Moscou.

Outra grande figura é Sergey Glazyev, economista mundialmente reconhecido. Ele foi o criador de novo sistema monetário tendo por premissa a segurança, a estabilidade e a satisfação dos povos em condições internacionais de maior paridade. Buscando a multipolaridade como ideal, o grande economista desafia o sistema unipolar atual, dominado pelos bandidos ocidentais reunidos em máfias como a BlackRock e o World Economic Forum (WEF).

Na presente configuração internacional binária, é forçoso que estejamos alinhados com a Rússia, a China e o Sul Global, contra a agenda unipolar e totalitária que a etnocracia judaica tenta impor a todo o mundo. Ao longo de sua história, os judeus têm financiado ambos os contendores da luta política. Não está sendo diferente agora. Eles tentam romper alguns dos elos centrais mais fortes da corrente da resistência multipolar, ou seja, a Rússia e a China. Com o poder financeiro do aríete neoliberal, os sionistas tentam derrubar a muralha da China. Se o conseguem, o gigante amarelo estará sob sua influência. Essa possibilidade é assustadora. Os judeus vem agindo insidiosamente ao longo dos anos para transformar essa possibilidade em realidade. Um comentarista já observou que a China segue sendo envolvida como parte menor nos negócios do Poder Judeu. Ele diz que “Culpar a China sem ter em vista os judeus é o mesmo que ver Robin, mas não o Homem-Morcego”, fazendo uma brincadeira com coisa séria.

Conforme se esperava desde a abertura dos mercados chineses que fizera Kissinger, o país asiático encontra-se agora infestado de bandidos da banca, que esfregam suas mãos, ansiosos para agadanhar a vasta riqueza da China com que podem dominar o mundo. Os chefes chineses deixar-se-ão enganar por essa canalha? A China será a avenida por onde passará a elite de judeus organizada na BlackRock para ter acesso à Yellow BRICS Road? [trocadilho: a autora brinca com a antiga canção de 1973 “Goodbye yellow bricks road”, de Elton John (n. do trad.)]. Ou irá a China se valer da sabedoria taoísta para reconhecer os agentes talmúdicos no seu interior, por cujo disfarce fazem parecer que ali estão com o propósito de realizar o compadecido princípio judaísta do tikum olam?

Muitos não ocidentais tomam por correta a teoria etnogênica de Gumilev, segundo a qual os judeus sempre trazem más notícias para a humanidade. O judeu de menos elevado nível social — com quem os seus irmãos da elite não aceitariam nenhuma causa comum e, se assim ditasse os seus interesses, poderiam até empurrá-lo para debaixo de um ônibus — deve buscar alguma composição com os não judeus nesse que é um embate escatológico. Os judeus mais conscientes precisam, por exemplo, denunciar a difamante ADL [Anti-Defamation League, organização supremacista judaica (n. do trad.)] pela perseguição que move contra Kanye West e outros que se atrevem a rasgar o manto de silêncio sobre a vastidão e a profundeza do Poder Judaico.

Agora que o golpe de Estado tecnocrático da plandemia covidiana aproximou ainda mais o Povo Eleito do controle global, é de suma importância que os cidadãos do mundo, entre os quais podem estar os judeus não sionistas, saibamos da condição etnossocial que leva alguém a fazer o que fez Samuel Bankman-Fried [especulador e bandido “filantrópico” judeu (n. do trad.)]. Sem tal consciência — que a mídia hegemônica judaica ataca com a desinformação e a censura — estaremos todos “Fritos” [aqui, a autora brinca com mais esse trocadilho: Fried, o sobrenome do golpista judeu, em inglês, quer dizer “frito” (n. do trad.)]. Nós necessitamos, imperiosamente, compreender que a civilização e a própria natureza encontram-se sob extremo risco neste momento. O perigo vem das quintas colunas judaicas. Elas continuam a sonhar o velho sonho de dominar o mundo. E, aleivosamente, agem para transformar o seu sonho em realidade.

Fonte: The Occidental Observer. Autora: Esther Watcher. Título original: Exposing fifth-column extremism. Data de publicação: 26 de novembro de 2022. Versão brasilesa: Chauke Stephan Filho.

Life Without Jews: The Amazing Adventures of Israeli Trans-Pedophile and Tampon-Fetishist Jonathan Yaniv

Does Clown World issue secret (and separate) awards for Jewiest Jew and Polymorphousest Pervert? If so, then I think one man may well have been bagging both awards for years: the polymorphous Israeli pervert Jonathan Yaniv (born 1986/7), who came to the fascinated and disgusted attention of millions of people around the world when he sued female beauticians in Canada for refusing to wax his testicles.

Transgender splendor

I’m sorry: that should be “her testicles.” Indeed, it should be “her lesbian testicles.” Yaniv claimed to be transgender and in mainstream modern leftism that claim instantly converted him into a completely authentic woman, despite the male genitalia he still possessed. It also lifted him to the top of the leftist tree. Although leftists say they believe in equality, in fact they operate a strict hierarchy of victimhood that grants victim-groups, like Blacks or gays or women, special privilege and power over villain-groups, like Whites or straights or men. As I pointed out in “Power to the Perverts,” under normal circumstances Black lesbians are as far above straight White men in the leftist hierarchy as a bar-headed goose flying over Mt Everest, at 29,000 feet above sea-level, is above a sea-cucumber grubbing in the slime at the bottom of the Marianas Trench, at 36,000 feet below sea-level. But some straight White male perverts came up with a clever way of subverting the leftist hierarchy and turning leftism against itself. These perverts have a sexual fetish known as autogynephilia, in which they fantasize about being women, wearing women’s clothes, and entering all-female spaces like dressing-rooms and toilets.

“Who is Jessica Yaniv Simpson?” A fascinating question answered at MeowMix.org

But if they’d been honest and told leftists that they were straight White men with a sexual fetish, they would have sunk even lower in the leftist hierarchy. Instead, the perverts cleverly aligned themselves with the sanctified lesbian-and-gay community. They weren’t straight White men with a fetish, not at all. No, they were a persecuted and misunderstood sexual minority – the most persecuted and misunderstood of all. Et voilà! By calling themselves “transgender,” the straight White men were able to leap above Black lesbians in the leftist hierarchy. In Britain, a Black-Jewish lesbian feminist called Linda Bellos (born 1950) didn’t get rapt attention when she pointed out what the straight White male perverts were up to. She didn’t get instant obedience when she said that they shouldn’t be allowed to invade female territory. On the contrary, she was called a bigot and a hater for denying that these straight White men were both fully authentic women and fully authentic lesbians. As I said at the Occidental Observer back in 2019:

[Bellos] isn’t superior to all stale pale males. Some of them are armed with a superpower that allows them to bound above Bellos in the victimhood hierarchy. Astonishingly, they’ve managed to brand Bellos as a hater from whom they need protection. Just let that sink in: some stale pale males have successfully claimed to be the victims of an elderly Black-Jewish lesbian. In 2017 they got Bellos banned from making a speech to a feminist society at Cambridge University, one of England’s biggest cult-centres of minority worship. Even more impressively, they set the police on her the following year: she was “interviewed under caution” after being accused of committing a hate-crime against them. (“Power to the Perverts,” The Occidental Observer, 6th March 2019)

Bellos is a TERF, a Trans-Exclusionary Radical Feminist, and in mainstream leftism that’s a very bad thing to be. The TERF wars are about territory and who can legitimately maintain borders against whom. Whites can’t maintain literal or cultural borders against Blacks, because Whites are lower in the leftist hierarchy than Blacks. And so Blacks can take any White role in acting, but Whites are now banned from taking any Black role. Similarly, women can take on male roles, but men are banned from taking female roles – unless those men claim to be “transgender.” However, by denying that men can become women, lesbian TERFs like Bellos haven’t embraced biological realism. They’re still leftists and they still believe in hierarchy, not in reality. They just want to keep lesbians like themselves higher in the hierarchy than straight men and don’t want to accept such concepts as “the female penis” and “lesbian testicles.” Alas for Bellos, boring lesbians like her aren’t entertaining like exhibitionist trannies, as I pointed out in “Dykes Are Dull.” That’s part of why trannies have been winning the TERF wars.

A persecuted and misunderstood trans-lesbian

But Jonathan Yaniv didn’t win his legal war on the female cosmeticians who refused to wax his “lesbian testicles.” Instead, he was utterly defeated (see the Wikipedia article for “Jessica Yaniv”). After that, you might have expected him to retire instantly and entirely from public life, particularly when you look at what was exposed to a world-wide audience about his polymorphous perversions. From pedophilia to tampon-fetishism, Yaniv could keep a large team of psychiatrists busy for years trying to turn him from a predatory pervert into a productive member of society. But I don’t think the psychiatrists would ever succeed. Yaniv doesn’t seem capable of embarrassment or self-reform. “Shame” isn’t a concept that he recognizes. No matter how badly he misbehaves and no matter how many court-cases he loses, he still sees himself as the victim and fights on against the bigots and haters who refuse to accept that he is a persecuted and misunderstood trans-lesbian with “special needs.” He’s now had “bottom surgery,” lost his lesbian testicles, and is working for a “Gender Studies Masters” at Simon Fraster University (SFU) in Canada. There’s an entire website, MeowMix.org, dedicated to recording his misbehavior, cataloguing his perversions, and predicting his eventual incarceration. Yaniv plows on regardless, a “proud lesbian” in a cruel world.

But amid all the commentary on and condemnation of Yaniv, one central and highly significant fact has generally been overlooked. Yaniv is an Israeli Jew. He looks like a Jew and has what sounds like an Israeli accent. MeowMix.org claims that “Yaniv was raised Jewish,” says that “the whole family emigrated from Israel”, and has documented how his mother, Miriam Yaniv (née Miriam Altman, born 1954), tried to destroy proof of her Jewish ancestry on an “Israeli family history site.” Like his mother, he has a Jewish forename and, like the Israel singer Idan Yaniv (born 1986), he has a Hebrew surname that means “he will prosper.” Yaniv also behaves like a quintessential Jewish stereotype, with a mixture of brazen perversity, unblushing shamelessness, and self-righteous aggression. Indeed, Yaniv seems to provide a paradigmatic example of three of the most important background traits for Jewish activism identified by Kevin MacDonald: intelligence, aggressiveness, and psychological intensity. But the most common claim about Yaniv’s race is that he is “white.” This would normally be called Jewish erasure, because ignorant people are erasing someone’s precious and unique Jewish identity. In Yaniv’s case, other Jews have not been anxious to claim him as one of their own. It’s another example of Jews as Schrödinger’s Tribe, switching between a Jewish identity and a generic White identity according to whatever best suits Jewish interests.

White standards don’t apply

Plainly, it doesn’t suit Jewish interests for Jonathan Yaniv to be identified as a Jew. However, it does suit the interests of truth and science. Most or even all of the commentary on Yaniv loses its salience when he is correctly recognized as a Jew. By White standards, his psychology is indeed warped and his behavior is indeed obnoxious. But White standards don’t apply to him, because he isn’t White. Yaniv’s White critics, like the Canadian feminist Meghan Murphy, have tried to shame or ridicule him as though he were susceptible to genetically mediated techniques of social control developed by Whites amongst themselves. But he isn’t susceptible, because he isn’t White. He’s not simply Jewish but Israeli Jewish, the product of a majority-Jewish culture where White standards don’t apply. For example, why is Yaniv shameless? Well, you can’t embarrass an Israeli.

And why is Yaniv such a polymorphous pervert? That is surely related to the higher rate of psychopathology found among Ashkenazi Jews, as described by the Danish researcher Emil O. W. Kirkegaard in a recent paper called “A theory of Ashkenazi genius: intelligence and mental illness.” Kirkegaard argues that the contributions of Ashkenazim to cognitively demanding fields are even greater than one would expect from their higher average IQ. The extra factor, in his opinion, is the higher rate of Ashkenazi psychopathology, which facilitates their ability to generate new ideas and make unexpected connections. Meanwhile, their higher intelligence mitigates the severity of the symptoms and behavior they exhibit, and allows them to remain productive. It’s an interesting theory, but, as is characteristic of Kirkegaard, it assumes a more positive view of Jewish contributions to intellectual life than I think is warranted by the facts. Marx, Freud and Boas surely count as “Jewish geniuses,” but they have harmed the cause of true science rather than advanced it.

Other Jewish geniuses have been central to the creation and promotion of the translunatic cult, as described by Scott Howard in The Transgender-Industrial Complex (2020). Jonathan Yaniv is not a genius, but he has been diagnosed with “depression, anxiety, and attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder.” And the outsize disruption he has caused, as a single Jewish individual in a gentile society, is a clear example of how the West would be better off without Jews and their genius. We don’t live in a more beautiful and truthful world thanks to Jews. On the contrary, we live in a much uglier and much more mendacious one. In his uniquely repulsive way, the Jewish trans-pedo and tampon-fetishist Jonathan Yaniv is just as much proof of that as the Jewish Marx, Freud and Boas.

The American Political System and White Racial Discourse

In the recent mid-term elections (this is being written in December of 2022), Democrats, apparently with a good amount of success, charged Republicans with being no less than a threat to American democracy.   My goodness—I guess hyperbole goes over big in this text-and-Twitter-depth age.  Whatever its success as a campaign tactic, a great deal has been said and written about democracy these past few months.  For instance, this in The New York Times, which naturally finds that the threats to democracy come from conservatives:

[The] United States today finds itself in a situation with little historical precedent.  American democracy is facing two distinct threats, which together represent the most serious challenge to the country’s governing ideals in decades.

The first threat is acute: a growing movement inside one of the country’s two major parties — the Republican Party — to refuse to accept defeat in an election. . . .

The second threat to democracy is chronic but also growing: The power to set government policy is becoming increasingly disconnected from public opinion.  The run of recent Supreme Court decisions—both sweeping and, according to polls, unpopular—highlight this disconnect. Although the Democratic Party has won the popular vote in seven of the past eight presidential elections, a Supreme Court dominated by Republican appointees seems poised to shape American politics for years if not decades.  And the court is only one of the means through which policy outcomes are becoming less closely tied to the popular will.

“We are far and away the most countermajoritarian democracy in the world,” said Steven Levitsky, a professor of government at Harvard University and a co-author of the book “How Democracies Die,” with Daniel Ziblatt. .  .  . In a recent poll by Quinnipiac University, 69 percent of Democrats and 69 percent of Republicans said that democracy was “in danger of collapse.”1

I’ll use the democracy-under-siege talk so prominent lately as a springboard to a consideration of the America’s political system from the perspective of White racial advocacy.   This writing can be viewed as a follow-up to an article of mine in 2020 called “A Suggestion to American White Advocates: Root Your Arguments in This Country’s Core Political and Cultural Ideals.”2   You might want to check out that article to put this one in better context, although it’s really not necessary; this piece stands on its own.   To give you an organizer for what’s coming up, my basic take is that from the perspective of Whites’ wellbeing, rather than democracy being under threat, democracy is the threat.

To begin, as a matter of fact, we don’t have a democracy in this country.  Our form of government is a republic.  We pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America, and to the republic for which it stands.  Our political system is grounded in the Roman republican form more than many realize. President, congress, and senate are all Roman terms.3  Unlike in a democracy—say a Greek democracy, Athens—citizens seldom vote on matters themselves.   Instead, they select individuals to take on that task.  In the Federalist Papers which justified the political system the Founders had created, James Madison underscored this key distinction between a republic and a democracy: “In a democracy the people meet and exercise the government in person; in a republic they assemble and administer it by their representatives and agents.”4

It is important to note that these representatives are not merely doing the electorate’s bidding.   The Founders of the American nation wanted decisions of state guided by the wisdom of those who held positions in government and not by the immediate impulses of the citizenry.  In Madison’s words, “The public views should be refined and enlarged by passing them through the medium of a chosen body of citizens, whose wisdom may best discern the true interests of their country, and whose patriotism and love of justice will be the least likely to sacrifice it to temporary or partial considerations”5

Within our republican political system, there are many departures from simple majority rule.  In the beginning, senators weren’t directly elected but rather chosen by state legislators, and the President still isn’t (the Electoral College).  States with small populations like Wyoming have as many senators as New York and California.   The Supreme Court is appointed.  The President can veto legislation.  Indeed, in the early years of this country, the distinction between a republic and a democracy was an important one.  John Adams declared, “There is no good government but what is republican.”6

And more than simply a republic, America is a constitutional republic.  The federal constitution puts a brake on what can legitimately be a matter of collective determination.  The Constitution sets up a separation of powers and checks and balances that prevent majorities in one branch of government—perhaps dominated by powerful factions (the old term for interest groups)—from wielding control.  The Constitution’s first ten amendments, called the Bill of Rights, spell out protections of individuals from the totality as represented by the federal government.  They give explicit acknowledgment of the view that individual citizens have inalienable rights — the term used in the Declaration of Independence. These are rights possessed by all humans, and they can’t be taken away.  These rights are not up for a vote.

To be sure, our form of government reflects democratic principles and includes democratic practices.  The government does not have arbitrary power over people and operates at their consent.  Citizens have the opportunity to participate in the political process.  There are open and free elections and referenda.  All this is democratic.   But still, while the people are heard and wield power, the republic does not require, in the words of the Federalist Papers, the “unqualified compliance to every sudden breeze of passion of a popular majority.”7

In the last century and as it continues now, democracy has taken on the quality of a religious law worth killing and dying for.  World War II was portrayed as a war for democracy.  In recent decades, the Americans talking loudest and slickest at harnessing power have beaten the drums for a crusade to convert other countries to democracy by blowing them up and exterminating their citizens.  In earlier times, however, that justification for conquest and bloodshed wouldn’t have played, because democracy wasn’t sacred.   Major figures in the first century of this country’s existence were not sanguineous about it:

  • James Madison noted democracies “have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property; and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths.”8
  • Alexander Hamilton: “The ancient democracies in which the people themselves deliberated never possessed one feature of good government. Their very character was tyranny; their figure deformity. When they assembled, the field of debate presented an ungovernable mob, not only incapable of deliberation, but prepared for every enormity.”9
  • The writer James Fennimore Cooper saw democracies as tending “to press against their proper limits, to convert political equality into economic leveling, to insist that equal opportunity become mediocrity, [and] to invade every personal right and privacy; they set themselves above the law; they substitute mass opinion for justice. 10
  • Highly respected French observer Alexis de Tocqueville as early as the 1830s foresaw democracy was inevitable, but he expressed reservations about that prospect. He worried about a perversion of society “into a sea of anonymous beings, social droplets, deprived of true purpose.”11  He noted that democracy promotes antipathy toward eccentricity or any manifestation of defiant individuality.12  “Democracy,” de Toqueville wrote, “encourages a taste for physical gratification; this taste, if it becomes excessive, soon disposes men to believe that all is matter only; and materialism, in its turn, hurries them on with mad impatience to these same delights; such is the final circle within which democratic nations are driven round.  It were well that they see the danger and hold back.” 13

The American republic was conceived as being comprised of individuals not groups.  The Bill of Rights, for instance, protects individuals not groups.  This is important to keep this in mind in a time preoccupied with group identities.  In our time, the idea of individualism, this mindset, carries a negative connotation, including within White racial discourse, as it is linked to selfishness and lack of concern for others and the common welfare.  However, this wasn’t the case at this country’s beginning.  Back then, it was assumed that individuals would, and should, focus on serving their private wants and needs and it wasn’t assumed that this would run counter to a concern for, and service to, the needs of the whole.  The ideal earlier in our history—let’s say prior to WWII–was that individuals would conduct themselves in a way that the more they served themselves the more they were capable of, and motivated to, serve others.

Republican citizenship was not a matter of always looking out for oneself, nor was it deferring to the common good in every instance.   Rather, it was striking a balance between the private and public dimensions of one’s life.  That balance was central to the concept of a true individualist, and it was the predominant view in the beginning that the American political experiment depended on true individualists to make it work.

Benjamin Rush, a physician and signer of the Declaration of Independence, wrote an essay entitled “Thoughts Upon the Mode of Education Proper in a Republic” that relates to this consideration.”14

While Rush used the word republic or some variant of it seven times in his essay, including in the title, the word “democracy” appears not once.

Also striking about the Rush essay is his stress on liberty, referring to it as “the object and life of all republican governments.”  Time and again, Rush writes about freedom, along with his worry that government tyranny will rob people of it.   At its core, the American republic is a test to see what will result if individual people, free from governmental dictates, are given the opportunity and the charge to make a good life for themselves and theirs and at the same time be good for other people and look out for the political arrangement.  The inherent tension between democracy and personal freedom and self-determination did not escape the Founders.  At heart, democracy is a method of social coercion, a way to direct and limit the actions of individuals, since those who aren’t on the side of the majority have to do things the victors’ way.

Throughout his essay, Rush wrote about virtue, linking it to the preservation of freedom — “without virtue there can be no liberty.”  To Rush, virtue meant the personal traits of self-denial, brotherly kindness, character, honor, and physical discipline.  In the beginning, it was assumed that the welfare of the republic depended on the virtue of its individual citizens.  Virtue referred to such qualities as a strong work ethic, self-sufficiency, love of country, an austere style of living, strict observance of a moral code, and willingness to sacrifice private profit for the public good.15 In his farewell address, George Washington declared virtue to be “a necessary spring of popular government.”16

Rush’s essay emphasized the importance of strong loyalty to state and nation.  About the education of a child: “He must be taught to love his fellow creatures in every part of the world, but he must cherish with a more intense and peculiar affection the citizens of Pennsylvania and the United States.”17 Allegiance to a geographic entity was considered vitally important for the success of the American political experiment.

More to be said, but you get the basic idea.

*   *   *

The big contention in this context is that Whites have fared very nicely under the American constitutional republican arrangement and the ideals and ways inherent in it—personal freedom and responsibility, virtue, and so on.   A republic is particularly suited to White people, and while those involved in setting up the American political system didn’t go to any great length to punch up that fact, I have the sense that they were well aware of it; they knew what they were doing.

Similarly, those currently engaged in pulling the props out from under the Founders and this country’s political heritage — including referring to it as a democracy — know what they are doing.  Unhindered by constitutional restraints—the notion of a “living constitution,” etc.—democracy serves the interests of Whites’ adversaries.   It takes power away from individuals and puts it in the hands of the collective, which is increasingly non-White — or better, those who can control the collective by managing the information and idea flow and throwing money around and making people pay who get in their way.  Democracy politicizes everything:  whatever it is, anything and everything, is put up for a vote and the majority (or again, whoever controls the majority, and in this day and age it is increasingly people surreptitiously and openly hostile to Whites, males in particular) wins the day.  Ironically given how it is pitched as putting the masses in charge of their fate, democracy paves the way for minority control (among the possibilities: resentful, revengeful, and exploitive anti-White ethnic and racial elements; self-anointed media elites: kowtow-to-me gripers and grievers; I’ll-handle-it managers and bureaucrats; paid-off and intimidated politicians; and bullshitters).  Bottom line, a republic serves White interests; a democracy works against them.

With that being the case, what follows for White racial discourse—its content, topics?  These six things come to mind:

  1. Give consideration to the connection between the republican political form and White interests. How does a republican system measure up against authoritarian, democratic, aristocratic, elite-managed, and Big Boss (Trump’s image just popped into my head) arrangements?
  2. Make room for American voices — Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, and (I’m thinking out loud) Emerson and Thoreau and Mark Twain and Edgar Rice Burroughs (the Tarzan author) and Teddy Roosevelt and H.L. Mencken and . . . oh, I don’t know, just somebody besides Julius Evola, you know? American thinkers, Nathaniel Hawthorne, Walt Whitman, Teddy Roosevelt, Ernest Hemingway, somebody.
  3. Ease up on badmouthing individualism; look for its positive aspects, and there are some. And generally, be conscious of the downside of dichotomous, either-or thinking — there’s this thing and that thing and this thing is better than that thing, universalism is better than individualism, etc.  Libertarianism, ugh.  Carl Jung’s concept of enantiodromia comes to mind: the idea of positive development and the achievement of wholeness resulting from the integration of opposites (the example above: citizenship in a republic involving both selfishness and selflessness).
  4. Do a word count in White racial dialogue and debate: how often do the words “freedom,” “liberty,” and “self-determination” appear? How about if it is more often?
  5. Pay more attention to the relationship between what individuals are made of and what goes on collectively? I’m reminded of Madison Grant’s observation over a century ago that Nordics, as he called them — Americans of northern European heritage — were becoming characterized by “base desires, passions, and behaviors, and becoming less dignified and honorable.”18  The Founders had it pegged: virtue, character, personal worth, however you want to talk about it, matters greatly; it’s not just about large forces and systems.
  6. Give more attention to the connection between nationalism—identification with, affinity for, commitment to, a particular country—and White wellbeing. Do Whites tend to do better within the context of strong nation states?  A non-American example, would Whites living today in Hungary be better off if they saw themselves in the first instance as White Hungarians or as White nationalists?  Would White Americans be better off focusing their energies on getting their country back, or would they be better off if they viewed themselves as White nationalists and seceded from the U.S.?  Do current-day American White advocates— representative of, by far, the largest segment in this country, whose ancestors created and developed it — see themselves as part of us in the U.S.?  Or have they internalized the notion from their adversaries that they are them here: fringe, right wing, dissidents?  Looking into American nationalism could surface the need for those who argue for Whites to examine presumptions and ideas that limit them.


  1. David Leonhardt, “‘The Crisis Coming’: The Twin Threats to American Democracy,” The New York Times, September 17, 2022.
  2. Robert S. Griffin, “A Suggestion to American White Advocates: Root Your Arguments in This Country’s Core Political and Cultural Ideals,” The Occidental Observer, online, posted June 13, 2020.
  3. Richard Brookhiser makes this point in his book, Founding Father: Rediscovering George Washington (Free Press, 1996) p.122.
  4. James Madison, “An Objection Drawn from the Extent of Country Answered,” Federalist Paper Number 14, in Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, The Federalist Papers (New American Library, 1961), p. 100.
  5. As quoted in Lance Banning, The Sacred Fire of Liberty: James Madison and the Founding of the Federal Republic (Cornell University Press, 1995) p. 203.
  6. As quoted in Nathan Tarcov, “The Meanings of Democracy.” In Roger Soder, ed., Democracy, Education, and the Schools (Jossey-Bass, 1996) p.25.
  7. Tarcov, p.28.
  8. See Robert Westbrook, “Public Schooling and American Democracy,” in Soder, p. 128.
  9. Ibid.
  10. Russell Kirk, The Conservative Mind, seventh revised edition (Regnery, 1986) p.200.
  11. Kirk, p. 12.
  12. Ibid., 155.
  13. Ibid., p. 211.
  14. Benjamin Rush, “Thoughts Upon the Mode of Education in a Republic,” in Steven Tozer, Paul Violas, and Guy Senese, School and Society: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives, Second Edition (McGraw-Hill, Inc., 1995) pp. 40.
  15. Ibid, p. 24.
  16. George Washington, George Washington’s Farewell Address (Applewood Books, 1999).
  17. Tozer, Violas, and Senese, p. 42.
  18. Grant’s observation comes up in my article, “‘What If?’ Thinking: Imagining Alternative Histories as a Way to Know,” The Occidental Observer, online, posted December 3, 2021.

 

To Vote or Not to Vote?

Our once great nation seems to be coming apart right before our eyes. Americans are perhaps more divided on social and political matters than at any other time throughout its history. Not only are we experiencing a recession and a proxy war against Russia on behalf of Ukraine that’s costing taxpayers billions each month, but crime throughout the country has skyrocketed (at least in every Blue state and major city). Anti-White rhetoric in the public sphere is not only viewed as perfectly tolerable, but it’s increasing as well. Jewish activist groups such as the ADL are on the constant warpath to stamp out even the slightest whiff of any perceived “anti-Semitism.”

The federal government lies openly to the American people, and a complicit media makes certain to obfuscate any information that might place the Biden administration in a poor light—right now they’re gearing up to intimidate witnesses who might shed light on the Biden family influence pedaling scams. Gay marriage, Transgender acceptance, Critical Race Theory and drag queen story hour are unashamedly promoted by our public-school systems. District Attorney Office’s throughout many U.S. states are intentionally lenient in terms of sentencing Black and Hispanic criminals as a means of eradicating “systemic racism” from the justice system. This not only perverts justice, but it exacerbates the nation’s widespread crime problem since offenders are continuously released back into the same communities they’ve victimized.

The 2020 presidential election was fraught with fraud, and the recent mid-term elections seemed to have had its fair share as well. All of this and more has led some to decry that the entire system is “rigged,” and that voting is “useless.” Whether it’s Democrats or Republicans, the entire Congress is corrupt (save a select few members). Congressional treason becomes even more evident when one realizes that commitment to Israel’s security is their top priority, including giving billions annually to the nation for their military defense. Putting “America first” is evidently the farthest thought from our Congress.

Claiming that America’s two-party political system is nothing more than a “uniparty” seems at times to have some validity. Both Democrats and Republicans, for example, support illegal immigration, although for different reasons. The Democrats see illegals as their new and growing voter base, whereas Republicans see them as cheap labor for corporations and small businesses. Everyone seems to win except the average White American whose country is slipping away right before them.

Republicans and Democrats largely agree that racial ‘diversity’ is a good thing for the country. Both parties also support “gay and LGBTQ+ rights.” Both Republicans and Democrats maintain unwavering support for Israel and are committed to stamping out every vestige of “anti-Semitism.”

None of this is good for Heritage Americans who wish to maintain an authentic connection to the vision of their nation’s Founders.

Along with these discouraging realities comes the chorus to abandon voting altogether, to disengage from the corrupt political system, especially when one recalls the level of obeisance Trump gave to Jews and Israel. Governor Ron DeSantis, if ever elected to the highest office in the land, will prove to be no better than Trump in this regard. Neither will Gov. Glenn Youngkin of Virginia. GOP leadership has a long record of not providing their party with a true reformer, a fighter who’s willing to get dirty with the Democrats. The closest we’ve had was Donald Trump, and he was despised from the very outset by establishment Republicans. He managed, unfortunately, to also discredit his own efforts by appointing persons to his administration that undermined him at every step. Trump also failed to stay on target and to fulfill his campaign promises.

One writer, Richard Solomon, has expressed in clear terms the futility of voting and playing the Republican-versus-Democrat election charade:

What makes voting such a destructive psyop is that we’re in a never-ending election cycle. A lot of people exert much of their emotional energy on the Red vs. Blue puppet show. I think it would be psychologically healthier to accept that voting in a dictatorship is as much a waste of time as fitting Janet Yellen with a chastity belt. I understand why some cling to the “we live in a democracy” fantasy. Reality can be harsher than sandpaper underwear. (“Breaking the Voting Psyop Addiction,” The Unz Review, November 23, 2022)

It’s hard not to empathize with Solomon’s article; he makes some valid points. It’s easy to get so disgusted with the current situation of the country and just throw up one’s hands and give up. I seriously doubt, however, that such an approach will prove fruitful in the end. Oh sure, it sounds good in theory. As Joseph Stalin once said, “It’s not the vote that counts, but who counts the votes.” Of what value, then, is voting in such a corrupt and rigged system? If you try to engage the system by voting or accept its validity, you only prove what a gullible sheep you are, right? But what it amounts to is nothing more than an emotional temper tantrum declaring that it’s all pointless, that the situation is hopeless and there’s not anything we can do about it.

Reading through Solomon’s article one finds no remedy or alternative to not voting. Perhaps he will provide one in a later article, but I couldn’t find anything that might give us some direction on these matters. Yet that seems to be the crux of the problem when declaring that voting is futile — namely, the absence of plausible alternatives and solutions. If dissidents on the right were to stop voting, then what? What would be our next course of action if any?

Even if one is convinced that voting is foolish, deeper and more practical questions still need to be addressed. If millions of sane, politically conservative people throughout the U.S. suddenly declined to vote, what would this lead to? Would the Democrats stop voting too just because we withheld our vote? Their inevitable landslide victory would surely be interpreted as a “mandate” to fulfill the entirety of their cultural Marxist agenda. That’s how they’d see it, and that’s precisely how it would be reported in the mainstream media. And once their candidates win by such a massive margin, what’s to stop them from creating legislation that would place all of us “dissenters,” “racists,” “anti-Semites,” and MAGA folks into concentration camps? You think the Democrats wouldn’t do it if they knew they would face little political resistance or consequences? Think again.

And how would refusing to vote impact our Second Amendment rights? Democrats would make certain to pass laws that would completely eradicate such rights. It would turn every right-leaning gun owner into an enemy of the state. Gun confiscation, then, would not be only a possibility but an undeniable reality. Our people would fall prey to marauding groups of Black criminals, especially among those who are unable to escape our major cities.

If we all refused to vote, then should we also refuse to hold our elected representatives to account for how they vote on our behalf? Does anyone seriously believe that those in office will more faithfully represent their voter base when we abandon any effort to participate in the election process?

Perhaps the Democrats would sympathize with our plight? Get real. Our political opponents don’t play by the same set of rules, nor will they be inclined to have mercy on us when they literally view all conservative White Americans as “racist, Hitler-loving, White supremacists.” Yes, this is how incredibly stupid and evil Leftists are. There is no balance or nuance in their thinking. If anything, history has proven how easy it is to get seemingly “nice people” to engage in the worse kinds of atrocities.

Perhaps large numbers of Democrats would see our point in refusing to play the game of voting? Maybe then they will listen to our message and see the utter futility of it all? Nope, none of this would happen. They would not seriously ponder anything we’ve said nor any political protests we might engage in, no matter how empirically sound and data-driven our ideas (Is diversity really a strength?). They would not come to their collective senses once we declared that we have abandoned the voting charade. They will only see themselves as winners and all of us as losers. And then comes their great payback in which they would seek to punish every one of us. They would not be persuaded by reason, nor would their wrath be assuaged.

Our non-voting amounts to non-resistance in the public sphere, an admission of sorts that the Democrats have better ideas and better solutions to our nation’s problems. And that’s exactly how the media would spin it and how the average American simpleton would interpret our complete abdication of our voting rights.

Jewish elites, of course, would get everything they wanted as a result — even more than what they have now! By not voting and forming a political resistance, we will essentially hand them all they want from us. And they will make sure to “reward” us nicely for it too. Whatever resistance we might have on social media now would be cut off as they’re certain to censor and de-platform all dissenters.

You think the next pandemic is going to be harder for our elites to implement when they know full well that more than half the country has given up their voting responsibilities? They will proudly declare that we have surrendered and have discovered the wisdom of submitting to their great plans for all Americans.

Perhaps someone’s going to suggest that all of us non-voters will unite and fight off the government. Oh sure, that’s going to be a marvelous success! And a whole lot of our people will be killed as a result. Why should we expect that a military conflict with the federal government would prove successful when half of the American population can’t even agree on what constitutes a marriage or gender. Most Americans have been dumbed down too badly to even understand what we’re trying to say to them. Racially conscious Whites are also too busy with constant infighting among themselves, so the likelihood of them uniting in any significant way is slim at best. Most Whites are unwilling and unprepared to fight government tyranny with arms despite what some “second amendment patriots” claim. They’re much too comfortable and well-fed.

Granted, the Republicans are nothing to praise, but by them filling seats in both the House and Senate, we at least maintain a congressional gridlock until the situation improves. And there are good reasons to believe things might improve.

There has been a growing resistance to the old guard within the Republican Party, and some headway has been made in reforming or at least improving it. Granted, it’s not where I want it to be, but to simply throw up our hands and declare “Don’t Vote!” will place us on a pathway full of even greater troubles than we’re currently experiencing. The Democrats will make sure to exploit every ounce of it too.

Despite his many faults, Trump at least awakened millions concerning the Washington Swamp, illegal immigration, and even made statements opposed to our current high levels of legal immigration based on nothing but family connections and a desire to come to the US. Racial issues that Republicans refused to even entertain just seven years ago, are now openly discussed. Whites in America are becoming more politically informed, and a growing number of them have a great distrust in their government. There is talk openly of secession by White Americans, an idea that was laughable a decade earlier. A growing number of patriotic Americans speak freely about how evil their government is. They are also disgusted by increasing levels of Black crime throughout the nation. Black Lives Matter, Antifa, and ‘woke’ ideology are reviled by these same patriotic Americans. More Whites are becoming “red-pilled” on race and politics. Elon Musk’s takeover of Twitter may well prove to be a watershed moment.

All of this is working well for us despite setbacks now and then.

Conservative and evangelical Christians are also opposed to ‘woke’ propaganda. The only ‘Christians’ who support such ideas are liberal Christians and, contrary to what many think, their numbers are dwindling. Their churches are largely empty. Those “Bible-believing” Christians, on the other hand, would agree with many things we believe, much more so than the average liberal Democrat. Thus, rather than viewing them as enemies with all the accompanying epithets (e.g., “Christ-cucks”), we would be wise to view them as potential allies in resisting the Leftist matrix that has been imposed on all of us. This doesn’t mean we have to agree with their religious views (especially those pertaining to Israel), but simply an acknowledgement that there is more socially and politically that unites us than divides us.

It’s important to also recall that it’s not Christians who are calling for atheists or race-realists to be de-platformed and censored. Christians are not brutally attacking those who differ from them on social or political issues. No, this is what the Left does. Whatever one may think of evangelical, Protestant, or Orthodox Christians, they are not leading the charge to take away freedom of expression nor to persecute political dissidents.

Another thing to consider is how swiftly the Democrats have worked to destroy and make unlivable much of the country. They are their own worst enemies, and in some respects, they are driving many Americans to our camp. Democrats don’t seem to be able to temper their insanity — it’s on a feed-forward cycle that gets ever more insane. This will inevitably result in our favor. Americans can put up with a lot, but take away their comforts, their freedoms, tax them at even higher rates than currently, or endlessly propagandize their children to be freaks and degenerates — an ideological agenda that Democrats are unwilling to part with — and there is going to be hell to pay. Most people just want to be left alone. They want societal peace and stability — the very thing that the Democrat Party can never give them. Eventually, our national insanity will subside once enough people are forced to see what a cesspool a Democrat-run nation amounts to.

What about all the voter fraud on the part of Democrats? What use is there in voting when there are so many ways to manipulate and cheat the system? This is not easy to answer, and I don’t pretend to know how to fix the system. In person voting with a valid ID would be a great idea that would be pilloried as “Jim Crow 2.0” by the left. I’m certain that problems associated with voter fraud will not be rectified any time soon. Yet should any of that compel us to abandon all hope and stop voting? Of course not.

Part of the answer, it seems to me, is to push for greater accountability among those who oversee the process, including scrutiny over how the votes are tabulated. This places a mandate on conservative voters to make certain their elected officials are both hearing and doing something about any potential voter fraud. It’s simply an issue we will have to continuously address and ferret out.

Some have suggested that non-woke Americans break from the GOP and create a third party that would more align with our political beliefs. As enticing as such an idea may be, I doubt it would work. It would only serve to deeply divide Republicans and guarantee Democrat victories in every race. As flawed as the GOP may be, it seems better to work within the Republican party in reforming it.

With due respect to those who would differ with me on the matter of voting, I seriously doubt that a complete abandonment of our voting rights is the answer to our problems. Throwing up our hands and refusing to participate sounds good in theory when one is deeply frustrated, but it will hardly do any useful service to our people and future generations of White Americans.

Jan. 6 Trial Dismantles Jeffersonian Democracy, Corrupts Rule of Law

Vestiges of Jeffersonian principles in our present out-of-touch and out-of-control federal government are rapidly being obliterated. No events signal their demise more dramatically than the recent shameful seditious conspiracy prosecutions of the Jan. 6 defendants.

In the first of these, brought against five members of the Oath Keepers including its founder Stewart Rhodes III, a District of Columbia jury on Nov. 29 found Rhodes and another Oath Keeper guilty of seditious conspiracy and acquitted three others. All five were also found guilty of other offenses, e.g., Conspiracy to Impede an Officer from Discharging His Duties.

Rhodes and the other convicted defendant now face up to 20 years in prison on the seditious conspiracy charge, plus additional time for the other offenses. Two other seditious conspiracy trials are scheduled, one against other members of the Oath Keepers and a second against the Proud Boys.

These prosecutions should never have been brought and would not have been brought if men such as Thomas Jefferson still held sway in our government.

The seditious conspiracy statute at the core of these prosecutions traces its origins to a law passed in 1861 during the Civil War but is similar to the seditious conspiracy section of the 1798 Alien and Sedition laws that caused such bitter discord between John Adams, who advocated them, and Thomas Jefferson, who vehemently opposed them, that the two Founding Fathers did not speak to each other for nearly 12 years until 1812 when they reconciled in a profound and remarkable series of letters.

When Jefferson became president in 1801, he allowed the Alien and Sedition laws to expire and pardoned those who had been convicted under them. Although Jefferson and Adams were locked in cold silence, Adams’s wife, Abigail, in 1804 sent Jefferson a letter chastising him for pardoning a man convicted under the law who had make scurrilous statements about Adams.

Here is Jefferson’s response:

I discharged every person under punishment or prosecution under the Sedition law, because I considered and now consider that law to be a nullity as absolute and as palpable as if Congress had ordered us to fall down and worship a golden image; and that it was as much my duty to arrest its execution in every stage as it would have been to have rescued from the fiery furnace those who should have been cast into it for refusing to worship their image.

Jefferson also condemned the sedition law as “palpably unconstitutional” in his Kentucky Resolutions, which he published anonymously in 1798, apparently fearing he himself might be prosecuted for sedition.

We can, accordingly, state with confidence that Jefferson would never have approved the prosecution under the Seditious Conspiracy Act of the Jan. 6 defendants. Jefferson knew all too well that linking the amorphous concept of sedition with the equally unbounded concept of conspiracy and then putting this combination into the hands of an intrusive and politically biased government was inimical to civil liberties.

The Biden administration, by contrast, through its Department of Justice (DOJ)—a title that has become as ironical as Orwell’s Ministry of Truth—and with massive assistance from the FBI, which is becoming more and more like a Praetorian Guard, devoted enormous resources to deploying the rarely used Seditious Conspiracy Act against the hapless and overwhelmed Jan. 6 defendants. To add insult to injury, the DOJ has employed numerous illicit and unfair tactics to justify its indictments and obtain convictions. Prominent among these improper tactics were the following:

FBI Informants

Credible reports indicate that several Oath Keepers were not indicted even though they were as involved in the Jan. 6 events as the Oath Keepers who were indicted. This supports an inference that many of the Oath Keepers were colluding with the government as informants or agents. Several docket entries in the Rhodes trial bolster this inference, including a Sept. 23 order from Judge Amit Mehta, granting the government’s ex parte motion to conceal from discovery “undisclosed civilian witness information.” Most tellingly is a Nov. 8 “Notice Regarding Potential Violation of Protective Order” that the government filed under seal (to prevent the public from reading it) but which, apparently by clerical error, was placed on the public access docket. In this notice, the government bitterly complains that information had been leaked (and picked up by The New York Times) about one of the FBI’s confidential human sources, one Greg McWhirter.

McWhirter, a black Montana deputy sheriff, had risen in the Oath Keepers organization to the rank of vice president. Rhodes often mentioned him as evidence that the Oath Keepers was not a racist organization. During all this time, however, it appears McWhirter was an FBI informant or agent. To add yet another layer of nefarious FBI conduct, and this a bizarre one,  Rhodes defense counsel were planning to call McWhirter as a witness, apparently  to expose his role as an agitator. Yet, as the FBI informant boarded the plane for his scheduled court appearance, he suffered heart trouble and could not testify. He is only 40 years old.

Intimidation of Defense Witnesses

It is undisputed that the FBI visited certain defense witnesses shortly before they were to testify, supposedly to apprise the witnesses of the consequences of testifying in certain ways, i.e., that the witnesses themselves might be prosecuted. The defense rightly objected to these FBI visits, but Judge Mehta seemed untroubled by them. But who among us would not be intimidated if before we were to testify in a highly charged political trial we were visited by the FBI, who warned us we could become targets for prosecution if we testified in certain ways?

Coerced Plea Agreements

Numerous reports from The Epoch Times, the Patriot Freedom Project, and other sources catalogue a long list of serious abuses inflicted on the Jan. 6 defendants while they were held without bail in pretrial detention. Physical beatings, deprivation of medical care, long periods in solitary confinement, deprivation of contact with family and the outside world, repeated verbal attacks—these are only some on the list of abuses.

In addition to these instances of misconduct by the DOJ and FBI, there is another important issue that hopefully the defense will raise on appeal, namely the court’s refusal to transfer venue out of the District of Columbia. The defense presented evidence showing that 71% of D.C. residents were predisposed to find the Jan. 6 defendants guilty, a number that actually seems an underestimate.

Moreover, the defense pointed out that the potential jurors were found qualified despite manifest indications of bias, including one who said they were so afraid of Jan. 6 protesters that he “cried all night, like watching 9/11 on TV” and another who had worked for Congress and was a lobbyist.

In his Kentucky Resolutions, Jefferson, a man often invoked by the Jan. 6 defendants, stated his reasons for opposing the 1798 Sedition law. Political freedom, he said, is founded not in confidence in government but in vigilant distrust of it, and therefore constitutions are necessary to bind down those we are obliged to trust with power.

The shameful Jan. 6 defendant seditious conspiracy prosecutions show how right we are to distrust our government and insist that it be bound down by our laws and Constitution.

Reprinted with the permission of American Free Press.

Glen Allen is an attorney and founder of the FREE EXPRESSION FOUNDATION, a 501(c)(3) charitable foundation dedicated to the defense of citizens denied their Constitutional right to free expression See more at Free Expression Foundation,org,  or write FEF, PO Box 65242, Baltimore, MD 21209-9998

Review: Jews and Crime in Medieval Europe

Jews and Crime in Medieval Europe
Ephraim Shoham-Steiner
Wayne State University Press, 2020.

“Jewish scholars have deliberately disregarded some of the source materials I mine in this book, out of fear of its implications for the image of the Jews, and as part of a long tradition of apologetics. Indeed, I was advised by some colleagues not to pursue the subject.”
Ephraim Shoham-Steiner, 2021. 

Thus begins Ephraim Shoham-Steiner’s Jews and Crime in Medieval Europe— a clear and remarkable enunciation of the sanitized, curated, and paranoid nature of Jewish historiography. The above statement illustrates that, while Europeans and their history have long been open to every group libel and accusation, the writing of Jewish history has always been a careful, censored, self-conscious process, designed in large part to portray Jews in a positive light or, at the very least, in such a way as to bleach out all transgressions. Arguably, Jews also engage in such activity as a form of self-deception, leading to a commonplace self-image of innocence and high self-esteem—which in turn fuels higher levels of ethnocentrism. David Sclar, in reviewing Shoham-Steiner’s text for the Jewish Book Council, comments that “con­tem­po­rary Jews do not gen­er­al­ly view their ances­tors as crim­i­nals. Jew­ish mem­o­ry, shaped by images of East­ern Euro­pean shtetls and the wounds of the Holo­caust, con­jures a past filled with meek Jews sur­viv­ing vile accu­sa­tions, cru­saders, and expul­sions.” Jewish historiography is thus less a relating of some historical truths than the presentation of a doctored image of the past. In other words, it is propaganda. Only in rare exceptions, such as Shoham-Steiner’s interesting text, do we get to see behind the curtain, and what we find there is generally disruptive to the image of the Jews we are used to.

Overturning the Lachrymose Narrative of the Jewish Past

The starting point of Jews and Medieval Crime is that Jewish historiography has been painstakingly focused on apologetic responses to historical accusations and indictments against the Jews. This isn’t an entirely new position, and Miri Rubin, in her introduction to Gentile Tales (Yale, 1999), made a rather memorable comment on the ubiquitous “tedious type of prose littered with disclaimers such as ‘it was alleged’ or ‘the Jews were unjustly accused.’” The expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290, for example, was in large part linked to their activity in coin-clipping (shaving the circumference of coins made of precious metals), and thus fraud and the debasement of the currency. In Jewish historiographical treatments of the expulsion, however, one often finds one of two tedious, disclaimer-filled explanatory strategies. The first is to suggest that Jews were not involved in coin-clipping and that this malicious accusation was manufactured for reasons of politics and bigotry. The second is to admit that Jews were indeed coin-clipping, but to argue that they did it only on a small scale and were forced into this criminal activity through prejudicial taxes and economic distress. Both strategies deny Jewish agency, and deny a “Jewish criminality” as such. Shoham-Steiner, however, points out that there were certainly cases in Europe where Jews engaged in coin-clipping in the absence of economic pressures, pointing out references to the felony in the Lemberg (Lviv) edition of the responsa of the thirteenth-century decisor Rabbi Meir of Rothenburg.

As Shoham-Steiner states, “Jewish crime was not just a figment of the medieval mind and its anti-Jewish biases. As such, it is a social phenomenon that needs to be addressed by historians.” One of the main obstacles to acknowledging Jewish agency is what Salo Baron called the “lachrymose conception of Jewish history.” Shoham-Steiner points out that this involved a

widespread way of writing Jewish history that paints the medieval Jewish experience in bleak colors, focusing on legal, economic, and social discrimination against the Jews and highlighting the persecution, pogroms, and blood libels they suffered from. Baron argued that the template used by Jewish historians was that of “the history of suffering and scholarship,” a phrase coined by his teacher, Heinrich Zvi Graetz. Acknowledging the existence of Jewish crime and a Jewish underworld would undercut the lachrymose agenda. Crime exemplifies empowerment and vitality, contradicting the bleak picture of a subdued and disempowered minority.

One of the more important observations found in Shoham-Steiner’s text is that Jews constituted a privileged elite, and these privileges extended to the area of crime and punishment. A common punishment for thieves in medieval Europe was trial by ordeal, most often involving the passing of the hand through flames. Shoham-Steiner points out that “immunity from trial by ordeal was one of the most important privileges obtained by Jews from the Carolingian regime in the ninth century.” Shoham-Steiner discusses one case in which a gentile thief acted at the behest of a Jewish crime lord named Shimon, but declined to name Shimon when he was caught and legal proceedings began. Shoham-Steiner comments that

when it came to the law of the land and the long arm of the authorities, the Jewish instigators and the gentile thieves did not stand on equal ground. … The gentile thief’s capitulation to Shimon’s intimidation was probably a product of his understanding that Jews with Shimon’s affluence and social standing would be favoured by authorities and their illegal activity ignored or overlooked, while [the gentile’s] illegal actions would cause him harm.

Fraud

It seems a commonplace of Jewish history and contemporary life that Jews tend to be over-represented in financial crime. Despite lackluster Jewish apologetics on this issue (Abraham Foxman’s Jews and Money: Story of a Stereotype being a particularly risible example) white-collar crime and a drive for wealth accumulation has been well-established by empirical academic studies as the most prominent feature of the Jewish criminal profile. In 1971 A. Menachem of the Berkeley School of Criminology published a study in Issues in Criminology titled “Criminality Among Jews: An Overview.”[1] Menachem argued that “the Jewish crime rate tends to be higher than that of non-Jews and other religious groups for white-collar offenses, that is, commercial or commercially related crimes, such as fraud, fraudulent bankruptcy, and embezzlement.” In 1988, Yale University’s Stanton Wheeler published “White-Collar Crimes and Criminals” for the Yale Law School Legal Scholarship Repository. Among Wheeler’s findings were that while Protestants and Catholics were under-represented among white-collar criminals relative to their share of the population, Jews were over-represented to a very large degree (2% of the population, 15.2% of white-collar convictions). Wheeler states that “It would be a fair summary of our data to say that, demographically speaking, white-collar offenders are predominantly middle-aged white males with an over-representation of Jews.” While Stanton’s statistics are enlightening in themselves, a more detailed picture emerges in David Weisburd’s Yale-published Crimes of the Middle Classes: White-Collar Offenders in the Federal Courts (1991). Here Weisburd informs us that although Jews comprise only around 2% of the United States population, they contribute at least 9% of lower category white-collar crimes (bank embezzlement, tax fraud and bank fraud), at least 15% of moderate category white-collar crimes (mail fraud, false claims, and bribery), and at least 33% of high category white-collar crimes (antitrust and securities fraud).[2]

It’s really not all that surprising then that Shoham-Steiner finds fraud to be one of the most prominent Jewish criminal categories of the medieval period. Shoham-Steiner relies heavily on rabbinic responsa (case law) in order to flesh out his analysis of Jewish criminal activity, and this often involves “reading between the lines” of rabbinic injunctions. He points out that many of the regulations contained within Sefer Hasidim, a thirteenth-century collection of ethical, ascetic, and mystical teachings of the Ashkenazi Jews, take “as a given that Jews habitually dealt in stolen goods and traded in them regularly; implicitly, it permitted Jews to buy, sell, or accept as collateral goods without reference to their provenance, as long as they were not objects of religious significance.” This last proviso was included not as a form of deference to the sensibilities of the host population, but as a matter of Jewish communal security. Shoham-Steiner argues that it was thought “extremely dangerous” for Jews to trade in such items because “gentiles were likely to believe that the objects were obtained not for commercial purposes but for acts of religious desecration, mockery or sorcery. Such dealings thus put not only the trafficker but the entire community in danger.”

Aside from the trade in stolen goods, there are examples in the text also of common fraud, such as the selling by Jews of “silver” objects to gentiles that were later discovered to be composed primarily of copper. Shoham-Steiner refers to the late-fifteenth-century ethical codes and communal regulations of the Jews of Candia (modern Heraklion in Crete), arguing that “the language suggests that Candian Jews were indeed stealing from, defrauding, and lying to gentiles, creating animosity towards the community.” As David Sclar points out, the text “erad­i­cates any notion that the Jew­ish minor­i­ty had nei­ther the where­with­al nor the incli­na­tion to engage in illic­it activ­i­ties.”

A particularly interesting section of the book contains some information on Jewish involvement in occultism during the period. One of the common accusations of the medieval period against the Jews was that of ritual murder, as well as host desecration and other crimes of a specifically anti-Christian or quasi-demonic character. The common rejoinder is to rely on a notion of Jewish piety, and to stress there is no place in the Judaism for such dark machinations. Shoham-Steiner, however, makes interesting reference to Hebrew books of spells, including one from early fifteenth-century Italy. One spell in the book instructs thieves on how to use body parts and magic in order to carry out a successful theft:

And the thieves that go from one house to another take the hand of the dead with them. Once they enter a house they can place it in the middle of the room, and this way it causes everyone in the house to shiver and to fall asleep. And they take four burning candles and they throw diamond dust on the candles. Then they place the candles in the four corners of the house and it seems to the house dwellers that the house is rolling and moving. And when the thieves wish, they take the hand of the dead and place it on the heart of the owner of the house and they ask him where he has hidden the keys to the gold and the silver hidden in the house and he tells them about all his belongings.

Sex Crime 

Shoham-Steiner includes a substantial chapter on Jewish sex crime, especially prostitution. In one case, a Jewish cantor was accused of stalking a woman he apparently claimed to believe was a prostitute. In any case, there have been a number of significant historical incidents where anti-Jewish attacks by gentile populations have been provoked by Jewish sex crimes, illicit behavior, and a general tendency among Jews to cause a deterioration in the sexual morals of the surrounding culture. In his Cornell-published The Sephardic Frontier: The Reconquista and the Jewish Community in Medieval Iberia Jonathan Ray comments that “sexual permissiveness in general, and relations with non-Jews in particular, were often cited by Jewish reformers as the cause for communal instability and anti-Jewish attacks by Christians.”[3] Ray also cites cases where Jewish religious figures were proven to have engaged in sexual activities with prostitutes and young boys.

Many of the ritual murder stories from the period, of course, have sex crime subtexts, since many of the young boys alleged to have been murdered by Jews were found naked as well as wounded. There were indeed cases during the period where Jews had violently attacked Christians in acts of genital mutilation. Paola Tartakoff in Conversion, Circumcision, and Ritual Murder in Medieval Europe points out that in England in 1202 “a Christian named Robert of Sutton accused a Jew from Bedford named Bonefand of having ‘wickedly had [Robert’s nephew Richard] emasculated,’ and thereby caused him to die.”[4] The case may have been an act of punitive castration, which was common in the period, but it nevertheless illustrates Jewish agency in committing acts of violence.

Jews are well-documented in the contemporary record as having been users of gentile prostitutes, pimps, and as brothel owners. However, as with other categories of crime, Jews enjoyed privileged and protected status. Shoham-Steiner is forced once more to rely on interpretations of the unmentioned in rabbinic responsa, rather than the direct archival record, but what he infers is a broad swathe of Jewish sex crime, both inside the Jewish communities of medieval Europe and also Jewish criminal activity directed against Europeans. This is broadly in keeping with the findings of Trevor Dean in his Cambridge-published Crime and Justice in Late Medieval Italy, in which he states that, “the prosecution of Jews for sexual offences was was quite rare — fewer than a dozen cases have been found across two hundred years of Perugia’s history — though it is claimed that the statements of rabbis, preachers, and moralists of both religions suggest much greater frequency.”[5]

Conclusion 

As suggested by my references to earlier published works, Ephraim Shoham-Steiner’s text is not entirely original in its pointing to historical Jewish criminality, but it is certainly noteworthy for the directness of its focus. Texts like these are important for a number of reasons. First, books published in the academic mainstream by respected publishing houses carry some weight, and it is a rare and welcome event that a book focusing on negative aspects of the Jewish past should see the light of day under their imprint. Second, the content of such books is crucial to a developed understanding of Jewish influence in the past and present. Key themes such as the privileged and protected status of the Jews, the censored nature of discussions about Jews and their past, and empirically proven instances of negative Jewish behaviors are invaluable in terms of overturning entrenched concepts of Jewish innocence and Jewish victimhood. Third, they are important in crystallizing our understanding of Jewish behavior in the present. The Jewish relationship to financial crime, for example, is not a matter of stereotypes but a trajectory of significant historical pedigree. Jewish financial crime is not a figment of a bigoted imagination, but runs deep into the earliest origins of the Jewish community in Europe.

As Shoham-Steiner makes clear, Jews “were indeed stealing from, defrauding, and lying to gentiles.”


[1] A. Menachem, “Criminality Among Jews: An Overview,” Issues in Criminality, Volume 6, Issue 2, (Summer 1971), pp.1-39.

[2] D. Weisburg, Crimes of the Middle Classes: White-Collar Offenders in the Federal Courts (Yale University Press, 1991), p.72

[3] J. Ray, The Sephardic Frontier: The Reconquista and the Jewish Community in Medieval Iberia, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006), 172.

[4] P. Tartakoff, Conversion, Circumcision, and Ritual Murder in Medieval Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2020), 55.

[5] T. Dean Crime and Justice in Late Medieval Italy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 149.