How the Jews won the Battle of Charlottesville

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“We have been working on the ground and behind the scenes leading up to, during, and after the rally.”
Anita Gray, regional director of the Anti-Defamation League.

It was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the high point in a period of increasing Alt Right confidence and activism, and it was the moment that marked our first major clash with the globalist hydra. In the wake of Charlottesville, the System that we now find ourselves in more or less open conflict with has followed its dissemination of false narratives of the day’s events with opportunistic boldness and a series of actions. In the first few days after ‘Unite the Right’, an event which saw the apparently co-ordinated ambush of White Identitarian attendees, various arms of the Alt Right have suffered logistical attacks on their internet-based activities, Steve Bannon has left the White House, the myth of the ‘right wing extremist’ has been resurrected with a vengeance, and dangerous precedents have been established on the vital issues of internet freedom and freedom of speech. We are, to a greater degree than any point in recent memory, backed into a corner.

However, despite these strained circumstances, and the hectic and confused media coverage of events in Virginia, it is crucial to understand that none of these actions and reactions against the Alt Right have been spontaneous or ad hoc. Rather, what we have witnessed is the culmination of intensive efforts by our opponents to forge a hegemonic anti-White interface encompassing Jewish ethnic activists, the police, all levels of government, Antifa, and the incentivized agents of globalism and Cultural Marxism. In the following essay I want to step back from the finer points of events in Charlottesville in order to illustrate and contextualize some of the broader patterns of Jewish activity that are in evidence. Read more

Feelings and Thoughts on Charlottesville

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Like everyone—in the world, really—I was riveted by the events in Charlottesville.   What came up for me:

My first reaction was elation and gratitude.  How about this!  White people—organized, and doing it publicly—standing up for their heritage and race, standing up for people like me, standing up for me.  When has this ever happened before?  Nothing comes to mind, and I’ve been around forever — I’m bearing in on eighty.  Thank you.

And they were doing it with such remarkable dedication and courage.  Richard Spencer and the other leaders had to know the physical peril they were putting themselves in; much less assaulted, they could have been shot.  The participants in this endeavor had to know they’d be trashed, not applauded, for doing what they believed in their hearts, and very arguably, was the right thing to do, and that it could even cost them their jobs, their livelihoods.  I was involved in anti-Vietnam War protests and, yes, black civil rights activities in the sixties and had nothing at all to lose doing it.  In fact, it was a good way to improve my social standing, including with women; it picked up my love life.

The Charlottesville protest had special personal meaning to me.  While I grew up in the North, the Griffins are from Georgia and my grandfather fought for the South in the Civil War.   That’s right, my grandfather—not my great-great-great grandfather—was an adult in 1860.  I know enough about my grandfather to be assured that his participation in that war was not in the defense of slavery and oppression.  And I know enough about history to affirm that the same can be said about General Robert E. Lee.  From the images on television over the weekend, what a magnificent statue of Lee it is, and sadly, I didn’t even know it existed, or that it was going to be removed.  Such an injustice and calculated assault on my race and my ancestors, and the protestors brought that to my and others’ attention.

These upbeat feelings, which persist, have gotten mixed up with some sobering thoughts, however.  Read more

The Silent Sisterhood: How Feminists Collaborate with Rape and Murder

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In one of the most famous passages of his Summa Theologica, the great Catholic philosopher Thomas Aquinas (1225–74) considers this delicate question: “Whether the blessed rejoice in the punishment of the damned?” He concludes that, yes, they do: “the saints will rejoice in the punishment of the wicked, by considering therein the order of Divine justice and their own deliverance, which will fill them with joy.”

Xenophobes in charge

Aquinas reached that conclusion many centuries ago, but it has “contemporary resonance,” as the Guardian might say. What do nations like Hungary, Poland and Slovakia feel as they watch the vibrant enrichment of Western Europe? I think they must be rejoicing in “their own deliverance.” No suicide-bombers for Hungary. No rape-gangs for Poland. No FGM and drug-resistant TB for Slovakia. What’s more: Hungary, Poland and Slovakia don’t want to experience any of these things.

Beast in the East: Robert Fico

To the Guardian and other liberal outlets, this merely confirms the depravity and backwardness of politicians like Viktor Orbán, Beata Szydlo and Robert Fico, who are the xenophobic prime ministers of these nations. In a shameless rejection of all decent progressive principles, Orbán, Szydlo and Fico place the welfare of their own citizens above the welfare of the vibrant vulnerable. Indeed, Fico has crystallized his hate into a single shocking phrase: Islam na Slovensku nemá priestor — “Islam has no place in Slovakia.” Ach, if only he would consider what Slovakia is missing:

Indian Muslim woman ‘raped and murdered in honour killing’ after starting relationship with Arab man

An Indian Muslim teenager involved in a relationship with an Arab man was kidnapped, raped and murdered in a suspected “honour killing” in London, a court has heard. The body of Celine Dookhran, 19, was found stuffed in a fridge with her throat slit after a second woman who was also attacked raised the alarm from her hospital bed.

The two women were said to have been bound, gagged and kidnapped by masked men on Wednesday. They were taken to a house in Kingston-upon-Thames, south-west London, where they were both raped and Ms Dookhran was killed.

Mujahid Arshid, 33, of no fixed address, appeared before Wimbledon Magistrates’ Court on Monday charged with the murder, attempted murder, and two counts of rape and kidnap. He appeared alongside Vincent Tappu, 28, of Acton, west London, who stands charged with kidnapping both women. (Indian Muslim woman ‘raped and murdered in honour killing’ after starting relationship with Arab man, The Independent, 25th July 2017)

 

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Trump’s Tergiversations on Charlottesville and Their Significance

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In the immediate aftermath of last weekend’s rioting and death in Charlottesville, VA, Pres. Donald Trump stated: “We condemn in the strongest possible terms this egregious display of hatred, bigotry and violence on many sides.”

This is about the best statement on the matter we could have hoped for from the President of the United States. In judging it, we should bear in mind his limited knowledge at that time about what had actually transpired in Charlottesville, as well as his limited knowledge of the case to be made for pro-White advocacy. The President seems to have sound instincts. He understands that as President it is his duty to condemn civil violence and lawlessness whoever commits it and however it may be motivated, and that is what he tried to do.

Predictably, a hurricane of abuse came down upon his head, perhaps best typified by John Oliver’s criticism that “it doesn’t get any easier than disavowing Nazis.” Only a Nazi, after all, could object to the removal of a statue of Robert E. Lee.

Two days later, under intense pressure, the President made a second statement which checked off all Cultural Marxism’s mandatory boxes, denouncing racism, the KKK, David Duke, Neo-Nazis, White Supremacists and people who hate cute little puppydogs. This caused consternation on our side, where some felt Trump had betrayed his supporters (see, e.g., Hunter Wallace’s remarks here). Yet it also met with little to no positive response from the anti-White establishment either: the headlines read not “Trump Denounces Racism,” but “Trump Waits Three Days to Denounce Racism.”

The President may have learned something from this experience, subsequently tweeting:

Made additional remarks on Charlottesville and realize once again that the #Fake News Media will never be satisfied…truly bad people!

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Caste Masculinity: Sports and the War on White Manhood

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The Greek orator and statesman Pericles has given us the following aphorism. “We do not say that a man who takes no interest in politics is a man who minds his own business; we say that he has no business here at all.” This has been reduced many times in the wider vernacular, especially as, “While you may not have an interest in politics, politics has an interest in you.”

Regardless of how the principle is stated, it is obviously true. It is also certainly true for sports as much as for politics. There are certain elements on the dissident right that believe sports are merely a diversion that should be shunned, especially as a mass spectator event (except for Nascar and other implicitly-White sports). Others believe that there is something in the European soul that craves mock-combat that relies on a mixture of skill, aggression, and heart — activities like wrestling that celebrate and hone the martial virtues.

A people cannot pin their entire hopes on feats of athletic prowess (victory must be claimed inside and outside of the ring), but symbols are important and are certainly being used by our enemies to wage ceaseless cultural war against us. A recent egregious example was HBO’s promo of a Cinco de Mayo showdown between Mexican boxing phenom Saul “Canelo” Alvarez and Julio Caesar Chavez Jr., in which the two fighters race toward each other, smashing a wall en route to their faceoff in Las Vegas. The ad is an obvious and-none-too-subtle dig at the border wall proposed by Donald Trump, and a variation on the progressive non-sequitur that the only way to enjoy other cultures is to obliterate the rule-of-law in America. Only this time instead of being lectured that we must forgo our vital interests in having plentiful Mexican cuisine, the message sent by HBO and Oscar De La Hoya’s Golden Boy Promotions is that we can’t watch a boxing match between two Mexican nationals without ceding our sovereignty in exchange for the night of entertainment.

Sports media, of course, is like the rest of the media complex: rife with Jews highly antagonistic toward White America and its prerogatives. Richard Schaefer may no longer be with Golden Boy, and while the Golden Boy himself, former world champion Oscar De La Hoya, may have even bragged about beating one of the biggest Jews to come out of Harvard, he still knows how to play the Shabbos goy game and must know that his “wall” ad warms the cockles of the hearts of all the right people. Read more

“Envying the cruel falcon”: The Anti-Liberal Poetry of Robinson Jeffers Part Two of Two

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This America settles in the mould of its vulgarity, heavily thickening to empire “Shine, Perishing Republic”

Go to Part One.

Modern man’s spiritual and physical weakness, in the understanding of Jeffers, is not just a cause for despair, but is mortally dangerous. In “The Purse-Seine” (1938) the poet recalls watching sardines being gathered in by fishermen at night, and is reminded of this again one evening while looking over a city from a mountain-top. Like the sardines, he imagines the masses of weak and dependent people below being gathered in and controlled by an all-powerful government:

Lately I was looking from a night mountain-top
On a wide city, the colored splendor, galaxies of light:
how could I help but recall the seine-net
Gathering the luminous fish? I cannot tell you how
beautiful the city appeared, and a little terrible.
I thought, We have geared the machines and locked all together
into inter-dependence; we have built the great cities; now
There is no escape. We have gathered vast populations incapable
of free survival, insulated
From the strong earth, each person in himself helpless, on all
dependent. The circle is closed, and the net
Is being hauled in. They hardly feel the cords drawing, yet
they shine already. The inevitable mass-disasters
Will not come in our time nor in our children’s, but we
and our children
Must watch the net draw narrower, government take all
Powers — or revolution, and the new government
Take more than all, add to kept bodies kept souls — or anarchy,
the mass-disasters.

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“Envying the cruel falcon”: The Anti-Liberal Poetry of Robinson Jeffers, Part One of Two

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Only the most ardent followers of the right wing nationalists, the lunatic fringe, and the most ardent of Roosevelt haters could, after reading The Double Axe, welcome the return of Robinson Jeffers.
                              St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 1948

In two previous essays I explored the nature of academic ethno-activism in the deconstruction of the cultural legacy of the Modernist poets Ezra Pound and T.S. Eliot. Such deconstructions, which are ongoing, target the posthumous legacies of creative thinkers deemed by the current dispensation to have held quasi-Fascistic socio-political views. The essays on Eliot and Pound were intended as broad overviews of this process of deconstruction, emphasizing the scale of successive critiques and, to some extent, illuminating the psychology of those behind them. Analysis of the actual poetic content produced by those creatives was peripheral. This was partly because, although they have been subjected to withering criticism with the ultimate intention of consigning them to distant memory, neither Pound nor Eliot have yet disappeared entirely from view, and their works continue to be widely sold in bookshops, studied in colleges, and read in libraries. Thus, while Pound and Eliot are being “phased out” culturally, or held up as examples of “bigoted old White men,” the depth and intensity of their fame have meant that they continue to put up a spirited resistance to being forgotten.

Robinson Jeffers (1887–1962), the subject of this essay, has found this task much more difficult. Despite once adorning the cover of TIME magazine (April 4, 1932), Jeffers’s fall from grace began earlier, and has been more complete. Studied only rarely in colleges and almost entirely exiled from bookshops and popular discussion, Jeffers and his poetry are a niche literary interest at best. Even within our circles, aside from a single lecture by Jonathan Bowden (which takes the form of a brief cultural biography and glosses over the content of Jeffers’s poetry), he remains largely ignored or unknown. In part to rectify this, the focus of the present essay will be mainly on the poet’s biography and content, with the deconstructive element relegated to the background.

There are a number of reasons for Jeffers’s descent from the heights of popularity, and these reasons make both the man and his work an interesting study. Within a decade of his appearance on the front cover of TIME, Jeffers found himself pilloried as an isolationist opposed to American involvement in World War II, and even as a “fascist sympathizer” who produced “unpatriotic verse.” Jeffers had attracted increasing interest, and then suspicion, from liberals who reacted with horror to his scathing rebukes of, and deep pessimism towards, their schemes for “human improvement.” A close inspection of the reclusive Jeffers’s works revealed a man railing against the decadence of the inter-war period. Piercing that maelstrom of cultural degeneration, his poetry was a furious cry against cherished concepts like “equality,” “progressivism,” and “social justice.” In Jeffers’s unflinching vision, God and Nature were intertwined, inseparable. Man was “nature dreaming,” and the further Man distanced himself from Nature, natural instinct, and natural law, the further Man descended into weakness and decay. Violence, of a noble, natural kind, is glorified in Jeffers’s poetry, as is normal, healthy, and natural sexuality. Read more