Costs of Multiculturalism

Ron Unz in the New York Times

/67 Comments/in , /by

In my article on Ron Unz’s  “The Myth of American Meritocracy” I noted that it did not get much buzz in the above ground media. But Unz managed to get a brief comment in the New York Times “Room for Debate” feature (“Fears of an Asian Quota in the Ivy League“).  Unz uses some of the data from his article to make the case that indeed discrimination is involved (“Statistics indicate an Ivy League Asian Quota“).

The only noteworthy comment was by Jeff Neal, director of university communications for the faculty of arts and sciences at Harvard. Neal attempts to combat the weight of statistics by assurances that admission is based on reviews that are “individualized and holistic.” In other words, they are completely opaque, so they can do what they want. And the result is a very large underrepresentation of Asians and the much larger underrepresentation of non-Jewish Whites controlled for academic achievement. Read more

Letter from Sweden

/176 Comments/in , , /by

There is a rising tide of aggressive anti-Semitism in Europe. This primarily comes from Muslim youth. In cities like Malmo, Paris and London, Jewish religious life is coming under attack by Muslim youth. I do not think this is acute conflict, but at least Jews are not as well-protected as before.

The Jewish establishment have always pushed for new laws to protect their interests but now, when there millions of Muslims and Africans in Europe it is not as easy as before. Muslims and Africans are quite difficult to blame, because that would undermine the elitist notion that immigration is “always good and always provides economic and cultural value” to the West. The only way for the politicians to protect the society is to establish new departments that control public opinion and increase surveillance and law enforcement. Their hope is that the conflicts arising from multiculturalism are manageable. They will not change immigration policy.

Last night there was a large debate between the leaders of the eight parties in the Swedish Parliament. It was only the Swedish Democrats that wanted to lower the immigration levels (by 90 percent). The conservative, liberals and socialist parties wanted no change in policy and the Green Party said they wanted a policy of more open borders. The key argument from the establishment was “humanism”, “anti-racism”, “human rights” and that these immigrants will soon show that they are an asset to the Sweden. They also told stories about poor Somali children. It was quite extraordinary that they could not put forth any empirical argument, but relied instead on moral exhortations. Read more

The bitter truth about multiculturalism

/85 Comments/in , /by

Heinz Buschkowsky, mayor of the Berlin problem-district Neukölln (41% immigrants), has written a book that will unleash a lot of discussion. Bild [a leading German tabloid] has published exclusive excerpts:

At this point my case is more about the daily powerlessness in a world where shoppers walk through the supermarket, collect products, pass the cashier without paying, and make clear to the cashier what will happen to her when she calls the police.

There, where five persons walk abreast over the sidewalk and all others should make way. There, where possibly everyone is gazing into nothingness before the traffic light to avoid trouble with the streetfighters in the car next to you and being asked: “Do you have a problem? We can resolve it here and now!”

There, where small children are asked for a ‘road tribute’ or a ‘consumption tax’ for the use of the playground. Where young women are being asked if they wish to have a ‘fertilisation process’. Where people throw their softdrink over the head of the bus driver when he asks for your bus ticket. This simply puts you in a bad mood, just by reading it.

As long as we pursue a policy of all-understanding and all-forgiving and make clear to the people that we are not thinking about changing these conditions, because this neglect of manners belong to ‘cultural identity’ and ‘openness to the world,’ we will only find lukewarm partners for a genuine successful  integration policy. Read more

Anti-White racism condemned by a mainstream French politician

/90 Comments/in , , /by

Two months before the election of the new chairman of the French centre-right party UMP, its secretary-general and candidate for the chairmanship, Mr. Jean-François Copé, published a manifesto with the title ‘Manifesto for a Right unhibited’. Le Figaro, a leading French newspaper associated with the right, has published some abstracts. I have translated one of the abstracts because it deserves to be shared among a wider audience. It illustrates the point that the multicultural utopia is just that—an unrealistic, impossible dream promoted by elites that are completely out of touch with the lives of ordinary people. 

Meaux as an example

If I have inherited a love for France and a desire to serve her, it is at Meaux [Copé is the mayor of Meaux and deputy for the department in which Meaux is located] where this love came about, developed in the complexity of life, because the France of which I have been talking about across these pages is not a France which is abstract, conceptual or romantic. It is also not the France of the beautiful neighbourhoods and the elite. (…) The ‘reality shock’ is also this mother who came to see me recently. She lives alone with her son in a flat in the Beauval district where she feels threatened after she stood up against agression. Her son was playing his portable video game in front of the building, when it was stolen from him by a youngster. The mother knew the youngster and the mother went to see the parents and the neighbours to claim back the object, which she had bought after months of saving money. She was told: “If you are not satisfied here, move away, Gaul…” Thereafter, this woman felt being watched, she feels like a stranger in the neighbourhood where she has lived for many years. An ‘anti-White racism’ is developing in the districts of our towns where individuals – some of them have French citizenship – have contempt for Frenchmen, which they call ‘Gauls’, under the pretext of not having the same religion, the same skin coloror the same origin as them.

I am hearing more and more residents of Meaux complaining and that particular racism is also unacceptable like all other forms or racism: we have to denounce it, like we condemn all other discriminations. I know that I am breaking a taboo by using the term ‘anti-White racism’ but I do it with a purpose, because it is the truth is in which some of our citizens live and the silence is just making the trauma worse. These phenomena are impossible to see from ‘Paris’, in the media and political circles where the overwhelming majority of the leading people are White Frenchmen born from French parents. In these microcosms, the lack of diversity limits the presence of people of color or foreign origin. But let’s face reality: the situation in completely inverse in a lot of neighbourhoods of our suburbs.”

I await with interest the longer version of Mr. Cope’s Manifesto, to be published on October 3. 

Ingrid Carlqvist and the morality of ethnic nationalism

/139 Comments/in , /by

We Westerners, uniquely I think, are especially prone to establishing morally-based ingroups. In his book, The Righteous Mind, Jonathan Haidt, whose work on academic societies as “tribal moral communities” of the multicultural left, links the tendency to form moral ingroups to a hunter-gatherer past, when those who transgressed the moral standards of the group were shunned and ostracized. (I agree; see here, Discussion section).

It’s interesting that all the utopias promised by the various intellectual and political movements discussed in The Culture of Critique involved moral indictments of the West, thus in effect attempting (and succeeding) to create moral communities. In the end, these moral communities created disastrous nightmares, but much of their power derived from their ability to create moral communities.

For example, the Freudian sexual utopia that became mainstream in the 1960s promised to rid the world of neurosis and the evils of anti-Semitism, but ultimately encouraged callousness in sexual relationships, the de-emphasis on love and affection, and resulted in declines in all of the markers of family stability and functioning (e.g., dramatic increases in teenage unwed mothers). The Political radicalism that promised to rid the world of class divisions resulted in the deaths of tens of millions in the USSR and elsewhere. And now we have the multicultural utopia that has promised that all peoples and cultures will live in peace and harmony together (within Western and only Western societies).

It’s not hard to find examples of dystopic nmulticulturalism.  Indeed, readers of TOO are well-acquainted with the costs of multiculturalism. But I thought that Ingrid Carlqvist’s speech “I want my country back” is a particularly great description of a Western country that has become a moral ingroup enforcing multiculturalism, while at the same time illustrating the predictably dystopic, immoral effects of  multiculturalism. Read more

The War on White Australia: A Case Study in the Culture of Critique, Part 4 of 5

/111 Comments/in , , /by

Opposition to multiculturalism in Australia and the Jewish response

Australian Jewry, now just one ethnic group among many in a “multicultural” society, remains, as Rubinstein observes, “one of the best organised Diaspora communities in the world and is frequently at the forefront of ethnic and multicultural affairs in Australia.”[i] The one-time editorial committee member of the Australian Jewish Democrat, Miriam Faine, got right to the heart of the Jewish support for large-scale non-White immigration and multiculturalism when she noted that: “The strengthening of multicultural or diverse Australia is also our most effective insurance policy against anti-Semitism. The day Australia has a Chinese Australian Governor General I would be more confident of my freedom to live as a Jewish Australian.”[ii] Comments like these make it clear that Jewish promotion of non-White immigration and multiculturalism has been first and foremost a form or ethnic strategizing (or ethnic warfare) concerned with preventing the development of a mass movement of anti-Semitism in Australia and other Western societies.  

It is, therefore, not surprising that Australian Jewry has reacted aggressively to any manifestation of White ethnocentrism or opposition to multiculturalism from among the White Australian population. Markus notes that: “The post-Holocaust generation [of Australian Jews] has been acutely aware that any public manifestation of bigotry and racism, whoever the immediate target, has the potential to impact across society, on all minorities, however defined.”[iii] He further observes that “Changes occurred in Australian society in the last decade of the twentieth century, which heightened the significance of multiculturalism for the Jewish community and for the wider society.”[iv]

Conservative commentator John Stone recalls that by the mid-1980s support for Australia’s immigration program was increasingly “qualified by growing doubts about the increasingly contrived use of that program to remake Australia in a politically-correct ‘multiculturalist’ image.” The then Leader of the Opposition, John Howard, when asked by a journalist in 1988 whether the sharply increased rate of Asian immigration was too high, had replied: “I am not in favour of going back to the White Australia policy. I believe that, if it is in the eyes some in the community… too great, it would be in our immediate term interest and supportive of social cohesion if it were slowed down a little, so that the capacity of the community to absorb [it] was greater.” For having expressed even such mild a criticism of Australia’s immigration program, Howard was assailed by all sections of the liberal elite with his arguments about “social cohesion” being seen as a smokescreen for “racism.” Under sustained attack, Howard backed down in humiliating fashion. Read more

The War on White Australia: A Case Study in the Culture of Critique, Part 3 of 5

/88 Comments/in , , /by

Walter Lippmann – The Jewish architect of Australian Multiculturalism

While the Minister for Immigration in the Whitlam government (1972-1975), Al Grassby, is widely renowned in politically correct Australian circles as the “father of Australian multiculturalism,” the real architect of this poisonously anti-White ideology and policy in Australia was Walter Lippmann, a German-Jewish refugee who settled in Melbourne in 1938. Lippmann was a businessman and a prominent member of Melbourne’s Jewish community who by 1960 had become president of the Australian Jewish Welfare and Relief Society.

In his advocacy of multiculturalism in Australia, Lippmann tore a page out of the writings of the pioneering Jewish-American multiculturalist Horace Kallen. Lippmann deeply resented the assimilated culture of the Australia he entered in 1938, and believed Jewish immigrants had left one type of oppression behind only to be subjected to another: the Australian expectation to assimilate. Kallen had described the corresponding expectation in the early twentieth century United States as “the Americanization hysteria” or the “Americanization psychosis.”[i] The multiculturalism espoused by Walter Lippmann in Australia, a toxic blend of postmodernism and Marxism, implied “a rejection not only of the attempts to promote an amalgam of cultures but also of any assumptions of Anglo-Saxon superiority and the necessary conformity to English-oriented cultural patterns.”

In an article entitled “Australian Jewry – Can It Survive?” published in the Jewish community newspaper The Bridge in January 1973, Lippmann argued that “The positive value of a multicultural society needs promotion in the Australian environment.” His argument was developed against the background of news that Lippmann found deeply disturbing, namely that “for the first time in the history of Australian Jewry, the 1971 Commonwealth Census has disclosed a decline in the number of Jews identifying as such.”[ii] Lippmann identified three major reasons for the decline: the post-WWII migration of Jews had mostly consisted of the middle-aged, the relatively low birth-rate of Australian Jews, and the relatively high rate of marrying out. Read more