Valls planting a “peace tree” in Évry dedicated to Palestine—before becoming a fanatical Zionist.
Valls’ Early Career: A Neoliberal with an “Ethnic” Rotten Borough
Valls calls himself a “Blairite” and a “Clintonian.” This is appropriate. He indeed represents that “right-wing” edge of the Socialist Party, the part that wants “modernize” the left by jettisoning the White working class in favor of unabashedly conforming to globalism and indeed even changing the name of the party. The globalist paradigm — with unlimited open borders for immigrants and corporations — is incompatible with traditional left-wing goals, such as effectively taxing the rich, regulating finance, maintaining the welfare state, or protecting jobs and wages. Thus, Valls wants a “New Left” which abandons the old dream of socialism, while still claiming to be in some sense of the left. He represents both the Left’s selling out to global plutocracy and a kind of realism as to what can be achieved under the constraints of open borders.
An early case in his political life illustrates this well. In December 1980, Valls and Bauer attacked the Communist mayor of Vitry-sur-Seine’s for a plan to remove immigrants from the town. Valls was almost kicked out of the Socialist Party for this, as it was then allied with the Communists. This limited opposition to immigration dissipated in the Socialist Party as (often Jewish) Trotskyites and “anti-racists” rose in the organization, and the alliance with the (effectively Stalinist) Communists was dissolved and. (Can we ever emphasize enough, from a nationalist point of view, the moral superiority of Stalinists over Trotskyites?) As Vice Mayor of Argenteuil, Valls promoted illegal immigration with a “republican baptism” of illegals at the town hall in which supporters committed to help the lawbreakers to remain in France (32).
Valls then rose with the “modernizing” wing of the Socialist Party represented by Michel Rocard. During Jospin’s term as prime minister, Valls was in charge of relations with the media, acquiring a reputation for intimidating journalists who asked the wrong questions. A magazine reported: “The methods of this Catalan of origin are sometimes brutal: fits, threats against journalists [. . .] charged with following day by day the head of government’s action, the Homeric rages of the young Socialist are well-known” (32).
Valls reaped the benefits of the French ruling class’ steady replacement of the indigenous French population when he was elected in 2000 as mayor of Évry, which his authorized biographers describe as “a mosaic city, where the [ethnic] communities, numerous, have gradually become ghettoized” (39). He thus enjoyed a kind of rotten borough through the Socialists’ appeal to ethnic blocs of voters eager to benefit from wealth transfers from the native French majority and allergic to the conservatives’ symbolic Islam-baiting. Valls urged public subsidies for mosques and allowing all foreigners resident in France to vote in municipal elections. (More recently as prime minister, Valls has suggested giving up on reforming the Constitution to allow non-EU foreigners to vote in municipal elections as too divisive and unpopular, and instead wants to “concentrate [. . .] on naturalizations.”) In 2008, he was reelected as mayor of Évry with over 70% of the vote and a staggering abstention rate of 63%. Ratier reports that 45% of residents benefit from social housing.
Valls himself however is rather cynical about the Africans and Muslims in his “multicultural” city. He lives in an upper-middle class White area. Like a Potemkin village, graffiti sprayed by urban youths are hastily removed when out-of-town notables visit. In a June 2009 TV appearance, Valls, apparently unaware he was being filmed in the streets of the city, commented sarcastically with open scorn on the overwhelmingly non-White crowd around him: “a fine image of the city of Évry. . . . Could you put me a few Whites, a few Whites [in English], a few Blancos?” (40). Valls went strangely unpunished for the remark. It goes without saying that no nationalist politician would be allowed to make such a statement without being required to atone profusely or be excluded from “democratic politics.”
Valls’ short temper was also notorious at Évry. One municipal councilor said: “[Valls’ staff] are scared as hell. [. . .] Manuel has a fascistic side. He is a real dominant male who has a certain brutality. The guys obey. Sit! Don’t move [i.e. like ordering a dog]” (66). Read more »