Dunkirk Backstory: Jewish Traitors, Communist Spies, and the Internment of Oswald Mosley’s Blackshirts

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The success of Christopher Nolan’s powerful film Dunkirk shows there is still an insatiable appetite amongst the British public for stories about World War II.  This is partly fueled by the gradual opening of wartime archives which has led to a seemingly never-ending stream of titles about wartime espionage. But there are some fascinating stories which mysteriously no-one wants to pursue.

One such was revealed by Christopher Andrew, the official historian of Britain’s security service MI5, in 2009, when he said in his magisterial history, that at the end of the war there was a ban on the service recruiting any more Jews to its ranks because of fears they would be disloyal. This informal ban stood for thirty years. It was a startling revelation, but produced little further comment.

That Jews have a special talent for international espionage is hardly news. Their role as a diaspora population coupled with their insistence that they be recognized as full citizens of whatever territory they happen to be occupying gives them unique advantage. But it is a quality that can be a two-edged sword for the host population.

For a good example we need to travel back in time to 1942 to a sprawling Regency house in Oxford’s Woodstock Road where a puzzled policeman is staring high up at a radio transmitter cable that has been slung between the big house and an adjacent former coachman’s cottage. It strikes the policeman as unusual in wartime when there was a strict ban on private radio transmitters. He reported this to MI5 and added that ‘you might think this worthy of further inquiry.’ The file shows that someone in MI5 has marked the paragraph of special interest. Yet no further action was taken.

It’s understandable why the police would want to tread carefully, as that Regency house was occupied by a very important person in British public life. For the previous six years Neville Laski QC had been President of the Board of Deputies of British Jews. In this role he had been much concerned with gaining admission to Britain for thousands of German Jewish refugees and was enthusiastically assisted by his wife Sissie, the daughter of a rabbi and the sister of a prominent member of the Communist Party. It was probably at a temporary refugee shelter in London that Sissie met Ursula and Len Beurton and it might have been out of sympathy for this intelligent young family’s predicament that the Laskis’ offered them the cottage at a low rent.

But Ursula Beurton was very far from being just another poor refugee. Her real name was Ursula Ruth Kuczynski and she had been born in Berlin into a well-off Jewish family of academics of pronounced left-wing sympathies. She had joined the Communist Party in the early thirties, been trained as a radio wireless operator in Moscow and then criss-crossed Europe for the party under the codename of ‘Sonya’. In 1938 she returned to Moscow to be secretly awarded the Order of the Red Banner, promoted to colonel and then sent to Britain to pose as a refugee. Read more

Kulturkampf

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As a woman in the South, it’s not often that I am threatened with being beaten up. But, it happened last night, and the person who threatened me was a White guy.

After finishing up business late in the day, I stopped at a coffee shop to use the wifi.

The place was busy; I took the last available seat in a large chair. Customers came and went. One woman was wearing light flowery layers of fabric from her head to the floor, her face mostly visible. Her husband tended to their drinks as she stood looking away from everyone. It was an unusual sight and got quietly noticed by the customers.

“What do you think about that?” I asked a big White guy down the row from me. “We don’t go for that. I don’t like it,” he said.

The younger guy next to him, also White, was quite talkative, offering opinions on various topics. He veered into immigration, so, I asked him to explain his stance on the immigration issue. “I don’t have a problem with them,” he said, “it’s the system. They need to change the H1 visa system.”

“Can you define the system that is bringing in millions of undocumented and illegal aliens? Who is in charge of that system?” I asked.

He repeated that he didn’t have a problem with any immigrants himself, but that the system needs to be better.

I said, “Millions of illegals don’t care about visas and paperwork; they just walk right in. We have no documentation on them. Millions of undocumented aliens are being forced in on us.”

He emitted a panicked laugh but increased the ante, “You don’t know your history. You need to read some history.’

I do know about Mohammed, though. I didn’t think this guy did. He had said he has a 9-year-old daughter, the same marrying age of Aisha. So, I asked him, “What if a Muslim guy wanted to marry your daughter?”

“I’m fine with that. I’m not racist!” he grinned.

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The tyranny of the courts: The case of Omar Khadr

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Trump supporters are still reeling from the ability of the courts to paralyze his presidency. This is due to a thoroughly biased courts and legal system, filled with liberal lawyers and judges — churned out by ideologically corrupt law schools and universities — who arrogantly impose their tyranny. They sanctimoniously trot out the holy Constitution to say that Trumps’ executive orders are ‘”unconstitutional,” which simply means that liberals disagree with them. They invoke the Constitution as though it were a law of physics: unambiguous, objectively and eternally true. Any reader will know that the constitution is a joke, whose interpretation can change radically depending on who sits on the bench or who tilts the ideological balance of the Supreme Court.

A recent story from Canada puts this in its plainest terms. It is the case of Omar Khadr, a former Al Qaeda fighter who sued the Canadian government for “conspiring with the U.S. in abusing his rights.” The Canadian government recently decided to settle with Khadr for over 10 million Canadian dollars (over 8 million U.S. dollars), although it is entirely mysterious what the responsibility of the Canadian government actually is.

‘Canadian’ Omar Khadr was captured in Afghanistan in 2002 while fighting with the Taliban. (source: Wikipedia)

Here is the story: Khadr is a Canadian citizen and Al Qaeda fighter who was captured in Afghanistan in 2002 during a firefight in which U.S. troops were injured and killed. He was then detained in Guantanamo for about ten years and pleaded guilty, among other things, to “murder in violation of the laws of war.” During that time, he was interrogated on a number of occasions by Canadian intelligence officers doing a normal job of collecting information on one of their citizens accused of terrorism, especially given the fact that he would eventually be transferred back to Canada.

In 2010, Canada’s Supreme Court ruled that these interrogations “offended the most basic Canadian standards of the treatment of detained youth suspects” and that the involvement of Canadian officials in the interrogations violated his rights under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. This Charter is holy scripture in Canada, comparable to the U.S. Constitution or the Civil Rights Act of 1964. It is relentlessly invoked by Canadian liberal activists to justify their endless demands when it comes to protected groups like racial minorities or homosexuals.

This ruling is ludicrous: Khadr was detained by U.S. military authorities in Guantanamo and it is therefore very hard to blame the Canadian government for that. Moreover, videos of these interrogations exist and were even featured in a propaganda film made by human rights activists—called You Don’t Like the Truth: Four Days Inside Guantanamo—in 2010. This film contains nothing convincing: some of those boring and uneventful interrogations interspersed with interviews of Khadr’s lawyer, cellmates, relatives, and human rights activists complaining (sometimes rightfully) about the conditions of his detention in Guantanamo by U.S. military authorities. But the case for implicating the Canadian government and forcing taxpayers to make a multimillionaire of Khadr is as flimsy as it can be. The legal argument presented by Khadr’s lawyers is twisted and circumlocutory to an extent that only a member of a fashionable minority benefitting from the full support of the politically correct press, activist lawyers and biased courts could possibly sell it. Only the most conspiratorial liberal mind could see a responsibility lying with the Canadian government. Read more

Hypergamy, Affirmative Action and Today’s “Diverse” Workplace: The Replacement of White Males

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Going through boxes of old family records I came across a picture (see below), which was part of a Sunday supplement to the March 22, 1964 edition of Memphis’s local newspaper. The purpose of the supplement was to celebrate the grand opening of First Tennessee Bank’s new skyscraper headquarters on Madison Avenue in downtown Memphis.

The picture is the assembled managerial staff of the entire bank, including all of its branches. Note the lack of “minorities” and women. The photograph, taken at the main banking lobby of the new facility, looks like a casting call for the iconic 1950s era movie starring Gregory Peck, The Man in the Grey Flannel Suit. What struck me most about the picture was how times have changed. I currently bank at three different banks and out of the three there is only one White male working in a position visible to the public. All the rest are women and minorities — predominantly Black women, then Black men, and an occasional White woman. Back then, almost all the bank managers were White males. Today, almost none are.

What to make of this? Some might regard this as poetic justice, but the so-called Civil Rights Movement was sold to the American public on the premise that it was to eliminate discrimination and prejudice based on race. Are we to believe that no White males are better qualified for managerial positions than the current diverse managerial staff, or that no White males want those jobs? Obviously diversity doesn’t mean diversity at all, but rather the elimination of White males from the workplace. Read more

Fiftieth Anniversary of the Detroit Riot: Personal Observations and Evolutionary Analysis

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Fifty years ago, a deadly urban riot began one hot summer night in my hometown of Detroit. It ignited around 3:30 a.m., when police arrested 85 patrons of an illegal after-hours bar in the midst of an all-Black neighborhood that had been all-White 15 or 20 years before.

When the mayhem ended six nights later, 43 people had been killed, 1,189 injured, 7,231 arrested, 2,509 stores had been looted or burned, 690 buildings were destroyed or had to be demolished, and 388 families were displaced.

Detroit’s Mayor at the time was Jerome Cavanagh, a young, bright and ambitious liberal. Elected with near-unanimous support of Black voters, he had aggressively launched anti-poverty programs to make the nation’s fifth largest municipality a model of the Great Society’s War on Poverty. (1).

The rapid migration of American Blacks between 1940 and 1965 from the mostly rural South to the big cities of the North, very quickly increased the Black population from less than 10% to over 30% at the time of the riot. That meant that Detroit, which had about 150,000 Black residents before World War II, had about 600,000 a generation later. In the 1960’s Detroit was dealing with a larger influx of Southern Blacks than all but Chicago and New York.

Conditions of Detroit’s Black Community Before the Riot

Politically correct revisionist historians and sociologists (many of whom are Black) like to portray Detroit’s riot of 1967 as the inevitable rebellion of a people victimized by White racism.  However to maintain this typical liberal view one must dismiss many well established facts that contradict the narrative. Read more