The Netflix series Adolescence, where a White teenager murders a White girl, has resulted in a great deal of commentary, including Tobias Langdon’s TOO article. Until reading it, I had no idea that the media in UK reacted that way and didn’t know that the story was inspired by a real incident with a non-White teenager murdering a White girl. The media doing what it always does: reverse the races when necessary to blame Whites.
The usual reaction is to blame 13-year-old Jamie’s rage on the manosphere, as in this Guardian article:
Jamie’s plight becomes a poignant study of the nightmarish influence of the so-called manosphere – that pernicious online world of “red pills”, “truth groups” and the 80-20 rule (which posits that 80% of women are attracted to 20% of men). It’s a shadowy sphere populated by alphas, “incels”, MRAs (men’s rights activists) and PUAs (pickup artists), whose fragile egos turn into entitled fury. From mocking emojis on Instagram to the dark web and deepfakes, it’s another country to anyone over 40. No wonder parents are, as Bascombe’s son points out, “blundering around, not getting it”.
Initially the pair struggled to work out a motivation for the show’s main character, Jamie Miller (Owen Cooper), until an assistant suggested the pair research the culture of incels, men who see themselves as involuntarily celibate and rail against women online.
Thorne said he bought a burner phone and set up new social media accounts on it, then spent six months “diving into very dark holes” of incel content online. It made him realize, he said, that the grim arithmetic of the incel worldview — the belief that 80 percent of women are attracted to just 20 percent of men, so boys must manipulate girls if they want to find sexual partners — could also seem “incredibly attractive” to many young men.
The 80-20 split is real as anyone who has ever dated realizes (the universal principle of female hypergamy), and this means that many men are frustrated. This is particularly true in polygynous cultures where high-status men are able to have multiple wives. A great strength of Western cultures is that monogamy dampens male competition for females, but there are certainly vestiges of it in the dating arena where wealthy, high-status men have no difficulty dating attractive, desirable women. As usual, the left denies reality in favor of imagining a world where all are equal — where individual differences like intelligence, physical attractiveness, social status, etc. are irrelevant.
But what the Times doesn’t say in that article is that the girl called Jamie an incel on social media and said he would always be an incel. It was extremely cruel for the girl to call him an incel in a forum where all his schoolmates would see it. No teenager wants to hear that at an age when social status is everything, especially from a girl. So it was understandable that he was angry. The girl was the bully, Jamie the victim.
Imagine if Jamie had been cast as Black. If a Black teenager was bullied by a White girl, the media would either ignore the whole thing (likely—so it would never be cast that way) or assume that the killing was justified.
You know by the end of the first episode that Jamie is guilty; the police have video of Jamie stabbing Katie. So the central question becomes why did he do it, and the explanation rolls out over the next three episodes. His family is loving, if imperfect, like most families. Jamie’s father, a plumber, is disappointed in him for not being an athlete and doesn’t quite know how to relate to his sensitive, artistic son. Jamie is bullied in school and filled with self-loathing, and he turns to Andrew Tate and other purveyors of sexist online content to make himself feel big.
In fact, there is only one mention in the series where Tate is named, although the writers did say that they wanted to “look in the eye of modern male rage” and examine the influence of public figures such as Andrew Tate on boys. Even though it’s a common theme in the commentary on the show, writers are never explicit about the evidence that he is attracted to the manosphere, although Tate is “namechecked once, the show is not about him. None of the kids ever mention him, which I thought was interesting.”
Yes, interesting. The media goes way out of their way to blame the manosphere but there’s really no evidence in what the viewer sees that the manosphere or “Tate-pilled boys” has anything to do with it. Teenage boys don’t need Tate or the manosphere to be infuriated at being called an incel. Both father and son have a problem with their temper, so the explanation could just as easily be genetic. One has the feeling that the show’s writers jumped on the manosphere theme after the (man-hating) reviews from the left started coming out, or else they would have made it much more explicit.
13-year-old Jamie is actually very good looking but not a big masculine guy, so he’s not going to be a big-time athlete, and it’s true that the father, like many fathers, would have loved to have a big, strapping athlete for a son. But I should have thought Jamie would be attractive to at least some girls. I thought it ridiculous that Jamie had the self-concept of being ugly. Is that what the left has done to White people?
I expected the usual politically correct portrayals of Blacks—virtuous and intelligent—but it’s so common that I hardly get upset about it. It struck me that all the White women were unattractive and out of shape, but the Blacks were physically robust and in great physical shape (the policeman must work out—his arms were very jacked, as we say). And his son was much taller than Jamie and was doubtless chosen because viewers would see him as physically attractive. And of course, the Blacks are presented as intelligent, well-spoken, kind, and not prone to temperamental outbursts like Jamie and his father.
Detective father and son
Notice too the women in the background.
Surprisingly, I thought Jamie’s family were portrayed positively, especially the father—he had a loving marriage and never hit Jamie or his wife, although he did have a temper problem (as did Jamie). It was clear that the father was the head of household (patriarchy!!), so I suppose liberals see that as pathological, although I didn’t see it mentioned. Jamie clearly identifies much more with his father, so, e.g., he chooses his father to be the one person from the family who can sit in on the police interviews. The mother seems surprised and a bit upset about that.
But who can’t sympathize with the parents? Imagine your son murdering a girl and then having to deal with the fallout from the community. The wife wants to move but the husband realizes that the story will get out eventually wherever they are. Their older daughter is devastated.
One can totally understand the father’s rage at the teenagers on bikes who painted his truck with the word ‘nonce‘ (spelled incorrectly), meaning a sexual pervert attracted to children — and an extremely negative thing to call someone in British slang. The teenagers laughed at the family, and the father beat up one of the culprits.
It ends with both parents saying they should have done more. The last scene shows the father (but not the mother) weeping uncontrollably.
https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png00Kevin MacDonaldhttps://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.pngKevin MacDonald2025-04-05 08:02:492025-04-05 08:02:49“Adolescence”: Was the Manosphere Really to Blame?
This is the first in what I hope will be a series of articles about the prosecution – “persecution” may be a better word — of Robert Rundo. To those not acquainted with him, Mr. Rundo has been one of the foremost victims in recent decades of the political weaponization of the American justice system against the Dissident Right. This ignominious process has antecedents reaching back many years. In numerous cases in the last decade, however, this departure from impartial justice accelerated to an almost Soviet Union style disregard for the rule of law. Mr. Rundo’s case exemplifies this.
Mr. Rundo, to be sure, is not the only victim of this weaponization. The list of victims is long, including most of the January 6 defendants, about whom I hope also to write a series of articles. Here are my reasons for writing first about Robert Rundo:
I understand the legal issues in the Rundo prosecution well, especially those regarding the unconstitutionality of the federal Anti-Riot Act under which he was prosecuted and convicted. The Free Expression Foundation filed several amicus briefs in support of Mr. Rondo on that topic.
I have extensively interviewed Mr. Rundo. I intend in my series of articles to quote directly from these interviews, allowing him to speak in his own voice as much as possible.
Rundo’s story has the twists and turns, victories and defeats, loyalties and betrayals, dramas and comic moments of a gripping Hollywood movie. Someday, one hopes, such a movie will be made.
Rundo’s case lays bare Police State conduct by our governments many Americans suspect but few encounter. It is disheartening to confront this reality, as Rundo’s story forces us to do. We cannot, however, take corrective action unless we confront these uncomfortable facts.
Rundo’s case illustrates the power of media to fashion an alternate reality that effectively serves their political agendas. In Rundo’s case, a partisan article by an organization called Pro Publica led directly to his indictment and prosecution and the brutal treatment he received from law enforcement around the world. Rundo should never have been prosecuted, and would not have been prosecuted but for the Pro Publica article.
As a preview that hopefully will whet the appetites of potential readers, here are a few excerpts from my interviews of Mr. Rundo.
RUNDO’S EARLY LIFE
Where did you grow up?
Rundo: Queens. Yeah, New York. I didn’t fit in, school didn’t fit me. Not that it mattered. School was just a factory—overcrowded, chaotic, no one gave a damn about you. They said it was built for 3,000 students, but we had double that. So I learned to disappear. I didn’t need the classrooms. I had the streets. Back then, New York wasn’t full of artisanal coffee shops and overpriced apartments. It was real. It was a war zone, except the guns were invisible. Three blocks, you find your crew. No one calls themselves a gang. It’s just the guys, the crew, a bunch of people trying to exist. We gave ourselves names, wrote them everywhere—tags on walls, on trains, on anything that wouldn’t scream back. I would end up getting charged for that at 15 years old, and they sent me to a juvenile program for a few months. One other white kid in the whole place, 300 of us. The other youths there referred to the program as gladiator school. It was a hardening experience, a wake-up call. I went in naïve and came out red-pilled.
What happened after that?
Rundo: After that, things got complicated. You know, we were just kids trying to survive, but then MS-13 shows up in our neighborhood, and suddenly it’s not just about hanging out and doing stupid stuff. It’s about territory, power, and violence. MS-13 weren’t just some neighborhood crew. These guys were running on a whole other level. A lot of people thought it was a joke until they realized it wasn’t. I had two close friends stabbed by them. No warning, no real reason other than the wrong place at the wrong time. It was ugly. It was real.
By the time I turned 18, I had my own run-in with them. A knife fight—stupid, I know. But when you’re in it, you don’t think about the stupid. You think about survival. I came out on top, but it wasn’t a victory. The guy I got into it with? He had a long rap sheet—he wasn’t exactly some Boy Scout. He didn’t die, which saved me life in prison. I was young at the time and got “street struck” as they say, meaning caught up living.
What was it like in prison?
Rundo: It’s rough for a young white going through the NYC prison system. It’s not like what you see in the movies, with a bunch of skinheads sitting at a table in shades waiting to welcome you. That happens more on the West Coast, but in New York, it’s different. Whites are few and far between and even when there are some they tend to stick to themselves. Most of them are addicts or weirdos. There were very few I encountered I actually respected and would allow to work out with me. For the rest of it, the other inmates are like hyenas. They go for the low hanging fruit most of the time but I grew up a little rough around the edges, so I was able to handle it. Besides that, it is a nightmare of boredom that repeats itself everyday. In total it was lots of working out and reading and in the end it actually disciplined me and broke me out of that street mentality I had going in. I came out much sharper, healthier, harder.
CREATION OF THE RISE ABOVE MOVEMENT
What did you do after you left prison?
Rundo: I left that life behind, simple as that. I had a girlfriend who stuck by me through all of it, which, honestly, I didn’t expect. I started working as a steamfitter in the union—nothing glamorous, but it was honest work. Just the typical grind, you know? But all the while, I kept looking for something more. I had these nationalist feelings.
At one point, I reached out to the only online group I could find. Thought I’d give it a shot, see what it was about. Guy shows up in boots, camo, looking like he’s ready for a combat zone instead of a conversation. And I’m just thinking, this isn’t it. I made an excuse, told him I’d be right back, and just walked away.
A few years later the group Identity Europa started. It was cool, lots of solid people I met, but it was a little too clean cut. It was not what I was looking for; it was better than the guys dressed up in army uniforms and such but at the same time it was very white collar, I guess you would say very suburban but with all the memes and Pepe the frog, I didn’t take it too seriously. I was really looking for guys who have an activist culture and were physically fit and didn’t spend countless hours online posting frog pictures.
That’s when I came across a couple of friends that were Eastern European. They showed me some videos, videos showing Roman statues, showing guys boxing, guys at the pub with their girlfriends, something very normal. That got me actually training heavy into boxing, as I ended up taking it really serious because I was emulating all that Eastern European stuff. So we [formed the Rise Above Movement] and did a banner drop off the L.A. freeway and stickers and boxing and working out. I don’t think anything existed close to that in America or even in the Anglosphere in general. The podcasts that were out there were super vulgar but we wanted to be the opposite, to be clean cut, so if you watch our videos there are no words in the videos and none of us did any podcast interviews that would step against the rules except one guy before joining RAM had posted some over the top stuff and that’s what Pro Publica was able to use against us.
We were well-liked. I would say we were the only group that when we showed up at those Trump rallies, people came up to us and shook our hand and said God Bless you guys for being here. It was different from what you see today. Guys today show up in masks, they don’t interact, if anything they’re confrontational. We were the opposite; we brought flyers, we would speak to normal people, we never came with any flags or anything edgy or arm bands stuff. We were just some All-American guys.
[With RAM] I just wanted to create a vehicle for something positive for young guys like myself. . . . I think of myself when I was 16, how different I could have been if I would have been exposed to something more positive. Every project I do whether its working out with guys, music, videos, clothing, I think of myself when I was 16, would this change me away from the ghetto rap culture I was into that was very dangerous and got me a lot of trouble.
SWAT TEAMS AND THE FBI RANSACK RUNDO’S APPARTMENT AND ASSAULT HIM, OSTENSIBLY TO SERVE A SEARCH WARRANT
Glen Allen Comment: Mr. Rundo and other RAM Members participated in two Pro-Trump rallies in California in early 2017, i.e., Huntington Beach (March 25, 2017) and Berkeley (April 15, 2017). At both rallies Rundo was involved in physical altercations with individuals associated with Antifa. Shortly after that, an organization called Pro Publica published an article and then a video that included photographs from those incidents. By omitting key facts such as the violence perpetrated by Antifa, the weapons they had on them, and their role in instigating the altercations, Pro Publica falsely portrayed Rundo and other RAM members as violent domestic terrorists.
FEF’s future articles will describe the Huntington Beach and Berkeley rallies and the Pro Publica article and video in some depth, but this introduction will skip over these topics for now and describe the massive show-of-force service of a search warrant by a SWAT team and FBI agents on Rundo that followed these incidents:
Rundo: Yeah, it was like something straight out of a movie. Crazy—that’s the only way to put it. There were probably ten of them, maybe more. I lived on the first floor, had a big window right over my bed. They didn’t even bother with the door—they came right through the window, right on top of me, while I was lying there.
They blew out the window first, then tossed in two flashbangs. I’m still half-asleep, trying to process what’s happening when they storm in with assault rifles, stepping over me, on my bed. I got dragged out by my feet, a gun pressed to the back of my head. It was terrifying.
At one point, one of the officers pressed the barrel of his gun into my head, forcing my face into the floor. On top of that, they just wrecked the whole apartment—smashed every single window, ripped open bags of coffee, scattered everything. My clothes, my books—everything was taken. I didn’t even have anything radical in my collection, mostly romance books and some books on Roman history. They took those anyway.
So there I am, lying in my boxers, gun to my head, and they drag me out into the living room. The FBI hadn’t shown up yet. First, it was this SWAT team, all dressed up in elbow pads, helmets. They’ve got my hands behind my back, forcing me to crouch down so my head’s almost touching the floor. I look up, and I see them rifling through my cabinets, tossing cereal and coffee on the floor, just destroying everything.
Do you think this 3 a.m. massive force execution of the search warrant was politically motivated?
Rundo: This is how I knew it was political. They take me out front and basically march me around my apartment complex in my boxers for all the neighbors to see. Then the actual FBI guys come in with their jackets with the lettering on their shirts and all this stuff . . . and they’re like “listen can we speak to you about something?” At the time what I thought happened was we had this problem with these journalists from Pro Publica that were really out to harm us and I thought they had done like a swatting on me and said we had guns or something. So I thought [the FBI] were like looking for something that didn’t exist, you know, because I never owned any firearms. I’m from New York. Guns weren’t something I really got into, so I thought they were just coming on some bad tip that we had weapons or something. . . . so I’m like “yeah, what do you have to say?” and he’s like “were you at Huntington Beach?” Now obviously I was at Huntington Beach; my face was front page on the New York Times for being at Huntington Beach. So I say of course I was there and I’m thinking maybe the guy I got into a fight with died or was injured. So he’s like “you got into a fight at Huntington Beach, right?” and I was like “yeah, did the guy die or something?” and he says “no no the guy’s fine, actually we don’t really know who he is.” Basically he let’s me know they were there in connection with the Charlottesville RAM guys cases but because I wasn’t at Charlottesville, all they had was a search warrant. It was an intimidation tactic; they were saying we got your boys and we’re doing this to you even though you weren’t there, to send a message to you. At the time of this raid there was only the first indictment for the RAM guys at Charlottesville; the second indictment for the California RAM guys was three or four weeks later.
So they end up letting me go. After they finally told me you’re free to go I was like you’re kidding me. I’m in my boxers so I asked the guy can I get some clothes back or something and they had to go into the truck and pull out a pair of jeans and a T-shirt because they took every piece of clothing I owned.
What did you do next?
Rundo: That spooked me pretty hard. I mean, it was a hell of an experience, and I didn’t want to stick around for round two. I had some friends in Eastern Europe—they had a solid nationalist scene going on. I went to a boxing event there once, and I met this guy, a mentor of sorts. He told me, “Come out here. We’ll help you get settled. We’ll find you a job, figure things out.” So I said, “Alright, I’ll make it happen.” I had some savings from working with the union, so I wasn’t totally broke. I bought a flight, but instead of going direct, I took one with a layover—happened to be in the UK.
So I get to Gatwick just a day after they raided my place. I’ve got nothing with me but a few shirts, a book bag, a new phone, and a one-way ticket. Pulled all my cash out of the bank—I was going to figure the rest out once I was gone.
I board the plane to Gatwick and the minute I step off, it’s like I’ve walked into a setup. There’s this formation of airport security, some kind of Intel team. Right away they stop me and ask for my passport. They signal to each other, I’m “the guy” and form a phalanx around me. They march me through the airport in the middle of this phalanx with at least fifteen guys forming a box around me. No one gets near me. No one’s even allowed to look at me.
Glen Allen Comment: Mr. Rundo’s saga is fascinating and important on so many levels that I aspire eventually to compile and expand FEF’s articles about him into a full length book, complete with an appendix that would include, e.g., photographs, Judge Cormac Carney’s opinions (there are two important Judge Carney opinions, one striking down the Anti-Riot Act as unconstitutional and a later one dismissing the Rundo prosecution on selective prosecution grounds; both opinions were overturned by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals), and other interesting and relevant documents.
If you deem this book project a worthy endeavor, all donations to defray its costs will be greatly appreciated.
https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png00Glen Allen, Esq.https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.pngGlen Allen, Esq.2025-04-04 07:25:132025-04-04 07:37:50Soviet Union Style Justice in America: The Political Prosecution of Robert Rundo
It’s quite incredible how brazenly anti-scientific Woke academia — that is to say, basically, academia — is. It’s got to the point of being comical. A study proving that Woke people are mentally unstable has been retracted by a major psychology journal because Woke people, being mentally unstable, were upset by it and felt that it used judgemental language about them; that is scientifically neutral language such as “mentally unstable” and “high mutational load.”
Last summer, the Danish independent scientist Emil Kirkegaard and I had a study proving that Woke people are more mentally unstable than controls accepted in the Scandinavian Journal of Psychology. The rather technical piece, entitled “Do Conservatives Really Have an Advantage in Mental Health? An Examination of Measurement Invariance” was accepted after two rounds of double-blind review, in which the manuscript in reviewed by anonymous experts. In the period between acceptance — when it was placed on the journal’s website — and formal publication, it quickly became the ninth most viewed article in the journal’s history.
This was a problem for Woke activists, naturally, because they tend to be Narcissistic and the study confronted them with what they are and did so very directly. It examined an earlier study which had applied a “Woke Scale” — a series of questions to discern levels of Wokeness — to 4,978 Finnish adults. Kirkegaard and I wanted to discover whether this scale displayed “measurement bias.” For example, one question was: “If white people have on average a higher level of income than black people, it is because of racism.” The original author correlated how you answered with your answers to questions about mental health. The problem is that measures of mental health may work differently on those of high or low levels of Wokeness. In other words, the fact of being anti-Woke, for example, may impact how you answer a question about mental health, meaning that the scale is not “measurement invariant.” We found that the scale was measurement invariant. It was genuinely measuring what was going on. The correlation between Wokeness and mental health was -0.41 and the relationship between Wokeness and anxiety was 0.36. Drawing upon the earlier author’s data, we also found that voters for a give Finnish political party become more mentally ill, in a linear fashion, the more Woke that party’s policies are.
The peer-reviewers asked us to expand our “Discussion” section, to look in more depth at why this might be the case. We presented the theory that it might be significantly for genetic reasons, and presented data to back up these claims: We are evolved to be group-oriented, but Darwinian selection pressures have collapsed since the Industrial Revolution, and so a significant component of the Woke are high in mutational load. This is congruent with their being, on average, both mentally and physically unhealthy, and they display various specific markers of mutation. For example, they tend to have older fathers, and older fathers have more de novo mutations on their sperm. It should be stressed that we only included these issues because the peer-reviewers asked us to. They then reviewed what we had done and recommended publication.
However, on 21st February we were informed by the publisher of the journal (published by Wiley and Sons) that “concerns had been raised” and this study had led to a “post-publication peer-review” — despite the fact that peer-review in science is supposed to be sacrosanct — with the conclusion that there were “major errors” in the article and that they must retract it.
This was a total lie. The new reviews constituted, at best, a series of minor criticisms that — were our article not about Wokeness — would have been addressed in a response piece to which we would have been allowed a right of reply. Their main issues were, in essence, what they called “normatively biased language” and, for one of the reviewers, being unethical by citing “white supremacy advocacy,” though it was unclear which of our purely academic citations fell into this category. Kirkegaard wrote about what happened on his blog “Emil Kirkegaard Things,” and a commenter noted, “Second reviewer clearly used AI. I pasted the “Conflation of Religiosity and Spirituality” section into https://undetectable.ai/ and they said it was 1% human.” So much for ethics! The reviewers also noted a problem with the Wokeness items coding, because we used 32 items, but the scale only has 26 items. However, this reflected issues with the study that we were drawing upon.
Nevertheless, we re-did the analysis in light of this very minor concern and the correlation between anxiety and Wokeness simply increased from 0.36 to 0.37. In essence, they didn’t like the discussion section and this was because it averred that Woke people had a tendency to be mentally ill for genetic reasons and conservatives had a tendency to be the opposite. They claimed it was biased because environmental considerations weren’t explored, but this is never normally a reason to retract a study. Moreover, our study drew upon studies to justify why the environmental view is less parsimonious than the genetic one. Studies that looked at purely environmental explanations do not get retracted, even though they are empirically wrong, and nor do those that portray conservatives in a negative light.
Ironically, then, the forced retraction of our study substantiated completely what it argued: Woke people are mentally unstable, on average. They cope with this be adopting a Narcissistic false self, so that they can feel superior — we literally said this in the Discussion and the new reviewers criticised us for doing so. If you question their false self, such as by proving how mentally ill and high in mutational load they are, they react with Narcissistic Rage and try to destroy you.
Narcissism strongly correlates with Machiavellianism. Having a piece like this in a mainstream psychology journal means they feel you have power over them. They also assume that you’re motivated by power, rather than truth, because that’s true of them. So, the piece must be retracted; you must be symbolically disempowered . . .
But, of course, this completely proves our point and has no bearing on the accuracy — the truth — of the study. Woke Academia is so frightened of the truth that they will retract, on spurious grounds, a major journal’s ninth most read article of all time, one whose results are not in doubt. And why have they retracted it? Because it’s hurt their feelings. And they feel negative feelings very strongly, just as the article proved.
https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png00Edward Duttonhttps://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.pngEdward Dutton2025-04-03 08:16:272025-04-03 08:16:27Academic Study on Woke Mental Instability Retracted By Major Journal . . . Because it Hurt Woke People’s Feelings
What a gift to leftists! For days, they’ve been adulating a television fantasy called Adolescence. In leftist eyes, the show fearlessly confronts misogynist murder and the horrific threat posed to women and girls by toxic masculinity. And in the midst of their hosannas, as though God Zirself wanted to join the fight for females, reality provided a perfect example of misogynist murder and toxic masculinity. A sickening story about precisely those things hit the headlines. The parallels were deeply disturbing. In the fantasy, a misogynist schoolboy stabbed a girl to death — a girl whose only “crime” was to bully him by calling him an incel on social media. In the reality, a “dual heritage” misogynist student killed an innocent woman[1] “in a frenzied stabbing,” as the fiercely feminist BBC put it. The fiercely feminist Guardiannoted that the student had “a fascination for knives and a ‘rage’ against women.” Even more horrifically, the Guardianwent on, “he may have taken sexual pleasure in the killing. [Awaiting trial in prison], he asked a female officer if the killing was making headlines and then masturbated in front of her.”
No parallels drawn
So did the BBC, the Guardian and the rest of the leftist media draw the obvious parallels between fantasy and reality? Did they underline how the case made by Adolescence had been horrifically confirmed by news from real life? No, they didn’t. And they never will. This is because reality didn’t in fact confirm Adolescence. On the contrary, it exposed Adolescence as a giant leftist lie. The villain in the TV fantasy was a White male called Jamie Miller, which is a very English name. But the villain in the real murder-story was a non-White male called Nasen Saadi, which is not an English name at all:
A criminology student with a fascination for knives and a “rage” against women who stabbed a mother to death on a Dorset beach has been jailed for life with a minimum term of 39 years. Nasen Saadi, 21, spent months plotting the attack and questioning university lecturers about how a killer would get away with murder. He kitted himself up with latex gloves, a balaclava, wet wipes and nail clippers to try to avoid being traced.
Mrs Justice Cutts said Saadi had attacked Gray and Miles because he had a grievance against society and against women in particular. Rejection by girls and women had led to a “deeply suppressed rage” and the idea of becoming a notorious killer attracted him. She said he was an “extremely dangerous young man” who thought he had planned the “perfect crime”. […]
The court heard that Saadi harboured strong misogynistic views, repeatedly telling fellow students at the University of Greenwich that women were weaker than men and should not work in certain jobs. It is possible he may have taken sexual pleasure in the killing. While he was being held in the high-security Belmarsh prison in south-east London, awaiting trial, he asked a female officer if the killing was making headlines and then masturbated in front of her.(“Student with ‘rage’ against women jailed for at least 39 years for Bournemouth beach murder,” The Guardian, 28th March 2025)
Dual-heritage misogynist murderers Elliot Rodger and Nasen Saadi
That story is reality and confirms that it’s non-White men, not White men, who pose the greatest threat to women and girls. Accordingly, the leftist media are drawing absolutely no parallels between all-too-real Nasen Saadi and entirely invented “Jamie Miller.” Nor are the leftist media exploring other uncomfortable aspects of Saadi’s horrific crime. The Guardian said that he was “from south London.” It would be much more accurate to say he was from the Third World. In smarmy leftist terminology, Saadi is of “dual heritage,” born in Thailand of Iraqi and Thai parents. In this, he’s like the infamous misogynist murderer Elliot Rodger, also of “dual heritage” and also full of rage at “rejection by girls and women.”
The leftist media definitely do not want to explore those unsettling parallels between Rodger and Saadi, because the real concern of leftists is not to protect women and girls of any race, but to foment hate against men and boys of exclusively one race, namely, the White race. Adolescence is what communists call agitprop, or artistic propaganda designed, without regard for truth or reality, to agitate, arouse emotion, and advance the cause of leftism. The creators of the show have openly admitted that their fantasy was inspired by the real murder of a 15-year-old schoolgirl by a 17-year-old schoolboy in 2023. But that real killer was completely unsuitable for anti-White agitprop. He was Black, tall and athletic but also ugly, and called Hassan Sentamu.
Ugly Black and cherubic White: the real misogynist murderer Hassan Sentamu and the fake misogynist murderer Jamie Miller
Shaheen Baig, the casting director who carefully chose a cherubic White boy to play a murderer (image from Youtube)
That’s why Sentamu was race-shifted into a short White schoolboy called Jamie Miller who looks cherubic, not chilling. This was a deliberate anti-White choice and is central to the way Adolescence joins the leftist war on Truth, Beauty and Goodness. It’s no surprise that the casting director of the show is an overweight non-White woman called Shaheen Baig, who, as the Guardianapprovingly notes, “looked at 500 boys for the part.”
Ugly but virtuous: the women-respecting Black heroes of Adolescence
As Edward Dutton points out in his insightful analysis of Adolescence, the principal Black schoolboy in Adolescence is virtuous, not villainous. He’s the intelligent and sensitive son of the show’s Black hero, the policeman who tries to protect women and girls against deadly White male violence. However, Dutton doesn’t point out another important thing about the virtuous Black schoolboy. Unlike the cherubic-looking White villain, he’s ugly. Again, this was a deliberate choice by the show and its casting director. They wanted to contrast the virtue of an ugly Black with the villainy of an attractive White. As I said in “A Clown Called Chleo,” the fixed principle of leftism is to champion the unnatural, abnormal and ugly. Dutton does point out another example of that leftist principle at work in Adolescence. At one point, a virtuous White man serves as the “appropriate adult” when villainous White Jamie is in a police van. And guess what? The White man is a dwarf with “scoliosis of the spine.” That is, he’s abnormal and suffers from an unnatural condition. As Dutton emphasizes, virtuous characters in Adolescence are never normal White males, who are instead portrayed as either villainous or vapid.
In short, Adolescence inverts reality and wages war on Truth, Beauty and Goodness. And that’s precisely why a possibly Jewish leftist called Jake Kanter has described it as “flawless” and the Guardianhas described it as “the closest thing to TV perfection in decades.” Where Kanter sees flawlessness, I see fapping; where the Guardian sees near perfection, I see pornography. The show is acting as a kind of political pornography for leftists, allowing them to indulge in a frenzied bout of moral masturbation. Just as literal masturbation is about pleasuring oneself without procreating,[2] moral masturbation is about portraying oneself as virtuous without actually possessing virtue or doing good. Indeed, the moral masturbation of the left does serious harm to the objects of its pretended concern. Adolescence inverts and evades reality, rather than confronting it. The Guardianclaims that the show asks “devastating questions.” Wrong! It evades devastating questions and tells leftists what they want to hear, not what exists in reality.
Misogynist master-manipulator
That’s why the show race-shifted the reality of an ugly Black 17-year-old committing a misogynist murder into the fantasy of a cherubic White 13-year-old committing a misogynist murder. And when the show singles out the part-Black Andrew Tate as the misogynist master-manipulator behind little White Jamie’s murderous villainy, it doesn’t explore some “devastating” statistics from a survey conducted in 2023: “Those from a racial-minority background were more likely to view Tate positively — 41 per cent of black respondents and 31 per cent of Asian [e.g., Pakistani] respondents, dropping down to 15 per cent for white respondents.”
In other words, far more non-Whites are fans of misogynist master-manipulator Andrew Tate[3] than Whites are. And yet leftists are pretending that the opposite is true. They’re falling over themselves to heap praise on a TV fantasy that inverts reality, that presents non-Whites, the group posing the greatest threat to women, as the protectors of women, and that race-shifts an ugly Black killer into a cherubic White killer. Leftists love lies, which is precisely why leftists are adulating Adolescence.
[1] The murdered woman was a lesbian and had a “wife,” which would once have made the murder seem even worse to leftists. Today, however, translunacy has made real lesbians no longer special or privileged in orthodox leftism. They’ve even become suspect. See my article “Dykes Are Dull!” for further discussion.
[2]In a sense, the use of contraception makes normal heterosexual sex into a form of masturbation, turning one’s partner into a kind of unusually realistic sex-doll. Some honest homosexuals will admit that the same can be true of all homosexual sex, which is sterile by its very nature.
[3]Interestingly, the misogynist Andrew Tate is of “dual heritage” like the misogynists Elliot Rodger and Nasen Saadi. Tate has an “African American” father and a White mother. But leftists refuse to investigate how criminal behavior may be encouraged by miscegenation and by the psychological strains of having no clear racial identity. Indeed, miscegenation between distant races may even be genetically harmful and affect the brains of mixed-race children.
https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png00Tobias Langdonhttps://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.pngTobias Langdon2025-04-02 07:56:452025-04-03 03:27:54Adulating “Adolescence”: Lie-Loving Leftists Are Morally Masturbating over Anti-White Agitprop
The Sceptred Isle has been colonised without a shot being fired. And people get colonised for a reason. It’s how the British and other imperialist nations were able to conquer Africa, India and China: the native populations were weak, not only economically and technologically, but in their politics and, perhaps above all, in the spirit of their people. After decades of ideological attack and taking refuge in booze, drugs, music and cross-dressing, the English are similarly weak.
If I were to speak like Nietzsche, I’d conclude that we deserve to be conquered. But whether we deserve it or not, we are being conquered. I see no hope for us, and although I’m in despair that I’m going to lose my country to the dregs of the planet, nothing short of a revolution will reverse this.
Sixty years ago, Enoch Powell predicted a ‘river of blood’ when the contradictions between the native English and their invaders flooded over, and a civil war would rage up and down the country. Were such a war to break out, I’d join it in a shot. Unfortunately, as Eliot predicted, the world ends not with a bang but with a whimper. By the laws of history that we helped to create, we deserve everything we’re going to get.
It’s a truism that a people get the leaders they deserve, and in my lifetime we’ve never had a worse political class than we have now, not only in the UK but across Europe. When a country is threatened with invasion by a foreign force, the state usually sends out its military to defend the country and its people. But there is no fleet of cutters patrolling the English Channel; instead, the cherished institution of the lifeboat brigade is used as a taxi service, bringing the hordes to the shore, before their onward journey to 4-star hotels. The state is paying for the invasion with the taxes of the British people. Unless we form a New Model Army and ensure remigration of the invaders, the UK is doomed.
The powers-that-be are brutally suppressing our right to complain about demographic replacement. As with the experimental gene therapies, nobody wants to talk about it because they’re rightly worried about what they had injected into themselves and their children in order to be able to say, proudly and with a masked mouth, that they’re not ‘anti-vaxx’. Similarly, when you tell people who, for thirty years, have swallowed every obscenity of multiculturalism, political correctness, diversity, woke and every other ideology in the furtherance of replacement migration, all they have to fall back on is: ‘at least I’m not racist’.
We’ll find out over the next few years whether the English people deserve to be consigned to the dustbin of history, bred into a mongrel race by millions of sub-Saharan Africans, converted to Islam under Sharia law, or reduced to the lowest rung on the Indian caste hierarchy. Or whether we will rise up and defend our country and ourselves from conquest. Sadly, I think we’re lost. The English working class has been battered into submission and distracted with circuses by decades of neoliberalism, and the self-loathing and hatred of the English is now a cornerstone of middle-class identity.
I’m a little confused by the indifference of our ruling class. Of course, they take limousines on their well-worn path between Belgravia, Eton, Oxford, the Cotswolds and Heathrow, and never or rarely see the catastrophe they’ve allowed to happen in London, Birmingham, Bradford and other platforms of the Caliphate; but do they really want their children (young Tara and Tarquin) to grow up and live in what England will be in ten years’ time? Perhaps the whole lot will move to Switzerland with Klaus Schwab and Ursula von der Leyen. Or, perhaps, they’ve been indoctrinated to the inevitability of their own demise. Charles Mountbatten, our traitor king, has seemingly converted to Islam, so why shouldn’t the rest of his ghastly class?
My one hope is that Putin will do what the Nancy boys in the Élysée Palace (Macron, Starmer and Zelensky) claim he will do: march across Europe and liberate us from the dictatorship of the European Union. If he does, I will most certainly be fighting on the side of the Russians!
History is upon us, comrades. Choose a side. But England’s green and pleasant land is gone forever, sown with the turds of a Somalian refugee, deafened by the Takbir of a Pakistani rapist, sold for a song by an Indian billionaire.
Après nous, le déluge.
https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png00Steven Sticklebackhttps://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.pngSteven Stickleback2025-04-01 07:55:472025-04-01 07:55:47England, their England: Letter from a socialist
At the broadest, most abstract level, when young women in a society succumb to undesirable social trends, and, as the greater evisceration of morals and values that are the foundation for any enduring civilization continues to progress ever further, such developments have a number of deleterious effects on society at large. One of which, the focus of this essay, is how these phenomena contaminate, constrict, and otherwise create tremendous imbalance in the pool of suitable female companions that their male counterparts have available to them in the dating and courtship game, otherwise known as the sexual marketplace. In accordance with basic laws of supply and demand, that reduction in sheer numbers of suitable romantic prospects in the sexual marketplace (i.e., the supply) translates into an increased cost most men will incur in successfully finding a suitable companion and developing a long-term romantic and sexual relationship that, hopefully, will result in marriage and lifelong love and companionship. And children. “Higher cost,” for lack of a better term, signifies the increased competition that occurs between males when there is a smaller pool of suitable female counterparts, as well as the extra time, effort, and money expended in finding a companion in a dating pool characterized by diminished supply and increased competition among male peers. That “higher cost” is expressed in many different ways, including greater time and effort invested in social gatherings to find a female companion, lesser odds and more time frequenting coffee shops and other venues that present the possibility of a chance encounter, fewer suitable women on dating applications with more men vying for their attention, and so on.
Many are incredulous of or resistant to this assertion, but it is readily demonstrated by imagining a microcosm of the sexual marketplace in a self-contained high school or—even better—a small college in a small, isolated college town. Suppose, for these purposes (although in fact there are typically many more women in college than men), that a self-contained, homogenous student body consists of an equal number of men and women of 2500 each, for a combined total of 5000 young men and women. In a default scenario that better reflects conditions in a healthy society, the women are not subject to any number of vices, delusions, or pernicious social manias that ruin them as suitable dating or romantic prospects in this sexual marketplace. In that scenario, their male counterparts enjoy a dating and sexual marketplace that is one for one. Time and effort will be expended in any number of ways to find a sweetheart, but the supply and demand is balanced.
In the alternative scenario—a scenario that reflects the dystopic nightmare that is modern society as it currently exists—the female population is subject to any number of undesirable, destructive, or even insane manias, fads, and social contagions that contaminate and constrict the female dating pool in significant ways. These can range from radical feminism, to hyper-promiscuity that has not only given rise to the “slut generation,” a turn of phrase that had some currency briefly twenty years ago. In fact, the evisceration of sexual mores over the decades has created a succession of generations of such women, going back to the boomers fucking in the mud at Woodstock, smoking pot and dropping acid, before promptly selling out in the 80s before consuming everything and leaving nothing for successive generations.
Hardly limited to these destructive sociological and cultural trends associated with the so-called sexual revolution, the contamination and ruination of young womanhood similarly extends to other phenomena, most notably the transgender menace, which, as Abigail Shrier explicates in Irreversible Damage, has been particularly captivating to a certain subset of young women in the United States, particularly those coming from affluent, liberal White and “fellow White”—that is, Jewish—families predominantly found in urban centers in coastal states. When the female population succumbs to these and other nefarious influences, the hypothetical dating pool drops from 2500 to some number much lower than that. If one were to analogize a scenario where each woman holds a chair and each man must find a woman to allow him to sit down in a variation of sorts of musical chairs, such harmful influences reduce the pool of available chairs by substantial numbers, 2000, 1500, 1250 or lower—more than making up for the female majorities in college. A three-to-two or even two-to one ratio will require men to expend much greater time, effort, and resources in order to find his female counterpart.
This destructive phenomenon is exhibited in a number of harmful, disconcerting trends that pervade the modern world. Before those trends are examined, limitations on perceived notions about individual choice and autonomy, so prevalent in the Anglo-American world, must be established. As set forth in “Thrust Into It All; The Individual Defined by Culture and Circumstance,” what is perceived as individual choice is profoundly determined by a myriad of cultural externalities in ways that even those aware of what Martin Heidegger coined as Geworfenheit[1]can only have a rudimentary, imperfect grasp of. The mother tongue one is born into, any number customs or manners regarding dress and fashion, music taste, and a seemingly unending litany of things associated with both the individual and his contemporaries are predetermined by the time and place one is born into. Women are even more subject to these external influences of the cultural milieu that envelops everyone.
Contrary to the sort of “universally rational actor” imagined in platitudes celebrating the so-called Marketplace of Ideas, people often do not act in rational ways. This is evidenced most immediately by the transgender menace. The population at large is greatly impacted by advertising campaigns that often involve expenditures in the hundreds of millions or even billions of dollars. Those who simplistically object that such matters ultimately come down to “individual choice” never discern that powerful but subversive interests wielding unimaginable wealth would never invest hundreds of millions or even billions of dollars in advertising campaigns if those advertising campaigns were not incredibly effective in peddling harmful or undesirable products and vices, from junk food, to sports gambling, to so many other harmful products and services sold in the name of abject greed, irrespective of the harm to the social fabric and greater good. This is precisely why regulatory bodies and governments have banned or significantly curtailed advertising for cigarettes and other tobacco products: advertising peddling these carcinogenic products worked, and worked quite well.
This very bad life choice is only a choice to a very limited extent, as individuals are propelled to such choices by a confluence of external factors, most notably cultural milieu, as well as groupthink, social contagion, peer pressure, and so on.
Similarly, irrational and even destructive behaviors can rub off on people in truly shocking and irrational ways. This is the social contagion theory—or, rather social contagion fact—that Shrier and others correctly attribute to the transgender menace that has infected a sizeable contingent of young people and even older adults as well, as it has been documented in bulimia spreading among patients interned at a hospital or institution, requiring bulimic patients to be segregated. As set forth in “When So Many Do Jump Off a Bridge,” the phenomenon of social contagion is so powerful that it can even “override the most deep-seated survival instincts” against “suicide ideation let alone carrying out thoughts of suicide to completion. . ..” Indeed, media coverage of instances of suicide is directly correlated with higher rates of suicide. After Marylin Monroe committed suicide, suicides jumped twelve percent.” It is for this reason that media conglomerates have protocols in place to report on newsworthy incidents of suicide in ways that are less likely to induce others to follow suit, including “industry standards that seek to minimize the risk of increased suicide resulting from suicide coverage in the news and other media.” Such standards have even “been promulgated by government agencies like the Center for Disease Control and mass media institutions themselves.” These policy standards include:
· placing an emphasis on how the suicide harms relatives and the greater community;
· always placing suicide helplines and other resources conspicuously in the coverage, whether print or multi-media;
· deliberately refraining from romanticizing or otherwise condoning or explaining the suicide;
· refrain from repetitive, ongoing, or excessive reporting of suicide in the news.
These preambles showing how limited and chimeric individual choice really is are essential for understanding the full import of a number of destructive and harmful cultural trends—trends that are particularly applicable to young women in the sexual and dating marketplace. One such trend that is particularly timely concerns polling data among White men and women, single and married:
Liberal identity has increased by eight to nine points among White women as well as women of color between the Obama and Trump/Biden eras, while it has decreased slightly among both groups of young men.
White married women lean conservative, although that is by the slimmest of margins. Unmarried White men without a college education pull the most to the right, college educated White men somewhat less so. Single, college educated White women pull strongly to the left, however, as evidenced for example in new polling data showing White college educated women are the only remaining contingent of Whites that supports continuation of so-called “diversity, equity, and inclusion” initiatives, as they are the one White demographic that strongly opposes the second Trump administration. This trend has been going on for some time, as seen in how visible White women were in the Black Lives Matter protests and riots in 2020. Indeed, a phenomenon known as “woke-fishing” has gained some notoriety in the past few years, in which single men pay lip service to leftist talking points and platitudes in order to seduce women beholden to leftist delusions. That White women are enamored with leftist claptrap in such large numbers is the most immediate illustration of how these appalling societal trends have a drastic impact on the sexual marketplace. At best such disagreements will hinder the establishment of romantic and sexual relationships, at worst these political and ideological differences will preclude any possibility of such relationships developing between White men inclined to more sensible political and policy positions (a majority of single White men) and women who have succumbed to left-wing groupthink.
An infamous case-study of this is one Chanty Binx, who gained world-wide infamy from her unhinged, misandrist outbursts as “Big Red.” Some readers will object that this woman is not (or was not) attractive. A reasonable position at the time of her infamous tirade, but she actually has nice facial features and was, once upon a time, fairly attractive.
In a lesser-known video in which she has an altercation with a Black preacher named David Lynn at a “pride” parade in Toronto, she is seen younger, trimmer, wearing more becoming and also more revealing clothes. One must of course object to the badge or sticker that reads “slut,” and the caption on her hot-pink tank top that reads “I Don’t Fuck Republicans.”
Several important observations are to be made. First, as far as anyone knows, she never married. But going beyond that, attire that reads “I Don’t Fuck Republicans” is hardly original or unique, as such attire is widely available across a wide array of ecommerce venues and brick and mortar novelty shops in so-called “blue” cities. This is just yet another demonstration of how what is perceived as individual choice is hardly that at all, but rather a set of sociological and cultural phenomena that can be observed on a macro, societal scale. Alas, there are millions of young women just like Chanty, or for that matter Leonie Plaar, better known as Frau Löwenherz.
A similar principal applies to popularity of bad music, something White women are so susceptible to, it has been the subject of various memes on the Internet. Some may scoff at this assertion as trivial or inconsequential, but having similar or disparate tastes in music is often a key factor in the success or failure of a relationship, or whether a relationship is formed at all. A young man who does not like Katy Perry or Taylor Swift or, as has been prevalent now for over 35 years, rap music is to be applauded, but particularly if he insists on finding a companion who does not have such terrible taste in music, he will likely experience greater difficulty in finding a suitable woman who shares more respectable taste in music. The vast majority of popular music favored by White women is awful just in terms of its musical qualities or lack thereof, but so much of this dreck conveys a degeneration of morals and decency as well, from Katy Perry’s T.G.I.F. which makes explicit reference to having a threesome (“We did a ménage à trois”), to an inexhaustible supply of other shit “musicians” hardly deserving of the moniker at all, such as “Cardi B” and “Megan Thee Stallion,” to the downright obscene rap lyrics that have enjoyed strong currency in youth culture for decades.
The transgender menace and the rise of LGBTQ-Yuck similarly apply to this supply and demand dynamic of the sexual marketplace. Some polling data indicates some 28 percent of generation “zoomer” women identify as some form of queer identity, usually lesbian or more likely bisexual because female sexuality, unlike its male counterpart, is far more malleable and prone to bisexuality and even switching from heterosexuality and bisexuality to lesbianism. Some data indicates as much as three percent of women in this generation succumbed to the mad delusion that is transgenderism. Three percent may not seem like a lot, but in the exercise described above of a pool of 2500 young women and 2500 young men, that would take some 75 women “off the market,” and ostensibly 75 young men missing female counterparts. This is compounded by female peers who have been inculcated with this insidious ideology and are trans allies, to say nothing of those who indulge the “gender non-binary” nonsense, so the deleterious effect of the transgender menace on the sexual marketplace is even higher. A far greater deduction from the dating pool is incurred by the increasing numbers of women who dabble in lesbianism and bisexuality as deviancy is defined ever further down.
A sordid collage of “before and after” comparisons posted by young women destroyed by the transgender menace. This is happening as a reproduceable, sociological phenomenon. Some might argue the two individuals on the right are unattractive, so who cares. Both individuals had nice facial features and would have been fairly attractive without the bad haircuts and other accoutrements. For every woman lost, there is a corresponding young man with one less potential prospect in the dating and romance game, i.e. the sexual marketplace. “But why do you care, how does it affect you, personally,” a legion of deranged lunatics and daft simpletons will invariably retort.
The last trend—a macro trend that has persisted with ever increasing strength since the end of World War II and really since the roaring 20s—relates to increasing prevalence and indeed ubiquity of promiscuity and even hyper promiscuity, attended by such pernicious phenomena as the normalization and mainstreaming of pornography, the rise of the cam girl menace, and more recent waves of feminism that attack any sexual standards at all as “slut-shaming.”
Hyper-promiscuity in women presents several problems. There is ample evidence linking high numbers of sexual partners (high body-count in Internet parlance) with chronic succession of dysfunctional and unsuccessful relationships, as promiscuity and especially promiscuity in women is also linked to unfaithfulness in marriage and divorce when they do get married. When large numbers of young women succumb to the “generation slut” ethos, their male counterparts can either compete with their peers for an ever-smaller pool of suitable, virtuous, but still attractive women not subject to such vices, decide that—in this age where love, beauty, and honor have all but died—the best recourse is to mitigate damages, sow wild oats of his own and seek sexual comfort where it avails him until he finds true love, if he ever does, or embrace celibacy for a prolonged, indefinite period of time while subject to intense sexual urges attendant by high testosterone experienced by healthy young men. Because of the ever-diminishing supply of suitable female companions, the least fortunate are nudged into involuntary celibacy.
Several considerations concerning the rising ubiquity of promiscuity and hyper promiscuity in young women warrant further elaboration. Two prioressays by this author concerning this matter have discussed at some length a disconcerting New York Times article entitled “The New Math on Campus” published in 2009, which describes and analyses the campus dating scene at the time. Of particular note is the account given by a sorority girl whose boyfriend fucked five or six or her sorority sister “friends” that “she knows of;” the term “friend” is somewhat loosely applied given that Greek life is a system whereby rich, affluent White kids pay others to be their friends and because of the “frenemy”[3] dynamic that has likely always characterized female friendship, but particularly so in regards to middle and upper middle class, largely suburban white women in the United States. This one anecdote, that can be replicated millions of times over, demonstrates a fundamental distinction between male and female sexual attraction, in that women are attracted to male promiscuity, partly because male promiscuity provides social proof, also known as preselection.[4]Women like this sorority girl do not view such caddish behavior as a red-flag portending future infidelity or any other number of problems; they see it as validation. “Other pretty girls had sex with him, so he is good enough for me” is the rationale of the estrogen-ridden mind of the sorority girl archetype.
With the rise of cuckoldry fetishism, polyamory, and other odious developments in culture and society that have eviscerated sexual norms and mores, there is some qualification or limitation to this distinction, but by and large most men would not find an otherwise highly desirable woman more desirable because she had sexual relations with five or six of a potential suitor’s friends. To be crude, right thinking men—right in more ways than one—would prefer not to kiss that mouth, or to “stick it or lick it,” sensibly eschewing any such offering of “sloppy seconds.” Men who have succumbed to a greater or even lesser extent to the erosion of sexual norms and mores at best regard a woman’s promiscuous behavior as neutral, not—in the absence of a cuckoldry or other harmful fetish or pathology—as a positive, except insofar as such indications of a woman’s loose morals may, depending on the circumstances, offer greater chances for an “easy lay.”
Another consideration that must be emphasized is the degree to which women are consensus driven. This means tolerating, normalizing, or, even worse, condoning various forms of undesirable and even pathological sexual behavior in both men and women fuels this consensus driven groupthink that women in particular are so very susceptible to. A survey of norms and mores in modern society shows a consensus has shifted dramatically in favor of rampant promiscuity and abject profligacy, particularly in young women. In American colleges and universities, fraternities have long ago leveraged an unfair advantage centered around female hypergamy that emphasizes social status, group socializing, and the like. This attribute of American fraternities has existed and indeed proliferated for over a century, as Willard Waller documented this phenomenon in an important and influential essay entitled “The Rating and Dating Complex.” Published in 1937, this essay describes a dating and sexual hierarchy Waller calls the “rating and dating complex,” with select fraternities at the top, “unaffiliated” men at the bottom. Participation in social activities, having a nice car and clothes and a “a copious supply of spending money” are all criteria for this higher status. Fraternities have gamed the system in large part by regularly hosting parties in which sorority women and select unaffiliated women are invited, but not unaffiliated men, with some very limited exceptions. This creates a lop-sided sexual marketplace with a favorable ratio of women to fraternity men, while creating an unfavorable ratio for “unaffiliated” men frozen out of the frat parties. These tactics have continued over the past century, as Jana Matthews has documented.
More cynical readers might wonder what the appeal of fraternity men might be, as that term is often paired with slang terms such as “frat boy asshole” and “frat douchebag.” The key to understanding such questionable sexual selection is social consensus among young women and how women, as a general rule, place an overriding emphasis on group socializing. Fraternities throw partiesand indeed have an unnatural monopoly[5] on such parties. This monopoly capitalizes on how women are driven by consensus, socialization, and the like with remarkable efficacy; women, particularly young women, love parties. The sophisticated manipulation of female sensibilities by fraternities at an institutional level is attended by womanizing and the “hook-up culture” that some women complain about at a superficial level, but who by and large go along to get along. Actions and behavior always speak louder than words.
Another disconcerting trend relates to the rise of OnlyFans and other sex webcam services. Although anecdotal, young men using dating applications such as Tinder and the like report it is very common that potential dating and romantic prospects have resorted to performing sexual acts on these platforms, an experience that is reported anecdotally with increasing frequency. Women and particularly college-aged women are resorting to a number of so-called “sugar daddy” websites exchanging “companionship” (i.e., sex) for the generosity of wealthy, usually older men. One notorious article indicates that 56,000 women university students in the United Kingdom resort to some form of sex work. Furthermore, one of the more tiresome but shocking mantras of the left is “sex work is work,” normalizing and even championing the phenomenon whereby large contingents of desirable young women prostitute themselves in any number of ways, whether by “performing” in pornographic material, doing sex acts on OnlyFans or other webcam streaming sites, or acting as de facto escorts on the number of “sugar-daddy” websites.
The hook-up culture gamed at an institutional level by fraternities as well as the proliferation of young women resorting to offering a variety of different sexual services described above creates a terrible, unsustainable imbalance in the sexual marketplace in a multitude of ways. First, unless a young man comes from a wealthy family that affords him “copious amounts of spending money,” a new car, and so on, he will not be able to match desirable women who make thousands of dollars a week prostituting themselves on sex cam sites, being an escort to “sugar-daddies,” and the like. This afflicts the vast majority of young men with an insurmountable disadvantage given female hypergamy. A college-aged woman making a thousand dollars or more a week performing sex acts on webcams is unlikely to be interested in a male peer who more closely conforms to the poor student stereotype of yore. Nor does it matter that high earners on these sites are an exceptional outlier, because OnlyFans, Chaturbate, and the like have set forth a somewhat successful propaganda campaign convincing large numbers of the populace that making large amounts of money is typical, and not an exceptional outlier: perception so often counts much more than reality. In addition to this imbalance in the sexual marketplace where the most alluring White women can make exorbitant sums of money by prostituting themselves in a number of ways, the above-described dilemma facing would-be male suitors is intensified yet further: look among an increasingly fewer number of desirable women who remain virtuous, likely entailing a prolonged state of celibacy, compromise one’s morals and seek sexual comfort because that is all that is left in this degenerate, broken society, or resign one’s self to indefinite, perhaps permanent celibacy.
Unfortunately, the manner in which large contingents of American society condone and endorse this sort of moral dissolution is pervasive, as demonstrated by how most regard the wanton profligacy and womanizing that is rampant in various elite institutions, from Hollywood, to Wall Street, to, worst of all, professional sports. Mainstream American society not only fails to stigmatize or denounce the way elite men at the top, mostly by way of wealth, fame, power, and social status, procure large numbers of the most alluring women for their sexual gratification, this society encourages and celebrates it. Hugh Hefner was celebrated for keeping harems of the most desirable women on the planet—literal Playboy centerfold models—with no mind as to how this normalizes and condones this behavior, or how women, being consensus driven, take cues from the women they perceive, with good reason, to be the most desirable. This has gone on for decades, and is now exhibited in the lecherous behavior of Leonardo DiCaprio and other wealthy, powerful, and famous men who openly flaunt sexual conquest with untold numbers—certainly in the hundreds if not thousands—of the most alluring and desirable women on the planet: the well-known archetype of the beauty queen from rural Wisconsin or Idaho, as well as various countries abroad who comes to Hollywood to try and make it as a model or actress. Some derisively call such sexual fodder “mattresses,” an amalgamation of the two words “model” and “actress.” Far more disconcerting still are certain rightish or right elements on social media that correctly denounce feminism, but actually celebrate the sort of behavior DiCaprio and others have become famous for. Such persons are quick to deride women for “riding the cock carousel,” replete with quips about “empty egg cartons,” but fail to condemn or respond to how men like DiCaprio are part of the problem; such behavior worsens the imbalance of the lop-sided sexual marketplace not just by ruining those young woman he uses for sexual gratification (does anyone think such “damaged goods” are suitable as wives or even girlfriends?), but by setting a perverse social standard precisely because of how consensus driven women are. Such behavior gets even worse with instances such as Bill Belichick, former coach of the New England Patriots, who is 72 and is “dating” Jordan Hudson, some 24-year-old Tussi.
God Bless America? NO!
As has been stressed time and again by this author, the sorts of women who degrade themselves by being objectified by men like DiCaprio, Belichick, and others of similar ilk, including most especially Hugh Hefner back in the day, are not outliers, not exceptions, and indeed are hardly capable of individual choice as the term is properly understood, but are part of a larger cultural and sociological trend, a recurring theme in a sick and degenerate culture, to the extent one can call it culture at all. This trend is not resisted in any meaningful way, as most “normy-tier” conservatives simply quip “they are consenting adults, what business is of it anybody else?” Compare and contrast with more reactionary movements of the past that are not so beholden to such moral relativism, but instead act with unwavering conviction and merciless brutality.
These are not, it must be stressed, individual choices in an absolute or even true sense, as naïve assumptions in the Anglo-American tradition suppose, but cultural and sociological trends exhibited on a macro, societal scale and therefore require a remedy at a macro, cultural level. Indeed these destructive trends act in tandem with a certain compounding effect not unlike compound interest or the snowball effect. Reduce these and other harmful sociological and cultural phenomena to the hypothetical dating pool envisioned earlier. Three percent of women deducted for falling to the transgender madness, another unknown contingent for supporting such mad delusion as a “trans ally,” ten to fifteen percent, usually the most desirable white women, belonging to sororities and all the Bacchanalian debauchery that entails. Then another five, ten, fifteen percent who partake in so-called sex-work, again with the numbers weighted to those more attractive who could undertake such endeavors with at least some prospect of “success.” Then of course one must factor in that college educated white women are the only white demographic that leans strongly to the left. Finally, add young white women’s notorious taste in the worst music imaginable for good measure, and that pool of 2500 women is cut down by half or more, a consideration amplified by how less-desirable women are less susceptible to some of these pernicious social trends for obvious reasons.
It must also be stressed that women, at least the most desirable women, wield a disproportionate level of power on and influence of mate selection than do males, and do so in ways that in turn are powerful drivers of male behavior, even though women are largely consensus driven. Women select mates by and large, not so much men; men approach women, asking them out for a date or for number, women choose to accept or decline. Particularly in the context of young men brimming with testosterone, this means women’s terrible predilections do in turn influence male behavior in incredibly powerful ways. The desire, the drive, to attract the most alluring young women is central to the life force and biological imperative, and that is no truer than for young men during adolescence and young adulthood when testosterone flows. It is the primary motive for teenage boys to try out for and compete in football and other varsity sports. Those more artistically inclined will learn to play guitar or write poetry for many of the same motivations, but vying interest not from the cheerleader sort, but the artsy girls in drama club and the like. Since time immemorial, young men have engaged in all sorts of dangerous and even stupid behavior, often resulting in injury or death, for no other reason than to impress the most desirable women, as men have perpetrated horrific violence on another because of women since Helen of Troy and before. In modern times, men have regularly resorted to fisticuffs, engaged in fool-hardy, life endangering stunts like drag-racing and other such ventures, all to compete in the sexual marketplace. The implications of this cannot be overstated: social contagion and consensus driven maladies women succumb to in turn influence the behavior of young men doing whatever is necessary to compete in the sexual marketplace.
And there are even more dire implications. The failure to discern and remedy how these cultural and sociological trends disrupt and destabilize the sexual marketplace invoke what is known as the bare branch theory regarding the destabilization of society that occurs when excess numbers of men are disadvantaged or precluded altogether from competing in the sexual marketplace. As set forth in Bare Branches: The Security Implications of Asia’s Surplus Male Population, this theory posits many destabilizing effects, including much higher competition between men in the sexual marketplace, and all the conflict and anti-social behavior that entails. These dysfunctional trends further exacerbate the demographic winter that presents an existential threat to European peoples everywhere.
There are of course other harmful social trends that are ruining sizeable contingents of young women, including most particularly the manner in which mainstream, controlled media propagate and promote race-mixing. One article by the Pew Research Center indicates 11 percent of whites, including ten percent of white women, are in interracial couples. That statistic obviously pertains to marriage, not dating or copulation, so the number of whites subject to the propagation of miscegenation is likely somewhat higher. Some on the dissident right regard this as a good sign, that whites are largely impervious to this propaganda. Ten percent however is quite a lot, particularly if that ten percent is extrapolated on a generational timeline, increasing as miscegenation is promoted with ever increasing intensity. It is also of note that a certain type of white woman who “pays the toll” is such a reproducible cultural phenomenon that right-wing and far right accounts on twitter and other platforms regularly disseminate thousands of images and memes featuring white women who all sort of look the same, and either complain about the hardships of being a poverty-stricken single mother with a (usually quite ugly) miscegenated child or have been subject to black on white violence in the way of battery at best, death at worst.
These and other trends not mentioned, acting in tandem, have largely removed sexual and romantic norms and mores away from any balance or equilibrium in the sexual marketplace, just as these trends have caused most people to marry later and others not to marry at all. In this way, the promulgation of these trends is revealed to be the nexus from which the demographic winter emanates, as that demographic implosion threatens Europe and the West with racial suicide and civilizational ruin. These trends have lured a critical mass of white women away from their male counterparts in a variety of ways, so much so that it is no longer standard for young people to enjoy serious courtship late in high school and early in college. In generations past, college men often married before graduating or very soon thereafter. This represents a matrimonial union in which young people invest in each other as they seek their fortunes. Women would invest in men before they achieved status and success, and men garnered strength and support from the love, intimacy, and companionship husband and wife enjoyed together. Now a sizeable portion of the most alluring white women are going for “sugar-daddies,” or slutting it out at frat parties, contributing to the cam girl menace, so on and so forth. Women have never been unhappier, as many regret not marrying, foregoing or hampering the opportunity to have children. Men, instead of gaining the strength that comes from matrimonial love and companionship, are thrust into an increasingly sordid sexual marketplace out of balance and characterized increasingly by intense competition between males, with all of the disorder, dysfunction, and chaos predicted in the book Bare Branches.
Before and after: on the left an insightful meme illustrating precisely how disconcerting cultural trends are disseminated by powerful interests. On the right, improvements made by this author.
These and of course many other considerations demonstrate once again how woefully inadequate and impotent mainstream conservatism is, ridden with the propensity to do nothing other than mouth tiresome yarns such as “if they are consenting adults…,” or even that culture does not matter, that family and religion alone can solve these and other problems, even though family and religion are, quite obviously, expressions of culture themselves. Dispelling such naïve notions about “individual choice” is essential—particularly in the female sex—as these phenomena and their effect on the sexual marketplace demonstrate yet again that no man is an island, that we are all affected by what others do, particularly as the “choices” individuals supposedly make are profoundly influenced if not outright determined by what others do, particularly in relation to the consensus driven nature of women. As argued at the end of “Culture as Programming” and as readily evinced in the meme image featured above, attacking, neutralizing, and even destroying those subversive elements in the culture that drive these nefarious, destructive trends in society is the hidden key to restoring balance to the sexual marketplace and instilling harmony between the sexes so that men and women can be together again on a near universal scale, as had existed for centuries before the advent of the modern world and its many peculiar, dysfunctional properties. Disrupt, debilitate, and destroy those institutions and interests that create and disseminate the programming that drives these cultural trends, and the mesmerizing chains of indoctrination that are ruining white women and driving Europe and the West to oblivion will be broken.
Other articles and essays by Richard Parker are available at his publication, The Raven’s Call: A Reactionary Perspective, found at theravenscall.substack.com. Please consider subscribing on a free or paid basis, and to like and share as warranted. Readers can also find him on twitter, under the handle @astheravencalls.
https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png00Richard Parkerhttps://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.pngRichard Parker2025-03-31 00:11:102025-03-31 06:31:56Culture and the Sexual Marketplace: Harmful Cultural Trends and the Law of Supply and Demand in Sex and Romance
In this essay I examine the effects of Jewish immigration on the native English in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, focusing mainly on the East End of London and drawing entirely on the work of Jewish historians.
Areas of concentration
While wealthier Jews typically lived in the West End or in country houses, poorer Jewish immigrants before 1881 had tended to converge on the East End. Those who came from 1881 onwards joined them and, as their numbers grew, they took over whole streets, then larger areas. Susan Tananbaum cites estimates of the Jewish population of London that range from 150,000 to 180,000, of whom about 100,000 lived in the East End.1 Lloyd Gartner cites higher estimates. In 1901, in the Borough of Stepney alone, he says there were nearly 120,000 Jewish residents, about 40% of its population, making it the borough of most intense immigrant concentration.2 As Geoffrey Alderman describes,
“Stepney included the areas of Whitechapel, St George’s-in-the-East, and Mile End, in which Jews had traditionally lived adjacent to the City of London, and into which the immigrants now poured just as their more prosperous English-born or Anglicized co-religionists were migrating northwards. According to the census of 1881, over three-quarters of the Russians and Poles (most of whom can be assumed to have been Jews, of course) who lived in London were located in these areas; by 1901 the proportion was just under 80 per cent. By 1901 the alien population of Whitechapel had reached almost 32 per cent; in Mile End Old Town it was nearly 29 per cent.”3
In 1899, a map of “Jewish East London” was included in The Jew in London, a study “published under the auspices of Toynbee Hall”; the map showed that “some streets north and south of the Commercial and Whitechapel Roads were almost entirely Jewish by residence”. The study stated that
“The area covered by the Jewish quarter is extending its limits every year. Overflowing the boundaries of Whitechapel, they are spreading northward and eastward into Bethnal Green and Mile End, and southward into St. George’s-in-the-East; while further away in Hackney and Shoreditch to the north, and Stepney, Limehouse and Bow to the east, a rather more prosperous and less foreign element has established itself. . . . Dirt, overcrowding, industry and sobriety may be set down as the most conspicuous features of these foreign settlements. In many cases they have completely transformed the character of the neighbourhood.”4
As Gartner describes,
“There were two spines to eastward Jewish expansion in the East End. One was Whitechapel Road (Aldgate High Street and Mile End Road at its eastern and western ends), a street of Roman origin moving east and slightly north, and the second was Commercial Road, which was hacked through courts and alleys in the mid-nineteenth century to connect the City with the docks and stretching south-east. Both slowly filled with Jewish businesses and residences. The streets branching off them were slowly infiltrated in their turn, and presently the little side turnings were also annexed into the Jewish quarter. By about 1910 the Jewish area reached its furthest extent, with the fringe of the City symbolized by Aldgate Pump as western limit, and with Cable Street to the south, the Great Eastern tracks on the northern edge, and a flexible eastern limit around Jubilee Street, Jamaica Street, and Stepney Green as its informal boundaries.
These two square miles enclosed some of the most densely populated acres in England. This was caused not only by normal overcrowding of large families and the presence of many lodgers, but was aggravated by the razing of thousands of dwellings to make room for railway facilities, street improvements, business premises, and schools. Little or no provision was made for the displaced inhabitants, who usually remained in the vicinity where they earned their livelihoods and jammed the remaining houses still further. Although wholesale demolitions for commercial purposes subsided after 1880, they continued at quite a rapid pace for such public improvements as schools and slum clearance. In other words, Jewish immigration intensified the East End’s deep-rooted problem of house accommodation by preventing the population from declining as its houses were pulled down.”5
Immigrants arriving
My last essay mentioned the reception of new immigrant Jews among those longer-established in England. It became “an anxiously desired goal of native Jewish efforts among immigrants … to lure them out of the East End and to disperse them among the smaller cities in the provinces.”6 Yet,
“Up north in Grimsby, Joel Elijah Rabinowitz retorted that the Jewish immigrant would continue to choose the London slum in spite of every inducement, because employment and fellow-Jews were to be found there. The Russo-Jewish Committee, which tried earnestly to persuade immigrants to settle away from the East End, realistically explained why the immigrants persistently ignored these blandishments:
(1) Indisposition on the part of the individual refugee to migrate to quarters where he would be mainly among strangers.
(2) Local prejudices against foreigners, and especially against refugee Jews, who are regarded as interlopers.
(3) The persistent objection of some of the refugees to obtaining a knowledge of English.
(4) The objection to the schooling of the children outside Jewish influences.”7
As in most times and places, immigrants congregated for the sake of familiarity, security and mutual support. They were from all over Eastern Europe, but Judaism and the Jewish identity bound them to one another and separated them from the English, other than geographically. Their growth in the East End was rapid and contiguous, and they became dominant over ever more territory until the numbers arriving subsided. The immigrants also intensified demand for housing and, as also seems perennial, they benefited landlords at the expense of renters, as Alderman describes:
“Inevitably, the housing shortage resulted in the raising of rents; in London as a whole rents rose between 10 and 12 per cent in the period 1880-1900, but in the East London boroughs the rise was of the order of 25 per cent. Prospective tenants might also find themselves asked to pay ‘key money’ (often dubbed ‘blood money’) to the landlord or the outgoing tenant, merely for the privilege of moving in.”8
He continues:
“That Jewish landlords were more likely than native landlords to raise rents was a fact of life; that the rents they raised were usually those of their brethren from eastern Europe was merely a plea in mitigation. The Jewish influx caused rents to rise; had it not been for the Jews, rents would either not have risen or would not have risen so much. It is also true that the clearance of slums, and their replacement by model dwellings, ensured housing for Jews at the expense of non-Jews.”9
Gartner’s more critical description pierces the blandness of aggregated and averaged statistics. He says that Jews seemed willing to pay higher rents which accelerated “the displacement of English tenants”.
“By a process of mutual cause and effect, the high rents paid by Jews invited overcrowding, which in turn further stimulated rack-renting. Nothing hindered a landlord from raising rents as he pleased or from expelling any tenant to make way for anyone whom he pleased. Matters did not improve when, as sometimes happened, the landlord was himself a Jewish immigrant. (Real estate in Jewish districts was a favoured investment for immigrants who prospered.) … [R]ents probably rose fifty per cent or sixty per cent when a street turned Jewish, with the entire difference pocketed by speculating or rack-renting landlords and partially made back by tenants who took in lodgers.”
Taking in lodgers could only exacerbate the crowding. The growth of the Jewish dominion was inexorable. Gartner continues:
“The Jews’ alien status and the higher rents which accompanied them incited severe hostility when they settled in a new street as the Jewish quarter gradually spread out. Sensing that they would soon be submerged, some of the English and Irish inhabitants moved out at once. Others remained behind to give vent to cold or hot hostility, whether by calculated snubbing or, at times, by stones thrown or windows broken. But they too presently evacuated.”10
The standard of life was diminished in other ways. According to Gartner,
“To an East End which was water-starved sometimes, unsatisfactorily inspected by public authorities, and overcrowded in decrepit or poorly built houses, the Jews brought not only an extra measure of overcrowding but a seeming ignorance and indifference to sanitary requirements. Accumulated and uncollected refuse lay in rotting piles inside and outside houses, while the interiors were often dank and malodorous from foul water closets, leaking ceilings, untrapped sinks, and cracked, moist walls.”11
A writer in the Jewish Chronicle remarked in 1880 that “[o]f the Jewish poor in the Metropolis it is probable that ninety per cent are Russians. They have the Russian habit of living in dirt, and of not being offended at unsavoury smells and a general appearance of squalor.”12The Lancet stated that
“the presence in our midst of this numerous colony of foreign Jews gives rise to a sanitary problem of a most complicated nature. Their uncleanly habits and ignorance of English ways of living render it difficult to maintain in a wholesome condition even those more modern dwellings where the system of drainage is well organised.”13
According to Tananbaum, the socialist activist Beatrice Potter (later Beatrice Webb), who investigated the conditions of life in the East End, found that
“the Jewish ‘race’ could withstand ‘an indefinitely low standard of life’. Their working lives were characterized by ‘long and irregular hours, periods of strain, and periods of idleness, scanty nourishment, dirt and overcrowding, casual charity — all conditions which ruin the Anglo-Saxon and Irish inhabitant of the East End [yet] seem to leave unhurt the moral and physical fibre of the Jew’.”14
Nathaniel Rothschild, the first Baron Rothschild, acknowledged in 1904 that “it is unfortunately true that a large number of them [Jewish immigrants] live in the Borough of Stepney… [and] that the rooms are insanitary, that more people live in a room than ought to be’.”15
Even the cleanest of people could not have entirely surmounted the challenges of the excessive density of people. As Tananbaum describes,
“Rose Henriques, of the Oxford and St George’s Jewish (later Bernhard Baron) Settlement, described the housing as ‘dreadful … [with] staircases that stank’. ‘The tragedy was that the smells didn’t necessarily mean that the tenants were dirty people, although often they were’. Even with ‘incessant cleaning’, buildings ‘stank of generations of overcrowded bodies and of outer clothing that become odorous from long use’.”
Stepney only gained a reliable water supply in 1902, and “[a]s late as 1939, 90 per cent of Stepney’s homes lacked baths.”16 Gartner remarks of Jewish migrants in general that their movement from towns and villages into metropolitan centres had the “immediately visible result” of “a rather foul slum zone and a knotty problem of health and housing. … The physical problems of the Jewish quarters did not vanish until the areas were torn down (or, as in London, bombed out) or the Jews abandoned them.”17
Working from home
Insanitary conditions were typically accompanied by noise from home life and home-based work. Immigrants were more inclined to adapt the environment to themselves than the reverse. According to Gartner, “England was a factory country, and very few immigrants had ever worked in a factory. They had worked in little workshops back in Russia and Poland, and that is where they continued to work in England.”18 In Stepney in 1901,
“Many living quarters doubled as workshops, with hundreds of contractors working out of their homes. By day, food, garments and refuse collected in the kitchen. At night, members of the household used the room to sleep. Lily Montagu, the famed warden of the West Central Settlement, contended that overcrowded homes ‘limited the outward realisation of the joys of family life. In tenement dwellings … every corner of the home is utilised for some domestic or industrial purpose … Excepting during the hours of sleeping and feeding, most scenes of family life are enacted in the streets’.”19
According to a London County Councillor speaking to the Royal Commission on Alien Immigration, a Jew in the East End “will use his yard for something. He will store rags there, perhaps—mountains of smelling rags, until the neighbours all round get into a most terrible state over it, or perhaps he will start a little factory in the yard, and carry on a hammering noise all night, and then he will throw out a lot of waste stuff, offal, or anything like that—it is all pitched out, and in the evening the women and girls sit out on the pavement and make a joyful noise . . . on the Sunday the place is very different to what the English are accustomed to.”20 In Todd Endelman’s words, “the aliens worked on Sundays, slept outside on hot summer nights, ate herring and black bread, and read Yiddish newspapers.”21 Jews working and trading on Sundays became a point of particularly fierce contention.
Jewish residents of the East End
Immigration alienated the native people. Areas that became Jewish-dominated acquired an “aura of exotic strangeness” which “provoked indignation and unease”.22 Gartner says that “[i]mmigrant Jewry formed a society apart, with standards derived from other sources than England.” Naturally this was so, as “immigrant life was an attempt to preserve with more or less adjustment the social standards and habits of home and communal life in Eastern Europe.”23 As Todd Endelman describes,
“Residents of the East End and middle class visitors alike viewed immigration as a foreign invasion, turning once-English districts into “little Jerusalems” and “little Palestines.” Native workers felt overrun and displaced as immigrants flooded in and occupied street after street. … [A] witness told the Royal Commission on Alien Immigration in 1903 [that] “the feeling is that there is nothing but the English going out and the Jews coming in.” A local borough councilor complained that as he walked through Mile End or Cable Street he saw that “the good old names of tradesmen have gone, and in their places are foreign names of those who have ousted Englishmen out into the cold.” In Whitechapel, a Christian social worker noted, “the English visitor feels himself one of a subject race in the presence of dominant and overwhelming invaders.”24
Endelman also cites an account of life in East London which saw Jews as having “predatory noses and features”, described them as “alien” and remarked that “[o]ne seems to be in a hostile tribal encampment” which “makes one afraid, not of them personally, but of the obvious tenacity, the leech-like grip, of a people who, one feels in one’s English bones, flourish best on the decay of their hosts, like malignant bacilli in the blood.”25 Certainly there is abundant evidence that Jewish interests diverged from, or were directly opposed to, those of the English and that this was most vividly and punishingly experienced by the people of the East End.
Street life
The prolific, concentrated immigrant population exceeded the available buildings and lived partly on the streets. Gartner says that
“it is difficult to speak of home life in many houses, for with one or more lodgers, several children, and perhaps grandparents and other relatives, every Jewish immigrant household was a cramped place. Eight or nine individuals shared two small rooms, and the ratio was even higher in hundreds of dwellings. Hence a large part of home life was lived out of doors by older folk seated at their doorways, by adolescents in search of fascination and adventure, and by children at play in the courts and alleys.”26
The forms of fascination and adventure ranged from the sublime to the deplorable. Gangs of youths were free to prey on more peaceable folk. As we saw in the last essay, and as Robert Henriques describes, “the Anglo-Jewish community had acknowledged the immigrants as a charge which it had met with comprehensive generosity.” However, their children came to present “a new problem”. Though many “accepted the stringent demands of orthodox Judaism learnt from their parents”, they were formally observant but lacking “faith and piety”. They dispensed with any regard for “moral obligation or the law of the land”.
“Consequently the streets in the slum districts of the East End were filled with gangs of young Jewish boys, who identified Judaism with the empty shell of ultra-orthodox observance, and who spent their evenings lawlessly roaming the streets, creating disturbances, assaulting and robbing licensed stall-holders and becoming a source of great anxiety and trouble to the police.”27
The criminality that arose out of the post-1881 immigration owed something to the pre-existing patterns of Jewish occupations. Earlier in the 19th century, according to Endelman,
“Jewish poverty went hand in hand with crime, squalid surroundings, low-status trades, and coarse behavior. In the 1810s and 1820s, there was a marked increase in the incidence of Jewish criminal activity in London, if the skyrocketing rate of Jewish convictions at the Old Bailey is any guide.”
After 1830, “the number of Jewish street criminals fell … but Jews remained active in socially marginal occupations—as dealers in battered odds and ends, worn-out clothing, rags and rubbish; as keepers of brothels, wine rooms, saloons, gambling dens, billiard rooms, and sponging houses; as fences, crimps, sheriff’s officers, prizefighters, and prostitutes.”28
Of those families who abided by the law, some parents nevertheless raised their children to be competitive, acquisitive and even deceitful, at least in regard to the goyim. Gartner says that “[t]he foreign heritage continued not only in personal and cultural life but in economic activity as well”.29 Schooling offered opportunities to ascend socio-economically, and he mentions “the consuming eagerness with which Jewish children were sent to school in neighbourhoods where neglect of children and hostility to schooling were rampant”. He cites one schoolmaster who remarked on Jewish children’s “smartness, especially in commercial things”, which exceeded that of Christian children, and said that “‘they have a perfect want of moral sense’ in respect of truthfulness.”30 Moses Angel, long-standing headmaster of the Jews’ Free School, said in 1871 that the parents of his pupils were “the refuse population of the worst parts of Europe,” living “a quasi-dishonourable life”, by which, as Endelman says, “he meant that they were street traders and thus liars and cheats.”31
According to Alderman, “[t]he leaders of the Jewish communities in London had their own special reasons for hastening the demise of the Jewish pedlar. The peddling and criminal fraternities interacted in a manner that was both embarrassing and dangerous.”32 Endelman describes how, as the 19th century proceeded, “[t]he expanding native-born middle ranks of English Jewry were filled with the children and grandchildren of peddlers, old clothes men, and market traders who had become respectable, if modest, businessmen.”33
Commercial conflict
Just as the native people, though far more numerous, were displaced from housing in the East End, so were they from commerce too. Jews as customers tended to buy from Jewish retailers who tended to buy from Jewish wholesalers; evidence of equivalent efforts on the part of the English has gone unfound. Gartner says that
“Securing a foothold was not easy, for the English street-selling trades had long traditions and recognized mores. The Jew had to wedge his barrow into a pitth (place in the street) where an English costermonger might have stood for many years. Bitter were the ‘costers’ complaints that their Jewish competitors grabbed the pitches which they had occupied for many years, did business for unfairly long hours, undersold, and generally disrupted the accepted usages of the trade. The Jews and their defenders replied that the English ‘costers’ merely hated Jews and had always excluded them from their union. … These complaints resounded loudest in Petticoat Lane when that historic London street market situated in the Jewish quarter was taken over by Jewish traders in the 1880’s and 1890’s. … Undeniably, food sellers in Petticoat Lane and their Provincial counterparts lost considerably because the neighbouring Jews did prefer to buy from Jewish dealers.”34
Impression of Petticoat Lane in the 1870s
British laws and customs were adapted for the sake of the incomers. According to Gartner,
“The greatest friction was caused by the problem of Sabbath observance for, subject to certain limitations upon Sunday hours, the Jews were legally authorized to observe the Jewish instead of the English Sabbath. It was claimed, however, that some Jewish stores and street stalls observed neither day. With the undoubted existence of some such cases as their proof, the beleaguered English tradesmen were convinced that their Jewish rivals were too grasping to keep any day of rest, and thrice-told tales of the Jew supported their views. In the Borough Councils within London, where their influence was strong, the native shopkeepers did all they could to press for stringent Sunday trading ordinances, which would have harmed Jewish tradesmen by denying them enough hours on Sunday to compensate for the hours they were shut on Friday and Saturday.’”35
Yet however strong their influence might have been at the level of borough councils, the English were unable to match “the Jewish authorities” who had already lobbied successfully at the national level for legislation:
“firstly, in two enactments in 1867 permitting workshops which closed on the Jewish Sabbath (roughly sunset Friday to nightfall Saturday) to open late on Saturday evening; secondly, through legislation passed in 1871 allowing Jewish-owned workshops to operate on Sundays provided they had closed during the Sabbath.”36
Beside patronising one another’s businesses, Jews had other means of mutual support. Endelman says that “street traders and itinerant peddlers… routinely obtained goods on credit from Jewish shopkeepers and wholesale merchants” which “allowed penniless immigrants to begin trading on their own soon after their arrival.” Jews also formed friendly societies for mutual aid. These, too, served to benefit their own community and reinforce its separate group identity. “The United Israelites and the Guardians of Faith”, Endelman says, “barred men who cohabited with non-Jewish women or were not married according to Jewish law, while the latter also excluded men who kept their shops open on Saturday mornings and personally attended to business then.”37
Jewish shopkeepers
As one-sided ethnic solidarity did its work, “English tradesmen complained vehemently as their native customers moved away before the tide of foreign Jews, from whom they could expect much less patronage.”38 Jewish shopkeepers prospered and became “the heirs of displaced English shopkeepers in the Judaized streets of the East End, Strangeways and Red Bank, and the Leylands.” Later, between the two world wars, “the aggressive marketing techniques of Jewish shopkeepers—the subtle use of advertising, ‘cut‑price’ offers, and the inducement of ‘loss‑leaders’—caused much friction”.39 In Leeds, too, Jewish market stall vendors “were criticised for unfair practices” and were stereotyped as being “responsible for abuses in trades, of engaging in underhand business practices or of sacrificing principle in the pursuit of profit”.40 The universality of such stereotypes suggests that they were often true, and the English had to imitate such tactics or yield to their unscrupulous competitors; anyone today can see whose approach, and which group, prevailed in the East End and far beyond.
Replacement labour
As workers, Jews tended to have the same inclination to benefit other Jews where possible. As employers, they intended from the start to employ their own kind. As replacement labour, they were a weapon against English workers’ pay and conditions, which smaller-scale immigration had already driven down before the major wave arrived. According to Tony Kushner, after 20,000 Jews settled in the East End in the 1830s amid a local economic depression,
“[t]he only way the clothing trade, boot and shoe trade, and to a lesser degree, the furniture industry could survive was to cut their wage levels so as to compete with provincial and foreign producers. It was to these industries that the immigrants flocked, and the net result was an intensification of the sweating system, and a displacement of native labour by the new arrivals.”41
When the new arrivals found their conditions intolerable, some went on strike, including cigar makers. Their masters, though of the same tribe, “being unable to procure English workmen … to submit to the lowering of wages, resort[ed] to the practice of travelling to Holland and other parts of the continent, and, exaggerating the state of the cigar trade in England, fill[ed] the poor Dutchmen’s minds with buoyant hopes of high wages.”42
Then as now, any supposed need to import workers was really a pretext for employers to benefit themselves by doing so. Gartner says that “in England, still the world’s leading industrial nation, no great new industry or undeveloped region beckoned with opportunities for employment. Moreover, there was already an adequate supply of native and Irish labour for the hard, unskilled jobs.”43 According to Endelman, “[the] stream of new arrivals … guaranteed that wages remained low[.]”44 I have not seen evidence that employers lobbied for open borders in the 19th century, but they may have learned to do so after seeing the effects of Jewish immigration.
Any real demand for Jewish workers arose entirely from Jews who had already arrived. Ethnic solidarity dovetailed with ambitions to outcompete the goyim. As Gartner says,
“The Jewish immigrant workman forewent better hours, superior working conditions, and regularity of employment of an English factory, but also Sabbath work and hostility of the native workers. He preferred to work among his own people, frequently in the employ of an old townsman or a relative.”
An early immigrant from Russia recalled that
“I came to Leeds from Russia in 1852 and was a fugitive from Russian militia men. … We had a place of worship in Back Rockingham Street and I was married there. All of those I remember in my early days came here as single men … It was the usual thing for young fellows when they had settled here to send for Russia for their parents and brothers and sisters and that is how the Jewish people made a home in Leeds.”45
As James Appell recounts, “a Kovno master tailor, Moyshe (Morris) Goodman – recognised the opportunity for enrichment in the industry on his arrival in Leeds in 1866, and made numerous trips back to his home city to recruit landsmen for his workshops.”46
The employment of illegal immigrants served to undercut even the other Jews who already made use of foreign labour. It also helped to discredit the law and normalise defiance and evasion of the state. As Gartner says, “[t]he Factory Inspector’s right of inspection, tenuous as it was, was further weakened by the reluctance of many Jewish women and girls to admit that they were working illegally. … The inadequacy of the inspecting staff, the limitations of the law, the absence of even a list of workshops, the ruses to evade the Inspector’s visits and queries, all combined practically to nullify English factory legislation in the Jewish workshops.”47
Demographic change
As the immigrants were given British citizenship and their children grew up, they began to count as voters. Historians have debated the extent to which there was and is a ‘Jewish vote’, but surely all would agree that it is much more real than any ‘white vote’, ‘English vote’ or ‘East-Ender vote’. As the largest and best-organised minority, Jews began to have their way electorally. According to Alderman,
“…the undoubtedly socialist proclivities of the bulk of immigrant Jewry and their offspring… were reflected in and symbolized by such developments as the formation in June 1918 of the Stepney Central Labour Party, the founder and secretary of which was the formidable Romanian-Jewish political strategist, Oscar Tobin; the Labour victory in the Stepney Borough Council elections of November 1919; Labour’s capture of the combined Whitechapel and St George’s parliamentary constituency at the general election of 1922; and even the appearance in the House of Commons, as a result of that same election, of the first Jewish Labour MP, Emanuel Shinwell.”48
Jews did not seize power and territory so much as use the door opened for them by British politicians, who ignored the suffering of the English of the East End and in some cases made a perverse show of gratitude to those who came and exacerbated it. The future saviour of the country distinguished himself by his pro-immigrant sanctimony. According to Gartner, referring to the debates over what became the Aliens Act of 1905,
“[T]he early Labour Party minimized nationalist appeal and scorned racism. … The Liberal Party, especially its Gladstonian traditionalists, regarded free access to England as an unshakable aspect of Free Trade, and were not to be convinced that any harm was incurred by the unobstructed settlement of immigrants. Sir Charles Dilke, most leftward of Liberals, held the general opinion of social reformers that ‘the prohibition of alien immigration is a sham remedy for very grave evils in the labour market’. A younger man who shared the same conviction, C. P. Trevelyan, studied the relation between alien immigration and sweating, and felt ‘thankful to them [aliens] for turning the searchlight of public reprobation on a system which our own people suffer in common with them’. Young Winston Churchill, then M.P. for a considerably Jewish constituency in Manchester, concluded, in common with general sentiment in his Party, that there were not
…any urgent or sufficient reasons, racial or social, for departing from the old tolerant and generous practice of free entry and asylum to which this country has so long adhered and from which it has so greatly gained.”49
A young open borders activist
The Tories came to adopt a vaguely immigration-sceptic stance after decades of unprecedented inflow, enough to siphon support from the nativist British Brothers’ League, and far short of even stopping immigration, let alone reversing it. We will elaborate on post-1881 Jews’ impact on politics in a later article.
Clergymen were of no greater help to the English. Endelman notes approvingly that Canon Samuel Barnett, the first warden of Toynbee Hall, a settlement house in Whitechapel, said that “the prejudiced Englishman is apt to call ‘dirty’ whatever is foreign.”50 Like critical theorists later, the esteemed cleric wanted to talk about the ‘discourse around’ dirt and foreignness, not the phenomena themselves, amid which he and his high-born comrades did not have to sleep, make a living and raise children.
Only infrequent comment is passed anywhere in the media or academia to lament the displacement of English East-Enders, whose descendants, typically living in Essex, our rulers despise. Of those who do comment, vagueness is still the norm, as while the area is now occupied by Bangladeshis, most people have some awareness that Jewish immigration set the precedent and that the English were habituated before the Great War to concede their land to foreign colonists.
Nearly everything alien and repulsive about the present foreign occupation of the East End was prefigured by the earlier one. We might ask, in light of the Jewish role in the arrival of the Empire Windrush, whether Bangladeshis first settled in the East End with Jewish encouragement. Perhaps so, or perhaps British governments saw the area as already ransacked and thus no loss if thrown open to barbarians again. Ministers didn’t live there, after all.
Modern British Jewry, Alderman, p118-9. Toynbee Hall was a settlement house on Commercial Road that inspired similar ventures in the USA; it continues to operate today amid a primarily Bangladeshi population.
Modern British Jewry, Alderman, p129-30. He adds that “Perhaps for this reason Samuel Montagu insisted, in making a gift of £10,000 to the LCC in 1902, that the special housing complex for Whitechapel residents which the money was used to build on the Council’s White Hart Lane estate, Tottenham, should be available ‘without distinction of race or creed’.” Montagu was of the older, wealthy Jewish ‘Cousinhood’ and worked for Jews to integrate into British society without losing their religion. Members of the Cohen, Rothschild and Henriques families took a similar view.]
Tananbaum, p30. She continues: “Many descriptions of East End Jews emphasized racially unique characteristics, and connected it to Jews’ clannishness, commercial skills and disturbing competitive nature.”
Gartner, p180-1 and Endelman, p158. Gartner: “Street life in the East End and the other Jewish quarters, a sort of common denominator, displayed a vividness which fascinated many outsiders although it offended the more staid native Jewish and Gentile residents. Store signs, theatrical placards, bookshops, bearded types from the old country, immigrant women wrapped in vast kerchiefs, all conferred an aura of exotic strangeness upon the Jewish area.”
Gartner, p166. He continues: “To a greater extent than other migrants from rural or small town environments to the big city, the Jews maintained much of the outward appearance and even the flavour of their former way of life.” This is still true of Hasidic Jews, as in Stamford Hill.
Endelman, p92. He continues: “A striking illustration of this can be seen in the aforementioned orange trade. As noted, by mid-century, Jews were no longer the dominant group hawking oranges in the streets of London, having been replaced by the Irish. However, they remained prominent at the wholesale end of the trade: the fruit market in Duke’s Place, where street traders purchased oranges and nuts, was entirely Jewish. A similar development occurred in the secondhand clothing trade. Jews increasingly moved out of the lower end of the trade and into its slightly more salubrious branches, becoming pawnbrokers, slopsellers, auctioneers, salesmen with fixed premises, or stallholders in the covered wholesale exchange erected in Houndsditch in 1843. The latter was a bustling international mart, regularly attracting wholesale dealers from France, Belgium, Holland, and Ireland, as well as every city in Britain. A few entrepreneurs then made the leap from slopselling (or slopselling and pawnbroking) into manufacturing inexpensive garments. (Tailoring and shoemaking also served as launching pads for entry into the field.) The two biggest firms in England in the 1830s and 1840s were those of the Moses and Hyam families, both of which grew out of slopselling. Despite the Enlightenment hope that, in the absence of legal barriers, agriculture and the crafts would save the Jews from poverty and make them productive citizens, it was commerce that became the vehicle for the economic transformation of Anglo-Jewry, as it was in all western countries.” Alderman describes areas of later Jewish economic advancement: “Within the metropolis Jewish businessmen expanded in three broad directions. The first was in the manufacture and sale of food products (bread, cakes, dairy products), epitomized in the teashops (of which there were 200 by 1914) of J. Lyons & Co. The second was in publishing partly to serve the needs of the Jewish community but soon catering for national and indeed world markets; notable in this category was the fine art and greetings-card firm of Raphael Tuck, the Levy Lawson family that owned the Daily Telegraph, and Rachel Beer (née Sassoon), proprietor of the Sunday Times between 1893 and 1904. The third was in the distributive trades, especially chemist shops, public houses, restaurants, jewellery, clothing, grocery and furniture stores, to which perhaps the ownership of cinemas and the development of mail‑order companies ought to be added—though these were by no means primarily London‑orientated activities.” Controversy and Crisis, Geoffrey Alderman, 2008, p242.
British Antisemitism in the Second World War, volume 1, Antony Kushner, 1986, p22-3. “[T]hese industries generally saw a replacement of Gentile with Jewish labour[.]”
Gartner, p276-7. Churchill was a Tory until 1904, then a Liberal until 1925, then a Tory again. He fought against the Aliens Bill with extreme fervour.
https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.png00Horushttps://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/TOO-Full-Logo-660x156-1.pngHorus2025-03-29 08:27:422025-04-04 16:37:43Heirs of the Displaced The effects of immigration on the East End before the Great War
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