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Two feminists fight for the Irish presidency

Both are very bád, but one is slightly less bád.

Both have facilitated the mass immigration and both have kept totally schtumm every single time that some foreign man did something terrible to the women and children of Ireland. To illustrate this point, there was a good old fashioned Black-on-White fatal stabbing in the middle of the campaign. Apparently, a Somalian teenage refugee stabbed a Ukrainian teenage refugee in a government-run hostel for teenage refugees. A dispute arose over food.

Neither candidate made a big deal of this. They certainly didn’t call for the teenage Somali to be deported back to England. They kept quiet. Whoever gets elected will stay quiet when foreigners do bad things to our people.

The campaign seems stage-managed. Great efforts were made to ensure candidates dropped out or were just short of numbers to get nominated. Obviously contrived incidents are given massive publicity. This seems part distraction and part encouraging people to have contempt for voting and democracy.

It seems the deep state have anointed independent socialist Catriona Connelly as their preferred candidate.

The only man in the race has dropped out, although his name will still be on the ballot. Jim Gavin, an alleged Gaelic football hero, ladies man, Army officer and currently with the Irish Aviation Authority. The reason for him dropping out is farcical and obvious nonsense. He owed a tenant 3,300 euros from years ago. All he had to do was pay your man his money, throw in ten percent late payment and a bottle of whiskey. No-one would have thought the less of him. Some speculate that this is training us to be aware: Even the most trivial misdemeanour from years ago can be dragged up and be used to force people to resign.

The other candidate is Heather Humphreys. She retired from politics only last year but is suddenly eager to become president. She has been in government for fourteen years, so every sin is on her conscience. She is a proven liar with contempt for the Irish language. When appointed Minister for Culture and Irish, she promised she would learn the language. She didn’t. When asked now about her Irish, she laughed, smirked and smoothly promised to learn the language if she was elected.

She is accused of protecting at least one foreign murderer in her own constituency of Monaghan. A cyclist named Shane O’Farrell was murdered by a Lithuanian chap in a car – he did not stop after the collision. He was a notorious criminal who kept getting released on bail because – surprise, surprise – he was also working as a snitch for our dearly beloved Boys-in-Blue, An Garda Siochana. This is a very common theme here, as elsewhere. Humphreys did nothing to help the family, even during her stint as Minister for Justice. Mrs O’Farrell says Humphreys is unfit to be President. There are many more omissions on her record, but why waste time piling proof upon proof? She is a farcically bad candidate, and can only have been selected to lose the election.

Catherine Connolly was once a psychiatrist – a profession notorious for the high percentage of madmen. Then she became a barrister – a profession notorious for liars. She distinguished herself by representing banks seeking to get Irish people evicted from their homes. She is, of course, a socialist. Some call her a vulture.

She may be treacherous, but even traitors often have some slightly redeeming qualities. Ms Connolly has two. She speaks the sweet old Gaelic, having put in the effort to learn as an adult. She may betray us to the multi-cultural invaders, but at least she will do it as Gaeilge.

Her other good quality is that she is full of first rate pro-Palestinian rhetoric, passionate yet measured, emotional but also logical. She is very careful to avoid certain aspects of the problem. She talks about Hamas being part of the fabric of Palestinian society. But she does not mention that Nethanyahu funded Hamas, and the Israelis were repeatedly warned by neighbouring states that the Hamas attack was coming, but they mysteriously chose to do nothing. She never mentions that Ireland is Israel’s second biggest trading partner, nor that we export vast amounts of blood to Israel.

She will squawk loudly about Palestine, and this is indeed good. However, if a bunch of kebab shop Pakistanis decide to run rape gangs in Irish towns, she will stay totally quiet, except possibly to condemn the women for being racist. She has criticised people who wave Irish flags, made the obviously untrue statement that only a tiny amount of people want Remigration and said that phrases like “Ireland is full” were abhorrent.

But if the Israelis were to rape some Palestinian women, Connolly would condemn it strongly. (Or possibly not. Her parliamentary colleague, Barry Heneghan, was on a Gaza flotilla last week. The Israelis hit them in the back of the head with rifle butts and called them Irish dogs, amongst other racial insults. Heneghan made the obvious point that if this is what the Israelis are doing to elected European politicians, what are they doing to the unfortunate Palestinians? Even though the guy is a colleague, she has not said much about it.)

She may be evil and treacherous towards her fellow ethnic Irish, but she will at least make a show of solidarity with the Palestinians.

There is a move to actively spoil the vote, by writing some insulting or amusing slogan on the paper ballot. In polls 6% say they will spoil their vote, which is much higher than usual.

It’s possible that huge numbers, maybe even a majority, may choose to spoil. This will make no practical difference to the result, but it will be humiliating for the politicians. In a 2024 referendum two-thirds voted against a constitutional amendment promoted by almost all politicians, media, etc. It was aimed at changing the definition of family and removing the reference to a mother’s duties in the home. Ireland’s election results don’t show it, but the referendum result does: There are lots of us who totally disagree with the madness of multi-culti politicians. If it looks like huge numbers of spoiled votes, they might well rig the election, by underreporting the amount of spoiled ballots. Too many spoiled votes are a humiliation for the politicians.

Politicians and pundits sneer at the vote enhancers. A charming homosexual Senator says that “nobody will see” the insulting remark you write on your ballot paper. But the Senator is mistaken. Every vote is seen by a human counter, and he is obliged to display the vote so that vote observers can see it. A half dozen people will see the insulting remark you put on your ballot. A feminist Sinn Fein Teachta Dála (a member of Dáil Éireann, the lower house of the Oireachtas, the parliament of Ireland) sneers that the spoiled votes will only be news for ten minutes. If, when the ballots are counted, the majority of people have spoiled their votes by insulting reference to traitors, this will cast a shadow on the seven years of the Presidency. In the 2024 referendum, people put rosary beads, sacred medallions and other symbols of their Pagano-Christian identity into the ballot box along with their vote.

Spoiling your vote by writing some Remigration slogan on it will make very little short-term difference. But it will show the elected president how hated she is. The public humiliation, the jeers in the streets, the catty remarks about her dress style and useless family members will drive Mrs President into a total nervous breakdown within a year of taking the job. They will have to have another election.

Possible slogans to spoil or enhance your vote: Get Them Out! Enough is enough! Slán abhaile (Safe home). Or the simple, brave words of one of the few women in Irish public life prepared to stand up for the Irish: The Palestinian Ambassador to Ireland said “Palestine for the Palestinians, Ireland for the Irish.”

As well as spoiling your vote, it is worthwhile also voting. As long as your preferences are clear, the people counting the votes have the discretion to count your vote. If Jim Gavin is elected, he has promised to resign. This will mean another election, and a chance to get a remigration candidate on the ballot. A number two vote for Connolly, evil and treacherous though she is, is a slap in the face for the Israelis.

Voting is wonderful. But we don’t get a chance to vote for the next five years. If you’re one of the many Irish people who never vote because they have contempt for politicians, why not use this vote as a chance to humiliate the politicians?

Beir Bua!

Kinder Surprise: The downsides of adopting racially alien children

News from the small German town of Herdecke this past week has sent cognitive dissonances into overdrive after jousting reports finally settled on what many had dreaded. The stabbing of newly elected mayor Iris Stalzer was perpetrated by her own children (daughter, 17 and son, 15), who were adopted from Mali and Haiti respectively. In scenes reminiscent of a Quentin Tarantino film, the daughter had tied down the career-minded 57-year-old in the basement of their home and tortured her for hours with a makeshift blowtorch and 13 knife “punctures” to the lungs and torso. But in this disturbing case of pulp friction, it’s the epilogue that reveals who the real sociopaths are.

German authorities have decided not to issue an arrest warrant and instead are classifying the incident as “bodily harm.” While the daughter cools off in a psychiatric facility, it’s also come to light that the mother, after being airlifted to an intensive care unit, attempted to lie to investigators about the ordeal. The former lawyer apparently thought this would work just days after making several calls to police for help in dealing with knife threats from her daughter. Stalzer actually blames the authorities for not providing enough support to deal with her problematic daughter. In the old Germany it would be the woman who was sent to a psychiatric ward and the daughter sent to prison. Alas the Merkel-Merz era seems to have taken things all the way back to Weimar.

The current year is coincidentally somewhat of a marker for several past events that provide some reflective insight on the throes of our times. Precisely a century ago, Franz Boas’s notorious protégé Margaret Mead landed on Samoa and began her infamous study that would be later cited by legion cultural relativists and blank slaters despite its baseless anthropological integrity. 1925 was also the year that a certain obscure work would be published and ignored for years: Mein Kampf. It’s rather evident whose literature has ended up on the right side of history, but one has to question what it’s all worth when you end up on the wrong side of your African daughter’s knife blade.

Some might see a certain poetic justice to the summoned carnage – Goethe’s Die Wahlverwandtschaften (1809) comes to mind as a parallel for what befalls the tempting of fate and nature with such folly as blended families. Where some see tragedy others see karma, indeed at a time when the bleeding-heart liberals are now just plain bleeding – who would deny them the “Told you so” riposte? Those who dictate policy for the rest are the least deserving of immunity from public exposure of domestic abnormalities. Some of these masochists in the current zeitgeist may even revel in their public payment of these sanguine tithes.

This year is also the 500th anniversary of Martin Luther’s marriage to Katharina von Bora, which was among the earliest for clergymen and an important precedent for clerical matrimony rights. The later adoption of Luther’s name by the Black American preachers is a rather sordid appropriation that took place merely because of MLK Senior’s pompous visit to the 1934 world Baptist congregation in Nazi Germany. That is where the similarities end, because while the Protestant reformer married a former nun and raised six children and four orphans, MLK Jr. is known to have abused scores of prostitutes and spread STIs more than the gospel. His files were sealed by a 50-year court order.

Mainstream German culture  is very much in fashionable agreement with its American equivalent, such that in 2020 a group of activists unofficially renamed Berlin’s Mohrenstraße station George Floyd Straße on account of some feigned racial sensitivity about the name Mohr. In reality this term is merely a cognate of Moor (cf. Mauritania), and is also a common German surname.

Feel good initiatives are one thing, but reality is another, and it appears that Black fatigue and the Schwarze Chroniken will be overlapping with ever greater regularity. Media this week reported on the Togolese asylum seeker in the small town of Neuffen who for two years has been smashing cars and exposing himself to children. In another case, a Ghanaian migrant stabbed a woman in front of her three young children, rendering her permanently paralyzed.

Of course, the much larger source of terror continues to be the Merkel-era migrant influx from the Muslim world. Bild reported this week that a Syrian 14-year-old was arrested following 200 criminal acts in several towns. He was only able to be arrested after turning 14, because German law is designed for German behaviour, and is thus limited in unprecedented ways. Last month two Syrians raped a 19-year-old Czech tourist in the city of Dresden, with the twist in the story being that the victim was male. The same fate befell a young Polish man in the city of Munich after the Afghan attackers pulled out their knives.

This year is also the 80th anniversary of the Rape of Berlin – a largely forgotten atrocity perpetrated in the closing stages of WWII. But just as the United States has its Civil War re-enactors so too can Germany claim to now have a segment of its population who will emulate  what the Soviets did, albeit on a daily basis and countrywide.

Cynics of Germany’s refugee and migrant population will often sardonically refer to the newcomers as doctors and lawyers, which is one of the more charitable euphemisms, although ironically there are actually some ordained doctors among them. We know this because a Syrian born doctor was recently found guilty of raping a 14-year-old girl at his clinic in Bad Rothenfelde. In some Muslim countries physicians are not even allowed to look at female genitalia directly, meaning mirrors are employed to fool Allah, but such rules are undoubtedly suspended when dealing with infidels.

Some of the other euphemisms popularly used by the media and law enforcement include Südländer (southerners), Schutzsuchende (persons seeking protection) and Zugewanderte (newcomers). Perhaps the strangest has been the choice of some female activists and parliamentarians, who have accused the AfD of being biased against the new dark-haired Germans. The visage of a certain painter from Vienna puts such a color scheme into question, but also puts some European migrants in the cross-hairs of a synecdoche that works both ways. Years ago in the town of Hamelin, a Bosnian woman had told me that her kind referred to the more pallid Germans as Kukuruzni – a reference to raw corn. Since discretion is the better part of valor I decided not to ask why she herself had a peroxide hairdo that would make Geert Wilders blush. At any rate, when barbershop talk reaches the Bundestag it shows that the partisanship is pettier than ever.

Following the electoral humiliation of Olaf Scholz, the Christian Democratic Union is back in power, although such coalitions remain fragile and not much is expected to change policy-wise. Chancellor Friedrich Merz like predecessor Merkel has Polish ancestry, although it should be said that these are garden variety Slavs who have assimilated to Germanic masochism and seem to have brought only anti-Russian sentiment across the Oder. At a time when tax payers are being bled dry and the cost of living has been jacked up across the board, Merz is lavishing money on Zelensky and talking up war with Russia. For authentic based Poland vibes one needs to turn to figures like Gregor Braun, who extinguished the Polish parliament’s Hanukah candles, or Ewa Zajaczkowska, who in the European parliament told Ursula von der Leyen that she should “go to prison“ since she was “responsible for every rape caused by illegal migrants.“

Merz, who is the grandson of a Nazi, has tried to present himself as someone who is cracking down on immigration, but it’s impossible to take that seriously given he continues his Firewall policy of refusing to cooperate with the AfD. Meanwhile, Syrians are lapping up German citizenship rather than returning to post-Assad Syria. In the lead up to North Rhine-Westphalia’s elections last month, a remarkable seven candidates for the AfD were found dead. No patriotic German can feel too safe these days, but it’s hardly better for regular folk who have lost their social lives on account of security fears as well as basic financial security. Germans feel like hostages in their own country and yet its Merz’s other marquee issue that shows which hostages are of greater concern…

The Brandenburg Gate – October 7, 2025

The vast majority of Europe has now recognized the State of Palestine, for whatever that’s worth, and it’s really only the former Axis-occupied lands that hold out: Germany, Italy, Austria, Finland, the Baltics, the Netherlands and Belgium. Germany’s most loyal poltroon, Croatia under Prime Minister Plenkovic, is likely to echo its role from WWII and be Germany’s last remaining ally on this issue too.

Among all of the chaos transpiring in Germany, the position of the elites and political class has been to more or less double down on all of the policies that have led to the present crisis. This means more austerity, more arrest of thought criminals online and more antiracism propaganda. Some government sponsored initiatives have involved conditioning young women for interracial relations and miscegenation. It’s probably not even necessary given what is known about the wartime Rhineland Bastards – spawned under a completely different political paradigm. Western hyperindividualism combined with current proximity and demographics seem like a foregone conclusion.

Germany’s biggest cultural export in this century is probably supermodel Heidi Klum – who no doubt doubles as role model for German girls back home who dream of becoming a star in America. What’s fascinating about a woman with three black offspring is that she does not consider perennially dyeing her dark hair blonde to be colorist conflict of interest.

Having children that do not resemble oneself may be increasing in popularity, but according to sociobiology impresario Jean-Francois Gariepy its implications are quite profound. The concept of genetic distance was the HBD theme of the year for 2024, but many still seem unable to comprehend the central tenet. The level of effective relatedness between a parent and their child is a function of many genes they have in common with their spouse. In the homogeneous societies of yesteryear, parents had a level of genome commonality with their offspring that was above 90%. Infidelity was not even able to be noticed, such was the minimal level of variation in the group. Nowadays perhaps only someone half Ethiopian, half Danish could claim to have the base level 50% genetic concordance with each parent.

The reality for people who miscegenate is that this means that they are likely to be more genetically related to millions of strangers than their own offspring. How this affects child-rearing and long-term bonds is itself worthy of investigation, and yet the empirical research is virtually non-existent. This is the kind of issue that Germany’s Max Planck Society could be studying, but alas the Frank Salters are long gone (although he is still active in promoting an Anglo Australia). The corporate hierarchy went woke and the budget will go broke once the German tax base is no longer able to support the annual 2.15 billion euro subsidy.

Having recently communicated with some German residents contemplating leaving the country, high taxation was indeed the most common reason cited (including the covert taxation through utilities, groceries, inflation). Significant numbers of Eastern Europeans are beginning to return to their home countries, while ethnic Germans opt for Spain, the United States, Australia, New Zealand and even Uruguay.

One woman from the city of Stuttgart told me that Germany is a “sinking ship.” She identified migrants as benefitting from welfare and not working but was otherwise very politically correct. She disliked Merz simply because he “looks like a Nazi” and also thought the Iris Stalzer case could have happened to anyone with adopted children. When I pointed out that the girl essentially avoided any legal prosecution for attempted murder, she disagreed because she considered the temporary psychiatric internment as an adequate legal resolution and fully trusts the diagnoses made by appointed officials. Sinking ships usually submerge quite peacefully – perhaps comparison with the Hindenburg will prove to be a more accurate.

Another person I know who works as a rare fruit grower has decided to disassemble his greenhouses and move to the Dominican Republic. He also sticks to economic and bureaucratic rationales, which he deems sufficient to make his case rather than delving into crime and other social unpleasantries. Classic German minimalism and stoicism. With many decent, hardworking Germans leaving for good, the future looks like it will get even more erratic and polarizing for the homeland. Who could have predicted just a decade ago that Germany would have a world championship winning basketball team, but be closing down its breweries in record numbers? It’s a sobering reality indeed.*

Leftist Indoctrination, Family Betrayal, and a Book Deal

A Summary and Analysis of Leonie Plaar’s Meine Familie, die AfD, und Ich

A Concise Summary of Leonie Plaar, Her Family, Her Politics, and This Book

Leonie Plaar, better known as Frau Löwenherz, is a radical left influencer in Germany, whose public personage can be best described as lesbian, antifa, and an adamant proponent for the effort to ban Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). Lamentably, Plaar has some degree of influence, with over 131 thousand followers on her German language TikTok account and over half a million followers on her English language account. She has a somewhat more modest presence on Instagram, with a German language account of approximately 80 thousand followers (it has recently dipped below 80k), and over 30 thousand followers on an English language account.1 She has appeared on various talk show segments on German television, although not without controversy and ridicule. Perhaps worst of all, she was recently given a book deal by Goldmann Verlag and Penguin Deutschland, as Meine Familie, die AFD, und Ich (My Family, the AfD, and I) was published last month, September 2025. This contemptible screed, which recounts her decision to break off contact with her family, her father in particular, is the focus of this essay, with an in-depth summary and analysis set forth below.

Leonie Plaar walking about the streets of Edinburgh, a perfect juxtaposition of European society and culture on one hand and the archetype of a certain group of individuals working headlong not just for the demise of Germany and the German people, but European civilization and posterity writ large. Her phenotype, including pale skin, long blonde hair, and a statuesque frame augments this juxtaposition. Dressed in black attire, she appears like a fallen Valkyrie, irretrievably corrupted and tainted by a pernicious cultural milieu that has been installed by the Western Allies and tirelessly cultivated after Germany’s capitulation.

Those who have followed Plaar knew about this decision for some time; she even talked about it on during a presentation sponsored by TINCON, an organization geared towards indoctrinating German youth with far-left claptrap. Disparaging her family, particularly her father, in such a manner was not enough, as she has now capitalized on this with this book. It is currently a Der Spiegel bestseller, but, as is the case with The New York Times bestseller list, there is reason to doubt the veracity of such numbers. German contacts have informed this author that the Der Spiegel bestseller list is even more dubious than its New York Times counterpart. The implication of this is that her book may not be nearly as wide read as feared. Even granting such suspicions their due, some at least are reading this screed, just as at least some of the 80ish thousand followers on Instagram have to be real, to say nothing of the half million on TikTok.2 It is for this reason that cultural and political expressions such as those by Plaar require the strict attention and scrutiny of those who oppose such ruinous politics and ideology.

Both the subject matter as well as the writing style, which includes more than just a few forays into excessive Anglicismsrender the reading of this book a most unenviable task indeed—the last two words of the book are the English phrase “quite happy.” As to be expected from leftist ideologues like Plaar, her writing also engages in an insidious practice known in current-day Germany as Gendern. Regarded by its proponents as the newest iteration of geschlechtergerechte Sprache,3 this practice eschews using nouns referring to persons in their traditional, gendered forms. For example, rather than using die Lehrer (“teachers” with a generic masculine form). this affliction on the German language, known as the Gendersternchen, denotes “teachers” with the abomination “die Lehrer*innen,” using the plural feminine form of the noun for teacher (die Lehrerin and die Lehrerinnen) but with an apostrophe between the root noun and the feminine suffix to placate so-called “non-binary” people. Rather than AfD Wähler, Plaar constantly refers to AfD supporters or AfD constituents as AfD Wähler*innen.

In terms of offering new content and fresh ideas, the book’s only substantive value was the added details of her family and her decision to break off all contact with her father in particular; it seems she has very sporadic contact with her mother. At less than 200 pages, the thin volume provides a family and personal history combined with her zealous advocacy for her decision to cut ties with her family. This account of the events that led to this decision are interspersed with various political diatribes that could not be any more unoriginal or uninteresting. That portion of the text not dealing with her family reads like a barely coherent mish-mash of leftist catechisms. Although there are a few, occasional Schachtelsätze4 that require close attention by non-native and probably native German speakers alike, the greatest peril faced by this reader was the challenge to stay focused when reading passages that were nothing other than naked boilerplate of leftist dogma that has been encountered countless times before. This includes several pages devoted to Kimberlé Crenshaw’s cursed diatribe about intersectionality as well as other leftist tenets that have been repeated and regurgitated countless times before, not unlike religious catechisms. The text is also riddled with tired, cliched jargon that has become all too predictable, including the unironic, sincere use of the term “fact checks,” “toxic masculinity,” so-called “white privilege”—in sacred Germany!—and a limited selection of other buzzwords and slogans revealing how very shallow the NPC script runs.

As discussed below, various redundancies, the constant, unremittent use of a few select adjectives and other buzzwords, as well as the dearth of original, novel content inform more discerning readers that this book deal was not founded on any objective appraisal based on quality of writing or interesting, unique insight, but simply having a minimum, baseline number of followers on TikTok or other social media platforms. Such are the literary standards of major publishing houses in the modern world, if one can call them standards at all.

It is of particular note that Plaar commits a fair amount of verbiage condemning so-called “white privilege,” including expressions of naked contempt for her father for having such supposed privilege. Reading leftist claptrap droning on—and on—about so-called “white privilege,” so painfully familiar in modern American discourse, is particularly grating in the German language and in the context of the plight of modern Germany precisely because Germans, actual Germans and other actual Europeans who have a right to live there and travel there, are categorically white by definition. The “privileges” enjoyed by her father, other Germans, and even herself, for which she also expends significant verbiage to apologize for, are nothing less than belonging to a homogenous, European society and enjoying the benefits and advantages of the social contract such society is supposed to provide for those who rightfully belong to that society and polity. Such tirades are revealed to be particularly absurd and offensive when one imagines the same vitriol applied to Japanese individuals enjoying Japanese or “Asian privilege” and other advantages of belonging to Japanese society, or “Jewish privilege” in the context of Israeli Jews belonging to Israeli society.

Increasing Acrimony With Her Family and the Decision to Break Off All Contact

Interspersed with these and other boilerplate leftist talking-points is a narrative that sets forth both the events that preceded and then compelled (in her mind) her decision to cut off contact from her family and her justification for doing so. Perhaps the most repugnant facet of this book is the raw, naked contempt she holds for her father. She does not even refer to him as her father, but uses the German word “Erzeuger” to refer to the unfortunate patriarch. As is often the case with many German words and expressions, the word defies easy translation. In relation to animal husbandry, the term can be translated as “breeder.” In matters of law and in other contexts where a man impregnated a woman who gave birth to a child but was never active in a role as a father, the term can also be translated as “biological father.” However, the term “biological father” would make little sense to English readers in Plaar’s particular instance given the absence of any context in which it is normally applied. Given that Leonie was never adopted or raised by a step-father, use of the term “Erzeuger” is therefore both strange and dehumanizing. It is of note she refers to her mother, grandmother, and late grandfather as such: Mutter, Oma, Opa. In the course of this text, she also refers to him as a “textbook example of frustrated facebook boomers,” a “complete asshole,” and an “old white man.”

The factual context underlying her strong political disagreements with her father and the rest of the Plaar family is fairly straightforward and could have been summarized in a medium-length essay. She attended the Universität Osnabrück with the original intention to major in law (the rough equivalent of law degrees are awarded at the undergraduate level in Germany). At some point she changed her mind and switched to history and gender studies. Predictably enough, this coincided with her abrupt political radicalization. During this time, she would visit family armed with “anti-racist” and “feminist” literature with the fool’s errand of trying to change their minds. She could not. Utterly uncompromising in her political convictions, she could not accept that her parents and grandparents supported the supposedly “far-right” AfD. Both her contempt for her family and her rigid, unwavering ideological zealotry even obliged her to start an argument at her family’s traditional German Christmas celebration5, even though she was sure it would be the last such get together for her late grandfather. The continuing political disagreements only ratcheted up with increasing intensity, before finally coming to a head when she came to what would be her last visit with her family, armed with what she thought was a silver bullet, namely the question “what circumstances would oblige you to leave the AfD?”

Here there is an important discrepancy with what is set forth in the book and what she relays in the TINCON pr sensation alluded to earlier, as well as, in all likelihood, other appearances and statements concerning this subject. In the presentation in Cologne, which, of course, occurred before this book was published or even in the process of writing and revision, she claims that her father answered that “nothing” could persuade him to leave the AfD. The underlying reason as to why this would be unforgiveable is that her father would still not leave the party even if the AfD somehow transformed itself to an actual far-right, neo-Nazi party that condoned the Holocaust or took other positions that the party would never do both for practical political reasons and because such positions would render the party illegal in modern Germany still underfoot of her American conquerors. In the book, this line of “argumentation” was underpinned by the fantastical rhetorical question as to what her father’s reaction would be if Björn Höcke did a Nazi salute in the Bundestag.6

Here however Plaar is either caught in a lie or suffers from an acute inability to keep her facts straight. In the book, she recounts this challenge but states that his original response was, after staring off in the distance and taking a deep breath, to simply say nothing. She then reiterated the same question in so many words and hysterical rhetorical questions with no basis in reality, and he simply stated that supporting the AfD is in his best financial interest. This is in direct contradiction of her earlier account at TINCON where she claims he said “nothing” would change his mind concerning the AfD.

It is of note that right-of-center outlets have discovered and commented on an equally if not more disconcerting inconsistency, namely that she claims to have been briefly a member of the AfD at different ages, both of which would have her, a woman born in 1992, as a member of the party before it was founded in February of 2013. In the book she claims she was 19, and in other public statements it was 18. As at least one German influencer has noted, it would be interesting if the AfD made a public statement certifying that she was never in fact a member.

It is also of note that Plaar identifies a different moment that obliged her, in her mind, to end her relationship with her father in particular. In the book, she recounts a disagreement concerning Covid policy and mandatory vaccinations as the final straw. In denouncing the naked overreach by the Bundresrepublik, her father is alleged to have invoked comparisons to the Holocaust, even alleged to have uttered the derisive comment “Impfung macht frei” (vaccinations will set you free), an allusion to the “Arbeit Macht Frei” sign at the gates of Auschwitz. For Leonie, this “crossed a red line” that could not be forgiven. In the TINCON presentation, she at first desginates the response to her question “What would oblige you to no longer support the AfD” as the reason for breaking off contact, before then explaining that maintaining a relationship with her father in particular would present a danger to her “queer, nonbinary, and BIPOC friends.” At the end before the question-and-answer session, she notes that he compared vaccination requirements with the Holocaust, but did not say this was what crossed the red line, as set forth in the book.7

Given what could most charitably be described as inconsistent statements at best, and at worst what some reasonably suspect to be outright lies, there is more than enough reason for critical readers to doubt he made such utterances at all. Even accepting this as fact, it smacks of obvious hyperbole, exaggerating for rhetorical effect legitimate fears of government overreach in Germany in relation to Covid measures and the vaccine mandates in particular.8 Reading her account of events as she alleges to have taken place, this reader was not left with the impression that the father seriously believed the Bundesrepublik was going to round-up dissidents who resisted such Covid policies and put them in concentration camps, earmarked for extermination.

Consider yet another inconsistency. During the presentation in Cologne, she asks the audience if any in attendance were a “Papakind,” roughly meaning “daddy’s favorite.” In that presentation, she describes her relation with her father being special, and even recounted how in her childhood and adolescence he would regularly come up to her room before bedtime to discuss current events, how her day went, how his day went, and other matters. In the book however, she alleged that her deceased older brother, Gerrit, was the favorite, and that she received unequal or disparate treatment compared to her brother. She even takes umbrage with how he expressed grief when meeting her at the hospital upon news of his death for reasons that were mystifying to this author as well as at least one native German speaker who read the salient passage in question.

As an aside, in a concluding chapter, she divulges to the reader that there are other reasons besides the political and ideological differences that bolstered her decision to end contact with her father in particular. This should strike readers as the most underhanded of all. An author who decides to disparage her father with the intent to convince the reading public of the correctness of such a decision, having decided to make the matter public, should state all relevant contentions plainly and openly. This does not mean all details must be divulged, but this particular tactic is particularly low, even for Plaar. Note also such suggestions necessarily convey certain dark implications, that readers sympathetic to Plaar might infer such nebulous implications likely pertain to physical or sexual abuse or the like.

Another detail in an early chapter further invites skepticism, namely her account of what quickly disabused her supposed (and very brief) membership in the AfD. She claims a black woman “Ella” contacted her on Facebook to express her objections and concerns about AfD and how the party harms “marginalized” people and groups. Consider the possibility, likelihood even, that Ella is a lie and fabrication to draw on the rhetorical weight lefties afford the “progressive stack.” Plaar’s intentions could not be more transparent, namely to show deference to “marginalized” voices and how she as a “privileged, cisgender white woman” in Germany listens and defers to black and brown voices. However ridiculous and disdainful such rhetoric is, it carries significant currency in leftist circles.

The Regurgitation of Leftist Catechisms as Political Diatribe

As stated, the political diatribes are nothing less than a recitation of leftist catechisms, seemingly regurgitated verbatim, with no original thought or insight whatsoever. Reading these portions of the text nonetheless reveals several key attributes that characterize not just Plaar but many of her ilk. One of the most immediate propensities that jumps out at the reader is the constant repeating of certain adjectives to describe persons and entities she not only disagrees with but disdains, those figures being, aside from her poor father, the AfD, its supporters, and most immediately its key leaders. She constantly describes both the AfD and its supporters as “right-wing” or “far-right;” the German word is “rechtsextrem,” which literally translates as “right extreme.” “Rechtsradikal” is a similar adjective, but one she uses much less. So much of the prose is just utterly and appallingly redundant, simply stating over and over “The AfD is far-right” over and over again. At one point, after some variation of that sentence had already been uttered in some variation countless times before, she reiterates: “Once again—the AfD is a far-right party.” This not only reveals a defect in reasoning9 and dearth in substance, it reveals her writing to suffer from some of the worst offenses against basic principles in writing and expository composition; first, avoid excessive redundancies and, second, avoid overuse of the same adjectives and other words over and over.

 

As do others in Germany’s left, she also denounces the AfD and its supporters as “misanthropic.” This is another instance where something is lost in translation, because the word “menschenfeindlich” denotes something more sinister in the German, as it literally means “hostile to humanity” or an “enemy to humanity.”10 This term is interspersed with the word menschenverachtend which also means misanthropic but can also mean inhumane, as it literally translates as “contemptuous of humanity.” These and other select adjectives are repeated as if uttered as a rote mantra or, as previously stated, catechism.

Of course, it is not at all the case that the AfD or other right-wing parties and movements, regardless of how moderate they are in fact, are actually misanthropic or contemptuous of humanity, at least not all of humanity. At the very least, AfD supporters and those who demand sensible immigration policy, protection of borders, as well as remigration are not contemptuous of all of humanity at all, as they love their nation and their people, and seek, desire, and demand policies that are conducive to the preservation and furtherance of their future posterity. Morrissey, former frontman of the Smiths, and others have noted how those who truly respect both humanity and diversity in humanity understand why European nation states must remain homogenous, that the multiracial vision of globalism seeks to destroy those differences. Leonie Plaar on the other hand is contemptuous of one segment of humanity, that is Germans in particular, first and foremost her own father, and Germans and white Europeans writ large, especially men.

The rhetorical or, for lack of a better term, literary ticks whereby she is compelled to recite the same adjective and other buzzwords countless times, over and over, is perhaps most evident in relation to Björn Höcke. With few very exceptions, she could not mention the name of this man without the seemingly obligatory preamble of “fascist” first, e.g. “Fascist Björn Höcke” or on rare occasion “the fascist Höcke.” “Der Fascist Björn Höcke” or some slight variation thereof was repeated over and over, as another mantra of the leftist hive mind.

An examination of this book as extended political diatribe also reveals other important propensities. Plaar, like so many other leftist swine of her ilk, never really refutes the contentions of her political enemies, namely her own family, in any given instance. Both in relation to the disastrous Covid policy and the supposed threat to “our democracy” she and others imagined the AfD to be, many of her supposed refutations are nothing other than naked appeal to authority. In relation to the concerns by her family and others concerning the Covid pandemic and the heavy-handed, destructive measures imposed in response to it, she simply cites that there is a “scientific consensus,” which in her mind ends and wins the argument.11 Ostensibly this is also true in the minds of many readers who took up the volume for purposes very different than writing this summary and analysis. COVID policy however is not the only issue where she employs this specious rhetorical tactic. To conclude an exhaustive chapter attacking the AfD as a threat to democracy where she reiterates “rechtsextrem” countless times over, she concludes by noting how “experts warn” that the AfD is a threat to democracy. This reveals a particularly faulty line of “reasoning” that combines circular logic with a most specious appeal to authority; X is Y because X is Y and because “experts” warn that X is Y.

Another rhetorical propensity is to repeatedly describe both platform issues embraced by the AfD and its appointed leaders as well as grievances expressed by her estranged family members as nothing other than conspiracy theories. This is applied to topics on which reasonable minds can disagree, including the suggestion that the vaccine mandates are part of an intentional bid to accelerate and exacerbate white infertility (an assertion of which this author remains unconvinced, although given Plaar’s poor credibility one doubts her family members actually uttered such things) to the great ethnic and racial replacement that has overtaken Europe and the West, a phenomenon so corroborated by hard data as to be indisputable.

The key to understanding how thoroughly engrained her indoctrination is perhaps lies in the fourth chapter, “You Must Also Accept Different Opinions.” This chapter purports to address an objection raised by her grandmother in which the matriarch admonished the younger Plaar that she must learn to accept opinions that are different from her own. In this section, but in preceding and subsequent passages as well, Plaar describes what to her are various disagreeable contentions (no doubt at times consisting of straw-man arguments). Then, as rebuttal of this argument, Plaar simply asserts, with little to no analysis or factual basis, that the argument or facts asserted are simply not true. In a crucial excerpt of this pivotal chapter, she incredulously contends that a right to have an opinion is conditioned on being based on facts, with Plaar and her various political and ideological allies as the sole, exclusive arbiters of what is fact and what is not. Conversely, an opinion based on what she contends are counterfactual assessments are not opinions, but “false claims” (“falsche Behauptungen”). Time and time again she simply states that the claims asserted by her family and other ideological and political enemies of her insane, civilization-destroying worldview are just wrong—or rather that the factual matters underlying these claims are wrong—without proof or actual argumentation. Consider the claim that allowing biological men into female spaces harms women, a claim which has now been proven in many different countries and contexts that have succumbed however briefly to transgender nuttery and delusion. She simply writes “Spoiler—that’s not true.”12

A close reading of this portion of the text reveals that the author soon engages in the old switcheroo. Namely, at first she discounts or dismisses the assertions and arguments of her political enemies by simply declaring they have no factual basis or dismissing them as outright “lies.” As stated before, this is usually done either by that declaration alone or a summary appeal to some nebulous authority such as “scientific consensus” or “experts.” At the end of this diatribe constructed on such bizarre, faulty reasoning, she shifts from the blithe assertion that right-wing views lack a factual basis to declaring outright refusal to compromise on what she wrongly believes to be morally righteous positions on these issues:

Particularly in relation to personal discussions with AfD supporters… it is not a matter of difference of opinion, but rather moral values. Breaking off contact with my family arose not from difference of opinion, but rather that their assertions were not compatible with my comparatively strict moral system.

This is one of the very few considerations she gets right, namely that these irreconcilable differences do stem from moral convictions, even though she is utterly wrong about her moral convictions. In any case, this rare moment of insight should have dispensed with the ridiculous blather alleging there is no factual basis for right-wing reactionary views.

Her specious, faulty reasoning is revealed in many other facets as well. Her parents and other family members, quite correctly, expressed concerns about the danger migrant males pose to the female population of Germany and other countries. Plaar does not engage in any statistical analysis debunking such claims (such data does not exist). Her argument, if one can call it that, is that any sexual assault she ever experienced was at the hands of “white Germans,” ie actual Germans who have a natural blood right to live and reside in sacred Germany! This argument was tethered to a dubious claim that she was raped or sexually assaulted (vergewaltigt) at 17—skeptical readers rightly suspect it was simply a consensual sexual encounter she soon regretted thereafter, and certainly was nothing like the violent sexual assaults that have been perpetrated by migrant, black and brown males in Germany and elsewhere. She further claims that the problem of sexual violence against women “has nothing to do with migration, but rather toxic masculinity.” Then there is this bit of misandrist prattle, dripping with her abject contempt and disdain for men of her own people, as expressed to her father during one of their arguments:

Do you know how often I have been harassed or groped at parties by certain types of men? And each of them was a white German. Every time, when I turn around because there is a strange hand on my ass, stands some Markus or Stefan or Christian in a preppy polo and chinos who thinks I should take that as a compliment.

Here and elsewhere Plaar and others of her loathsome persuasion conflate simple groping or what are ultimately unsuccessful sexual advances at social functions with the sort of brutal, violent rape that have been afflicted on the native populations of Europe by racial imposters who simply must be expelled and expunged from the European continent. The “reasoning” could not be more faulty; Plaar incredulously asserts that because she and those in her circle have never been victimized by migrants or other imposters, and because all of her negative experiences have been at the hands of her German male counterparts, the concern is therefore, in her twisted, delusional mind, invalid.

She also disparages both her family members and AfD supporters by citing alleged death threats and rape threats and then impute these isolated statements in comments sections, direct messages, and the like as representative of her detractors not only collectively but to each and every detractor. Such utterances are of course probably more aptly described as wishes for harm than actual threats. If one were to use this logic, the entire constituency of the Democrat party in the United States would be condemned by similar imputation of unsavory comments about the assassination of Charlie Kirk or the attempted assassination attempts on President Trump’s life during the 2024 election. It is of note she used that rhetorical tactic specifically to denounce her family in her insistence that they stop supporting the AfD; some who claim to support the AfD have expressed a desire to see her raped or killed, so, in Leonie Plaar’s mind, failure to denounce the AfD is somehow tantamount to tacit approval of such comments. One of her outrageous tirades against her father is recounted as follows:

You at the very least know what this party wants. A party composed of a certain contingent of people and supported by a number of people that only want to see people like me but most definitely want to see me, you own daughter, die. I am referring to the number of hate comments and murder threats and desires to see me raped, that I regularly receive from AfD members and supporters and that I have presented to my father (Erzeuger) on a number of occasions.

He and similarly situated AfD supporters could of course similarly present lefties with the plethora of violent rhetoric from Antifa sorts and others directed at those who disagree with their deluded, insane worldview. Indeed, she recently expressed the assassination of Charlie Kirk in favorable terms, stating that while she will not explicitly condone his murder, she does not condemn it either, and that she certainly will not condemn those who do celebrate or condone his murder, most particularly “marginalized” peoples.

Screenshot of Leonie Plaar’s German language TikTok video stating that while she is not happy about Charlie Kirk’s assassination, she is not sad about it either, as she refuses to condemn those who condone or celebrate his death. This is tantamount to condoning to circumvent terms of service. It is also of note she did not post this on her more accessbile English language TikTok accouunt.

There are other passages in the text that are similarly if not equally confounding. Consider her blithe, even flippant response to the contention that banning the AfD would disenfranchise millions of German citizens who willfully and with full knowledge of the issues and each party’s platforms vote for the AfD; they are not disenfranchised from voting, she claims, because they can simply vote for one of the parties that has not been banned. None of these parties intend to do anything about the migrant crisis, The Great Replacement, or other problems that present existential threats to German and European society. In her mind, banning the AfD is in no way an incursion or restriction of the voting rights of those who rightly support the AfD; they can just continue to vote for parties who work towards everything they adamantly disagree with.

These and other considerations in the text, her various public appearances, and social media posts inform a particularly rigid, unwavering worldview that is indeed impervious to both compromise as well as reason. She even states as much in this salient quote:

There are many things on which I am ready to have a discussion—but that does not include questions as to whether certain groups or individuals have earned less human rights than others. For me there can be no compromise on such issues, and those who see otherwise have no place in my life.

The stated intention to discuss certain matters of disagreement should fool no one. Indeed, there is virtually nothing in contravention of leftist orthodoxy that does not, in their sordid worldview, challenge such fanciful notions about “human rights.” In this way, Leonie Plaar’s worldview is revealed to be an absolutist one where everything is all or nothing, all the time. It is not only childish, but unrealistic, particularly in relation to familial relations from different, older generations.13 Indeed, for Leonie it was not enough that her family was somewhat accepting of her professed bisexuality at 15, and later “coming-out” as lesbian at 23;14 that detail is of course in seeming contradiction with the image featured below, certifying she had a boyfriend at 27. The mere suggestion or hope that she marries a man and has children—a proposition on which the continued propagation and furtherance of any people’s future posterity necessarily depends on—was enough to incur her ire. Nor was it enough that her grandmother in particular was accepting of her lesbian proclivities; despite her grandmother’s expressions of acceptance of her current lesbian partner, Plaar was outraged nonetheless because Oma Plaar insisted that marriage is, by definition, between a man and a woman. The same applies to transgender nuttery, the migrant crisis and The Great Replacement, and any off-the-shelf platform position embraced by the left in Europe as well as the United States.

A recent Instragram post certifiying she had a boyfriend at 27, after the supposed coming-out at 23. The book reveals that he was prone to punching furniture and walls. Perhaps this was simply a result from the woman he fell in love with becoming increasingly insufferable, together with any number of severe provocations that would try the patience of a saint.

This rigid, unwavering worldview is further compounded by the particularly audacious manner in which she accuses her detractors from being “brain-washed,” “indoctrinated,” or how she accuses her estranged family members of being in an “echo chamber.” Some readers will doubtlessly chuckle at her naked assertion that she, unlike her detractors, has the unique ability to “think for myself” when her writings reveal no unique insight, no original thought, and are nothing less than the abject regurgitation of leftist talking points and catechisms, recited almost as if from rote memorization.

Lessons to Learn: A Vision Going Forward

As set forth in “On the Indoctrination of Frau Löwenherz,” Leonie Plaar is a woman who has succumbed to the indoctrination and programming of a subversive, hostile cultural milieu. The hyper-Germanic handle Frau Löwenherz could just as well refer to (depending on one’s point of view) a heroine or villainess in Nazi exploitation schlock. That moniker as well as other quirks peculiar to the national German character are emblematic of how her very German phenotype and essence has been weaponized against itself. Central to this is the certitude she will never be a mother or wife as those terms are properly understood. She writes about working for a “diverse, open” society, but astute readers understand that a Germany that is increasingly less German will soon cease to be Germany at all. This of course is her intention and the intention of those persons and entities that are in league with her and her kind. This much should be obvious. Less obvious to at least some readers are other important considerations.

First, despite the ridiculous sentiments oft expressed by mainstream conservative types—the sorts who are idolators of the American flag and listen to “Proud to Be An America” by Lee Greenwood on heavy rotation—this is not the doing of German society, but a vanquished and conquered German society that has been at the direction and control of the United States in particular for over 80 years. Leonie Plaar and other Germans determined to bring about the abnegation and destruction of her people and her race are the natural and inevitable corollary of post-war German society as dictated and crafted by the allied victors, replete with the unrelenting infusion of American Unkultur as well as the war guilt complex that was designed and instigated through manipulation and reform of the German education system in particular. The German war guilt complex, the slanted news coverage of “neo Nazi” attacks on alien imposters, even the phenomenon of Gender Studies that she embraced in college in sync with her radicalization are all cultural phenomena that are installed by or traced to American elements. Otherwise well-intentioned Americans who behold deluded Germans and other Europeans like Leonie Plaar with disbelief, disgust, and contempt should—and must—look no further than their own country to ascertain the true culprits behind this existential threat to German society in particular and European civilization and posterity more broadly.

A second consideration is in equal contravention to mainstream conservative platitudes: that religion and family alone are enough to shelter and inoculate the family and the individual from the subversive elements of modern culture. Both this book and past and more current presentations reveal Plaar’s parents to be good, loving parents. Her father may have inherited a family business, a matter for which his ungrateful daughter takes every opportunity to express contempt and derision. But even in Europe, the success of such a small business requires something well above a standard 40-hour work week. It is also of note that in the TINCON presentation mentioned above, she recounts memories from childhood and early adolescence where he would visit with her before bedtime to discuss current events and matters of the day.

An image of the Plaar family business before the patriarch sold it to Rottler, a German chain specializng in eyewear, hearing aids, jewelry, and the like.

Some might suggest that this is somehow the fault of the Plaar family for “allowing” her to go to university at all. Even in the United States, parents cannot prevent their adult children from attending university or college. They can refuse to pay tuition, but this will likely alienate the children further.15 In Germany and much of Europe, college tuition is paid for, as it should be in a collegiate system that is both selective and academically rigorous, with the family helping on incidentals. It is of course of note she originally intended to major in law (once again, a law degree is equivalent to a four-year degree there) and then, exposed to subversive elements that have overtaken universities both in Europe and particularly the United States, decided to change to history and “gender studies.” The notion of ceding elite institutions further to the left is also part of what has created this crisis in culture, as culture emanates from universities and other cultural institutions.

In the TINCON presentation and elsewhere, Plaar cites going to youth groups as an influence. Such youth groups, which have been an institution in German society for over a century, have been subverted. Now parents and other concerned citizens may be on notice, but even then it is a dubious proposition to attempt to forbid attendance and membership if all of one’s peers belong to these youth groups. Nothing will prompt an adolescent or young adult to rebel and resent parents more than measures that isolate such individuals from their peers during those critical, formative years.

Contrary to naked insistence that “family and religion” alone are the answer, something must be done about the culture and about the universities in particular. Aside from the experiences recounted at the Universität Osnabrück she references Sex and the City in her adolescence, particularly to her “coming out” as bisexual at this time, as she cites the American television series as one of the positive portrayals of female sexual bisexuality she recalls from her youth. Should fifteen years old watch Sex and the City? No, nor should anyone, particularly not women. However, the proposition that parents must be obliged to undertake the utterly impossible task of policing, censoring, and prohibiting each and every instance of American Unkultur in present day Germany or modern society is laughable. Similar considerations apply to rap music for the past 30 to 35 years. A parent would have to chain a daughter to the basement, prohibit all access to the Internet and mass media to ensure, with absolute, mathematical certitude, that a young lady does not take a liking to that insidious, loathsome genre of “music” favored by many of her peers. That such a preposterous proposal is so patently absurd proves that the only prospect for long-term success is addressing culture not on an individual, micro level, but on a broad, societal scale.

For Germans, such considerations are compounded by the war guilt complex, something Leonie Plaar was particularly susceptible to. In the book she denounces any attempt by the AfD or others to reform or regulate this pathology that has become part of Germany’s national character (hopefully not permanently so). She even citesboth heavy-handed Holocaust education as well as news reports of “neo-Nazi” attacks on alien migrants particularly in former East Germany as particularly influential. Such influences are of course precisely as intended by the sitting German education system, increasingly Americanized modern West German mass-media culture, and most importantly of all, as intended by Germany’s erstwhile American occupiers.

For Germany in particular, this realization implores several other, important considerations. First and foremost, a consensus demanding an end to American military occupation must be fostered among a critical mass of Germans. This in turn would allow for an even more pressing imperative, ending the seemingly inexorable, relentless American influence that infuses so many portents of American Unkultur into German and European society, infecting and poisoning the stream of European culture more broadly. End English language advertising, repel—either through social stigma or outright censorship—subversive, vulgar and distasteful “music,” from negrocentric and profane rap music to the gynocentric constellation of female pop icons that run the gamut from Madonna, to Katy Perry, to Taylor Swift and everyone and everything in between. Other instances of American cultural imperialism must also be expunged from German life, from McDonald’s and other purveyors of fast-food slop to Coca-Cola. This must be coupled—some way, somehow—with an attack on and recapture of the universities as well as other important and influential cultural institutions and centers of power. Just as readers can trace the verbatim catechisms and recitations of Plaar’s tiresome political diatribes to leftist indoctrination, such claptrap is revealed to be the very antithesis of individual thought as that term is properly understood. Such indoctrination—such programming—is installed in the minds of countless numbers of individuals just like Leonie Plaar. Disrupt and end this incessant process of indoctrination and programming, and those portents of the incumbent, high German and European culture that sit in opposition to these nefarious influences will then quickly and forcefully retain dominance. Then, and only then, can everything necessary to save German and European civilization and posterity fall quickly in place, if only just in time.

As things are however, Germans who largely agree with Plaar, particularly young women, comprise a mainstream component of modern German and European society. In her instance, she is bolstered by half a million TikTok followers, is propped up in television appearances and, as readers of this essay have learned, even has a book deal with a mainstream publication, Penguin Deutschaland and Goldmann Verlag. The politics and views embraced by this contingent of German society are intent on the abnegation and abolition of both Germany and the German people: die nationale und völkische Abschaffung von Deutschland und des deutschen Volkes. They must be stopped at all costs, by any means necessary and available. That process begins by exposing and, at an intellectual and ideological level, understanding such elements: an effort towards which this summary and analysis hopefully offers a meaningful contribution.

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Richard Parker speaks German with some degree of advanced proficiency to fluency, depending on how exacting one’s standards are, and has lived and worked there. Other articles and essays by Richard Parker are a and other writing with a unique, hard-right perspective!

1 Archives of the respective pages in question have been provided so as not to contribute to page count. Those readers who wish to peruse her content can search for it more proactively on any search enginge of choice.

2 There is always reason to suspect follower count manipulation or fraud. Allegations that Ellen Woodburry, also known as Pizzacake Comics, has marshalled large numbers of bot accounts to inflate follower count are persuasive to many. Readers are encouraged to search on their own to discover certain conversations on certain unnamable platforms for more information.

3 Loosely translated as gender neutral language. Before the rise of transgender nuttery and radical gender ideology, proponents implored the use of both masculine and feminine forms in the plural, eg die Lehrer und die Lehrerinnen. The left of course never stops, so it has devolved further into the use of the Gendersternchen.

4 This term means box sentences, and refers to a unique propensity in the German language that allows for very complex syntax and sentence structures, where one idea is nested into another, similar to Russian nesting dolls. Thomas Mann was famous (or infamous) for this, as are other German thinkers and writers. Some of these sentences are simply impossible to translate perfectly in English, requiring the translator to break a Schachtelsatz into two or more sentences, even though that one sentence is perfectly acceptable in the German, although at times challenging nonetheless.

5 As an aside, this portion of the text was particularly outrageous. She describes a traditional German Christmas, replete with real candles on the Christmas tree and other markings of a traditional Christmas, but is dismissive of the chocolates and other accoutrements as kitschy. The argument started because others in attendance rightly asserted that migrant boats from Africa must be turned away, rather than taken ashore to Europe. This anecdote as with so many others proves Leonie Plaar hates not only her family but her people and her culture. What she describes as a “Scheißweihnachten many rootless Amis yearn for, just as she takes for granted and spits on the intact family unit she was blessed with that those from a broken family, particularly those who suffered at the hands of criminally negligent and abusive single mothers, can only dream of.

6 It is of note that in the TINCON and most likely elsewhere, Plaar contends that AfD figures have done the Nazi salute.

7 See excerpts from around 11:00-11:40, approximately 13:40 and 17:30, give or take 10-20 seconds each way.

8 In this TINCON presenation, she mentions discussions of microchips, vaccine requirements as a naked ploy to render persons infertile or reduce fertility. It should be stressed that Leonie Plaar is simply an unreliable narrator for all the reasons set forth in this essay. As has been stated, she has demonstrated a propensity to impute statements by some to all who are in agreement on other matters. Did her parents really suggest the vaccine carries microchips, or she is imputing utterances on Facebook groups and other outlets to anyone and everyone who suppports the AfD?

9 This propensity to denounce something as “right-wing,” “far-right,” “neo-Nazi,” “racist, so on and so forth is a familiar one. The logical fallacy in this rhetorical strategy is that it presupposes whatever label is applied is categorically a bad thing. This is why in the leftist mind the discussion often begins and ends there. Unfortunately, the tactic has nonetheless been very effective, as many have indoctrinated so deeply as to have a Pavlovian response to the mere utterance of such buzzwords.

10 Such utterances are difficult to translate because it would be bizarre to hear or read a declaration in English that “The AfD (or Donald Trump, or this or that) is “misanthropic.” The most natural expression for the native English speaker might read something like “The politics of Donald Trump and other right-wingers is rooted in contempt for humanity.” But none of the sentences in question read anything like “Der Politik der AfD ist gegründet von der Menschenfeindlichkeit.” Nor would anyone repeat that same sentence countles times over in just a couple of chapters.

11 The problems with such reasoning are well beyond the scope of this essay. In summary, as revealed in the meme featured in the text of this essay, various institutions, including organizations in healthcare and medicine have been subject to ideopolitical capture. Beyond that, consider a staple address to medical students on their first day, namely that one third to one fourth of what is taught is likely wrong, it is just unknwon at that time what is wrong. There are of course many other objections.

12 Note that as her prose is uniquely susceptible to Anglicisms as the German and other languages are beleaguered by the incursion of American influence, she used the English word spoiler, not a German equivalent. This one instance revealing the prose to be incredibly shoddy, reminiscent of Katanji Brown Jackson’s infamous “wait for it” passage in a dissenting opinion that was excorciated in ruthless fashion by Amy Coney Barrett.

13 It should be noted many on the hard-right suffer from similar tendencies, most notably Devon Stack who has stated anyone who supports Trump, even from a realistic assessment based on Realpolitik, should kill themselves, that they are useless, so on and so forth.

14 Various factors place Plaar’s professed lesbianism in doubt, including that she had a boyfriend at University after the age where she supposedly came out. This author has always asserted that homosexuality is not the innate condition LQBTQ-Yuck insists, particularly for women. Female sexuality is far more fluid, and susceptible to bisexuality and lesbianism. This is evinced by the recurreing pattern where women will have heterosexual relationships for years and decades, before “switching sides,” including prominent celebrities. She has also identified herself as lesbian to bisexual. In all likelihood, her lesibianism is a choice predicated on cultural environmental externalities as well as an intense misandry that only intensified with radical leftist indoctrination.

15 It should be noted here that her father threatened to do this on the heels of a particularly acrimonious argument. This was never done, and indeed her mother called Leonie to inform her that she will not allow her daughter to fall in destitution or economic emergency.

The Cunniferous Clown of Canterbury: The Church of England Confirms Its Death-Wish by Nominating a Female Leader

I prayed, I begged, I wept: “Don’t let them do it, God! Don’t let them put a woman in charge of this great British institution, so respected, so influential, so important in the lives of so many millions for so many years! Deflect the desecration! Avert the abomination! Please, God, please!” My prayers were in vain, of course. Deep down, I had always known they would be and I had tried to prepare myself, to harden my heart against the inevitable.

Core component of Clown World

I thought I had succeeded. But it still hurt badly, I still cried out in anguish when I heard the news: a woman had been officially confirmed as the next Doctor Who. And what about the Church of England and the news that a woman, Dame Sarah Mullally, will be the next Archbishop of Canterbury? Well, that didn’t upset me in the least.[1] It was like hearing that a clown with a big red nose was going to be be replaced by a clown with a slightly bigger red nose. The Church of England is a core component of Clown World’s YooKay franchise, so its head has to be a clown. Sarah Mullally, the current Bishop of London, is not the first clown to be Arch-Invertebrate of Contemptible and very likely won’t be the last. She is, however, the clearest signal yet that the Church of England is resolutely determined to commit suicide and hand England over to Islam.

Real rabbi, bogus bishop, indisputable imam: Ephraim Mirvis, Sarah Mullally and Mohammed Mahmoud of the East London Mosque (image from London Evening Standard)

This is because she’s not merely a clown: she’s a cunniferous clown. That adjective is my Latinate neologism for what English might call “quim-carrying.” In short, the next Archbishop of Canterbury will be a woman. And womanhood is a wonderful thing, indeed a worshipful thing, a central and essential part of divine creation. That’s on a Christian understanding of the world. But the Christian understanding must also recognize that womanhood is a complementary thing, both inside and outside the church. Some essential roles are fitted only for women and some only for men. One role utterly unfitted for women is that of bishop. When the Church of England announced that it was to have a cunniferous Clown of Canterbury, it was the loudest blast yet on the horn of a ship steaming straight for a very big and very solid iceberg.

Oxymoronic abominations

But the blast wasn’t needed in 2025. The suicidal course of the Church was made clear in 1992, when its governing body voted to allow women to become priests. “Female priest” has the same ring as “nation of immigrants.” Both phrases are oxymorons, complete contradictions in terms, things devised by enemies of an institution and accepted only by the foolish, self-hating or suicidal within that institution. But I don’t need to quote scripture or deploy theology to prove that female priests are an abomination and will be deadly for any church that accepts them. I merely need to ask whether the Guardian approves of them. And does the atheistic, anti-Christian, anti-Western, anti-White Guardian approve of female priests? Of course it does. The Guardian celebrated the abomination of female priests back in 1992 and is celebrating the arch-abomination of Sarah Mullally in 2025:

Decades of secularisation and declining congregations mean that modern Anglican leaders no longer command the kind of influence once enjoyed by a William Temple, or a Geoffrey Fisher. More recently, the abuse scandals that led to the resignation of Justin Welby last year have also gravely diminished the authority of the established church.

Yet at a time of polarisation and disturbing social division, the Church of England still has a vital role to play. As the far right co-opts the symbols of Christianity to promote hostility and intimidation towards perceived outsiders and minorities, Britain’s faith movements have a duty to be standard-bearers for an ethos of tolerance, generosity and inclusion. In that context, the historic nomination of Dame Sarah Mullally as the first female archbishop of Canterbury should be seen as a landmark moment. (“The Guardian view on the first female archbishop of Canterbury: a choice that offers renewal and hope,” The Guardian, 5th October 2025)

How sincere is the Guardian when it smarms that “Britain’s faith movements have a duty to be standard-bearers for an ethos of tolerance, generosity and inclusion”? Not at all sincere, as I’ll show below. And how right is the Guardian to call Mullally’s appointment a “landmark moment”? Well, there’s a much better way of putting it. George Owers noted in the Critic that Mullally’s appointment is really a lanyard moment. Lanyards are the cords that hold an identity badge for a bureaucrat or someone attending a conference. And “lanyard class” has become a shorthand in the YooKay for politically correct authoritarians, for bureaucrats and officials who feel entitled to monitor and control the rest of us out of the pureness of their perfected hearts. As Owers says of Mullally: “She is the pure distilled essence of the hectoring lanyard class, a bureaucrat, a proceduralist and a progressive down to her fingertips. Her entire professional career was spent in the NHS [National Health Service], latterly as Chief Nursing Officer and ‘Director of Patient Experience’; she is on the record as being ‘pro-choice’, pro-gay marriage, on board with the usual check-box list of LGBTQIA+ orthodoxy.”

All that makes her perfect to head the suicidal C of E. As I’ve said before, the central principle of the modern Church of England is not Godliness but Guardianism. And here’s more mulling on Mullally in the Guardian by another cunniferous clown, the Rev Marine Oborne, “chair of Women and the Church (Watch) and vicar of St Michael’s church in Chiswick, London”:

People all over the country will have rejoiced on Friday at the news of the first ever female archbishop of Canterbury. After literally centuries of women seeking to serve as leaders in the church, a woman will now hold the most senior position in the Church of England. And the news was welcomed not simply because Sarah Mullally is a woman, but because she is a wise, intelligent, courageous and compassionate leader.

Of course, some people are unhappy – either because of her sex or because of her support for the blessings of same-sex relationships. […] Recently, I was in a Church of England school teaching a sixth-form class and one young woman said that a boy she knew had told her that the Bible says women need to be under the authority of men. I would have liked to have been able to tell her that this is not what the Church of England believes, full stop. But I could not – as churches are allowed to teach this. In a world with so many problems, so much hatred, misogyny and racism, it would be good for the Church of England to have an authentic voice at its top that calls out the systems of male privilege that drive violence and abuse against women and addresses the institutional misogyny that is currently being ignored. Hopefully, the appointment of our first female archbishop of Canterbury will be a big step towards this. (“The next archbishop of Canterbury has no time to waste in making change – this is what she will be up against,” The Guardian, 5th October 2025)

Providentially, a perfect opportunity soon arrived for “courageous” Sarah Mullally to be “an authentic voice” calling out a “system of male privilege” built firmly on “institutional misogyny.” It was also a perfect opportunity for the Guardian to rebuke a “faith movement” that was failing in its “duty to be a standard-bearer for an ethos of tolerance, generosity and inclusion.” Indeed, the faith movement was not merely failing in its duty: it was acting as an unabashed standard-bearer for intolerance, cruelty and exclusion. Here are the dismaying details reported in the Guardian itself:

The communities secretary has said it was “absolutely unacceptable” for women to be excluded from taking part in a Muslim charity run in London. The event on Sunday, in Victoria Park, Tower Hamlets, was advertised on the Muslim Charity Run website as an “inclusive 5km race” for “runners and supporters of all ages and abilities” – open to “men, boys of all ages and girls under 12”.

Speaking on LBC [London Broadcasting Company] radio, the communities secretary, Steve Reed, said he was “appalled” and that the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) would determine whether any laws or regulations had been breached. He added: “I saw these reports … and I was as horrified as anybody else. It’s absolutely unacceptable that women should be blocked from going on a fun run in a public space when the men are allowed to go out there and do that.

“Now, we have an equalities watchdog, I’m sure that they will be aware of this case. It’s getting a lot of publicity, and quite rightly so, and they will determine whether there has been any breach of the law or regulations and then I’m sure sanctions will follow as appropriate. But speaking for myself, I was appalled.”

He added: “We do not want a situation in this country where men are allowed to do things that women are then barred from. We cannot tolerate that.” (“Minister ‘appalled’ at Muslim charity run in London that excluded women,” The Guardian, 14th October 2025)

The leftist minister was posturing, of course. And also evading the obvious fact that one large and growing group in Britain isn’t at all “horrified” or “appalled” by such exclusion of women. The group is officially favored by every organ of the British state and given every assistance to grow in size, power and influence. Who is it? It’s those misogynist meanies called Muslims. But at least the minister made some public criticism of the “charity run.” What about “courageous” Sarah Mullally and the fiercely feminist Guardian? Did they seize the opportunity to defend women, to apply their passionately beloved values of inclusion and tolerance? Did Sarah Mullally and the Guardian speak out in condemnation of the blatant misogyny and exclusion of that charity run?

No real paradox

You will need no guesses. Their response equalled the square root of Bernie Madoff’s integrity times the fifth power of Benji Netanyahu’s conscience. In other words, they said absolutely nothing in condemnation of the charity run. That’s how courageous Sarah Mullally is and that’s how sincere the Guardian is. Now, it might seem paradoxical that progressive leftists like Mullally and the Guardian will never criticize the utterly anti-progressive “faith movement” of Islam, which genuinely oppresses women, homosexuals and other groups ostensibly held sacred by leftists. But there’s no real paradox. The underlying purpose of leftism is not to help those it claims to cherish, like non-Whites and women, but to harm those it certainly hates, like White men and White Christians. Muslims are by definition not Christian and are overwhelmingly not White, so they’re a sacred group for leftists like Mullally.

That’s why the Church of England has said nothing as, decade after decade, Muslim rape-gangs have preyed on White girls all over England. White English Christians belonging to the official Church once went on crusade to rescue the Holy Land from the infidel adherents of Muhammad. Nowadays, White English Christians belonging to the official Church rejoice in an immivasion of Muslims, something that has started with raped, tortured and murdered White girls and will end in England becoming a Muslim country. But only if the Muslimmivasion isn’t reversed, that is. It will be reversed, but the Church of England will be a hindrance rather than a help in that. When the Church accepted female priests, it ceased to be Christian and started to be Satanic. But it had ceased to be a serious institution long before that. The great White writer Evelyn Waugh was born Anglican in 1903 but became Catholic in 1930. He thought he had found the True and Permanent Church, which is why he mocked the C of E through an Anglican vicar called the Reverend Tendril, who had long ago served in India and done nothing to update his sermons after he returned to England:

The vicar preached his usual Christmas sermon. It was one to which his parishioners were greatly attached. “How difficult it is for us,” he began, blandly surveying his congregation, who coughed into their mufflers and chafed their chilblains under their woollen gloves, “to realize that this is indeed Christmas. Instead of the glowing log fire and windows tight shuttered against the drifting snow, we have only the harsh glare of an alien sun; instead of the happy circle of loved faces, of home and family, we have the uncomprehending stares of the subjugated, though no doubt grateful, heathen. Instead of the placid ox and ass of Bethlehem,” said the vicar, slightly losing the thread of his comparisons, “we have for companions the ravening tiger and the exotic camel, the furtive jackal and the ponderous elephant…” And so on, through the pages of faded manuscript. (A Handful of Dust, 1934, Chapter II)

The Church of England was risible in Waugh’s day, but not actively and obnoxiously evil. Like all other official institutions in England, it started to become evil after the Second World War. By the end of the century, it was collaborating enthusiastically – or endiabolistically – with Islam and the Muslimmivasion, as the late great Jewish satirist Peter Simple regularly observed in the Daily Telegraph. And Simple foresaw the advent of Sarah Mullally a quarter-century ago:

WHO will be the first woman bishop of the Church of England? Odds-on favourite in clerical circles (writes “OLD BEADLE”) is the Rev Mantissa Shout, live-in partner of Dr E W T (“Ed”) Spacely-Trellis, go-ahead Bishop of Stretchford, trustee of Tate Modern and chairman of Football Managers for a Multi-Faith Millennium and dozens of other enlightened bodies.

Mantissa first came to notice as a militant feminist deaconess. She fought hard for the ordination of women by non-stop screaming outside Lambeth Palace and staged disruption of church services all over the country.

After being ordained and shacking up with Dr Trellis, she became vicar of Nerdley, where her well-publicised ecumenical services included Aztec sacrifice, Voodoo “alternative WI trance sessions” and Tantric Buddhist ceremonies for the young. But her habit of wearing a smart black “Muslim-type” silk headscarf at services led to a protest by Dr Mahbub Iftikharullah, chief imam of Nerdley, and several days of rioting.

Her plan is evidently to become joint bishop with Dr Trellis and succeed him on his retirement or other method of disposal. Then, who knows? Canterbury already beckons. But it will beckon in vain if the Bishop’s domestic chaplain, the Rev Peter Nordwestdeutscher, has anything to do with it.

In his subtle, incense-ridden, High Church brain, visions of death by slow poisoning, worthy of the worst days of the medieval Papacy, wreathe and coil in intricate patterns of malevolence.[2] (The Daily Telegraph, Peter Simple Column, 23rd June 2000)

Sarah Mullally is Mantissa Shout come to life, an egregious embodiment of what happens when Christianity ceases to be theocentric and becomes thegocentric. That’s another of my neologisms, created to describe those who confuse Theos, God, with their own ego.[3] The thegocentric bring the Church not to Ho Theos, the God, but to another god. He’s called Thanatos, which is Greek for Death. Sarah Mullally is a priestess of Thanatos, not a priest of Theos. By making her Archbishop of Canterbury the Church of England has confirmed its death-wish.


[1]  To be honest, I didn’t care about the female Doctor Who either, but I still think Doctor Who is worth more than the modern Church of England. Consequently, a female Doctor is a worse desecration than a female Arch-Invertebrate of Contemptible.

[2]  Note that Peter Nordwestdeutscher is a parody of the progressive Jewish pseudo-Anglican Paul Oestreicher.

[3]  If God doesn’t exist or doesn’t intervene directly in human affairs, then all theistic religions are really thegocentric. But some forms of thegocentrism will still be much worse than others.

How Rabid Zionism Split the Libertarian World

The quiet corridors of libertarian academia echoed with a familiar tension. Beneath the polished language of universal principles, old loyalties and invisible borders stirred once more. What seemed like an argument over ideas was, at its core, a reckoning of identities no theory could contain.

The recent falling out between economist Walter Block and the Ludwig von Mises Institute was not a routine dispute over doctrine. It revealed something far deeper, a reminder that even among those who preach the supremacy of logic and liberty, human nature resists the purity of abstraction. Intellectual movements, however rational they may appear, remain vulnerable to the same ethnic and cultural divisions that have divided men for centuries.

Walter Edward Block embodied this paradox. He emerged from the intellectual heart of Brooklyn’s Jewish community, a world where fierce debate was a form of devotion. Born in 1941 to Abraham and Ruth Block, he began as a socialist idealist and evolved into one of the most uncompromising defenders of anarcho-capitalism.

Block’s conversion began with an encounter that would shape the trajectory of libertarian thought. Attending an Ayn Rand lecture as an undergraduate, followed by meetings with Nathaniel Branden and Leonard Peikoff, he eventually found his intellectual home under Murray Rothbard’s mentorship. This progression from Objectivism to Austrian economics positioned Block as one of the rising Jewish voices in the Austrian school.

His 1976 masterwork Defending the Undefendable established Block as libertarianism’s most provocative voice, willing to defend society’s most marginal figures—prostitutes, blackmailers, and drug dealers— through the rigorous application of property rights theory. The book’s central thesis separated economic analysis from moral judgment, creating a framework that embodied Block’s Jewish character of challenging gentile norms wherever possible.

With over two dozen books and more than 700 scholarly articles, Block constructed an intellectual empire spanning road privatization, water capitalism, and space economics. His positions at institutions such as Baruch College, Holy Cross, and Loyola University New Orleans provided platforms for developing anarcho-capitalism while maintaining respectability within academic circles. Yet beneath this impressive scholarly output lay dormant ethnic loyalties that would eventually surface with explosive consequences.

The October Revelation: Block’s Zionist Awakening

The October 7, 2023 Hamas attacks triggered an ethnic awakening within Block that betrayed his libertarian commitment to non-aggression and a non-interventionist foreign policy. In his Wall Street Journal op-ed he penned with Argentine economist Alan Futerman “The Moral Duty to Destroy Hamas,” Block revealed convictions that had apparently been gestating beneath his libertarian exterior for years.

His call for “total, unrestrictive support” for Israel represented a complete abandonment of libertarian non-interventionism. Block argued that “Hamas needs to be destroyed for the same reason and by the same method that the Nazis were,” explicitly comparing the conflict to World War II’s total war paradigm. This was not merely policy disagreement but a fundamental rejection of the non-aggression principle that forms libertarianism’s cornerstone.

More dramatically, Block’s “Open Letter to the Children of Gaza” revealed depths of ethnic passion that stunned even his closest associates. Addressing Palestinian children directly, he declared that “your parents launched a despicable, unwarranted attack on October 7” while conveniently overlooking the long history of Jewish expropriation of Palestinian lands dating back to the 1880s—a campaign of extermination that the United States government has fully endorsed through its ongoing flow of military aid, economic support, and diplomatic cover. And of course, he didn’t mention Israel’s oppressive control over Gaza—making Gaza into an open-air prison. Who could live like that?

These positions revealed Block not as a consistent libertarian applying universal principles, but as a Jewish intellectual whose ethnic solidarity ultimately trumped philosophical commitments when forced to choose between abstract theory and tribal loyalty.

Hans-Hermann Hoppe: The Libertarian Contrarian Who Stood Up to Block

Standing in stark opposition to Block’s ethnic particularism was Hans-Hermann Hoppe, a German-born philosopher whose contrarian positions place him at odds with virtually every aspect of 20th-century political consensus. Hoppe’s intellectual journey from German academia to American libertarianism produced the most radical critique of democratic governance within the movement, making him perhaps libertarianism’s most polemical voice.

Block’s Wall Street Journal essay, coupled with his longer-running claim that Jewish homesteading and inheritance justify Israel’s territorial rights, put him sharply at odds with libertarians who ground foreign-policy ethics in the non-aggression principle (NAP).

Hoppe answered with a public severing of ties. In his “Open Letter to Walter E. Block,” he charged that Block had revealed himself as “an unhinged, bloodthirsty monster” and that the stance amounted to “a complete and uninhibited rejection and renunciation of the non-aggression principle.” Hoppe’s critique went beyond rhetoric. He proclaimed that Block’s position endorsed collective guilt and “indiscriminate slaughter of innocents,” abandoning methodological individualism.

Institutionally, the fallout was swift and decisive. By 2024, Block was no longer listed as a senior fellow at the Mises Institute, and access to much of his archival writing on affiliated platforms was curtailed. Although not fired in a formal employment sense, his long association with the Institute had effectively ended. Block, for his part, framed his stance as consistent with libertarian property theory and Jewish tradition.

Rather than a purely ideological statement, Block’s pro-Zionist outburst appears to mark an ethnic awakening akin to the one Rabbi Arthur Hertzberg described, wherein the Six-Day War “united American Jews with deep Jewish commitments as they have never been united before, and … evoked such commitments in many Jews who previously seemed untouched by them.”

Hoppe’s sharp rebuke of Block forms only a single episode in a longer saga of intellectual defiance that has rendered him a lightning rod even within libertarian ranks. His 2001 work Democracy: The God That Failed articulates a systematic challenge to democratic legitimacy that extends far beyond typical libertarian anti-statism. Rather than viewing democracy as the least objectionable form of government, Hoppe argues that democratic institutions actively accelerate civilizational decline. His preference for monarchy over democracy places him in direct opposition to fundamental assumptions underlying both liberal and conservative political thought.

Some of Hoppe’s most controversial contributions to libertarian thought also concern his idea of “covenant communities” structured around the notion of “physical removal.” These entities, as he conceives them, would claim an absolute prerogative to exclude those considered misaligned with their norms, effectively transforming property rights into instruments of communal self-definition.

Writing in Democracy: The God That Failed, Hoppe argues that maintaining libertarian social order requires active exclusion of ideological opponents. “There can be no tolerance toward democrats and communists in a libertarian social order. They will have to be physically separated and expelled from society,” he declares, extending this principle to “advocates of alternative, non-family and kin-centered lifestyles such as, for instance, individual hedonism, parasitism, nature-environment worship, homosexuality, or communism.”

Similarly, Hoppe has stirred the pot on the immigration question in contrast to Jewish libertarians like Block who are notorious open borders boosters. Despite describing himself as an anarcho-capitalist who favors abolishing the nation-state, Hoppe supports immigration restrictions, arguing that unlimited immigration constitutes forced integration that violates native peoples’ rights.

The Jewish Intellectual Foundation of Libertarianism

Hoppe’s divergence on immigration highlights how libertarianism’s internal debates often mirror the worldviews of its founding intellectuals, many of whom were Jewish and profoundly shaped the movement’s philosophical trajectory.

It’s no secret that libertarian movement’s development has been profoundly shaped by Jewish intellectual leadership. This pattern extends from the movement’s Austrian School foundations through its contemporary institutional structure.

Ludwig von Mises, whose Austrian School economics provided libertarianism’s theoretical foundation, was born to a Jewish family in what is now Ukraine. His development of praxeology and systematic critique of socialist economics established the intellectual framework that would influence generations of libertarian scholars. Murray Rothbard, perhaps the most influential libertarian theorist of the 20th century, was born to Jewish parents and founded anarcho-capitalism while establishing the Mises Institute. Curiously, Rothbard had more of a populist turn toward the end of his life, where he advocated for a strategy of “right-wing populism” that endorsed the presidential campaigns of David Duke and Pat Buchanan.

Milton Friedman’s Nobel Prize-winning advocacy for free markets brought libertarian ideas to mainstream public attention through works like “Free to Choose,” while his policy proposals for school vouchers and a negative income tax brought libertarian policies into DC think tank circles. Ayn Rand, born Alisa Zinovyevna Rosenbaum to Jewish parents in Russia, developed the philosophy of Objectivism and wrote novels that profoundly shaped libertarian culture despite her rejection of the libertarian label.

In addition to promoting capitalism, Rand and Friedman expressed strong support for Israel, revealing how ethnic identity influences supposedly universal philosophical positions.  Rand’s support for Israel proved particularly significant given her influence on free-market thought in the United States. In her 1974 address to West Point cadets, Rand declared her support for “Israel against the Arabs for the very same reason” that she supported American settlers against Native Americans. She argued that “Israel is being attacked for being civilized, and being specifically a technological society” while describing Arabs as representing “centuries of brute stagnation and superstition.”

Rand’s position that America should “give all the help possible to Israel” including “technology and military weapons” represented a clear departure from libertarian non-interventionism that often rejects both direct military intervention and the provision of military aid to belligerents in foreign conflicts. Her justification that Israel represented “the progress of Man’s mind” against “primitive” Arab culture revealed how ethnic solidarity could override Rand’s purported commitment to individual liberties and anti-collectivist thought.

Unsurprisingly, Friedman was also an admirer of the Jewish state. When Friedman visited Israel in 1977, shortly after Menachem Begin’s election, he was invited to advise the new Likud government as it sought to move away from more dirigiste economic policies. His admiration for Israel’s early economic management predated this visit. And like most American Jews, Friedman would look the other way at the plight of the Palestinians facing constant Jewish aggression. Writing in his 1969 Newsweek column, “Invisible Occupation,” Friedman observed during a trip to the West Bank, “Much to my surprise, there was almost no sign of a military presence. … I had no feeling whatsoever of being in occupied territory.” He commended Israel’s “wise policy that involved almost literal laissez-faire in the economic sphere,” concluding that “to a casual observer, the area appears to be prospering.”

With regards to the viability of the Israeli state, Friedman also maintained that “Israel would hardly have been viable without the massive contributions that it received from world Jewry… primarily from the U.S.,” arguing that democratic capitalism, not socialism, made such aid possible: “If these donor countries had been socialist, such support would not have been possible.” Decades later, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu would adopt Friedman’s free-market ideas as the intellectual blueprint for his own reforms. Netanyahu frequently invoked Friedman, saying: “I am very appreciative of the fact that someone I have the utmost respect for, Milton Friedman, said that, when I was finance minister, that finally Israel has a finance minister that believes in and promotes free market ideas.” In 2005, Friedman reciprocated the admiration, praising Netanyahu for recognizing that Israel had long been held back by “rigid government intervention… socialist policies… and unnecessary state ownership of critical means of production.”

*   *   *

The libertarian movement’s significant Jewish intellectual leadership, combined with theoretical commitment to universalist principles, creates vulnerabilities to ethnic tensions when specific policy questions force choices between abstract philosophy and ethnic solidarity. Regardless of what one thinks about libertarianism, the case of Walter Block’s removal from the Mises Institute highlights the inherently adversarial nature of Jews and non-Jews in political movements. The Block-Hoppe conflict reveals challenges facing intellectual movements with significant Jewish participation. While such movements have witnessed Jewish intellectual contributions, they also become vulnerable to inevitable tensions that arise when Jewish ethnic interests conflict with movement ideology. Block’s passionate Zionism ultimately proved incompatible with libertarian anti-interventionism, leading him to walk away from the intellectual community he had contributed to for over four decades.

Like archaeologists uncovering layers of forgotten civilizations, the Block-Hoppe schism reveals that beneath every high-minded intellectual movement lies the bedrock of tribal identity, waiting to reassert itself when abstract principles collide with the eternal reality of us versus them.

 

Introduction to Alain de Benoist and Giorgio Locchi’s The American Malady (Imperium Press, 2025)

Alain de Benoist and Giorgio Locchi’s The American Malady (Imperium Press, 2025)

The American Malady (Imperium Press, 2025) 

Translated and with an Introduction by Dr. Alexander Jacob.

There have been a few attempts, especially in the first half of the twentieth century, to study and describe the American way of life and the American character. However, most of these works—such as Margaret Mead’s And keep your powder dry: An Anthropologist looks at America (1942), Geoffrey Gorer’s The Americans: A Study in National Character (1948) and Henry Steel Commager’s The American Mind: An Interpretation of American Thought and Character since the 1880s (1950)—were written from a liberal point of view that did not see in Americanism any danger to the world that it hoped to influence and control.[1] The present work, from 1975, by Alain de Benoist and his former colleague at GRECE,[2] Giorgio Locchi,[3] is one of the few that observe America from a firmly European point of view and descry its basic defects as well as the threats that these defects pose to Europe and the rest of the world.

Beginning their penetrating analysis of American history and character with the disastrous development of Puritanism and Enlightenment attitudes among the early colonials, the authors demonstrate how these doctrines culminated in the quantitative and materialistic capitalist system of contemporary America. The authors indeed consider Puritanism as one of the major sources of America’s several psychological deficiencies. In this context, we may recall that Max Weber in his 1905 work, Die protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus, had already identified the capitalist ethos as a particularly Calvinist Protestant one.

According to Benoist and Locchi, what is most alarming in the Puritan ethos of the American colonials is that the craving for material comfort in the new environment was accompanied by a hypocritical religiosity that condoned many of the crimes that were committed by the pioneers in search of material gain. It is not surprising that Puritanism gradually developed in this way, in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, into a silent accomplice of American gangsterism.

At the same time, while the Americans turned a blind eye to the injustices that they may have perpetrated against people outside the accepted social circles, their blind adherence to Enlightenment theories of egalitarianism caused them to develop, within their own society, a stubborn anti-authoritarianism that would not allow any real leadership to arise in American organisations, social or political. The lack of doctrine in American religion was thus matched by a lack of ideology in politics and a consequent absence of any strong leaders who could change the basic precepts and policies of the America’s eighteenth-century Constitution. As for the apparently revolutionary protests of the sixties, the authors rightly point out that they did not really alter the American empirical and utilitarian system in any way and merely resulted in more outlandish bohemian sects than had already existed in the nineteenth century as the multifarious sprouts of Protestantism.

The rejection of authoritarian discipline in American life also entails the loss of the father’s control of the family and the devolvement of this power on the mother, so that American society exhibits all the qualities of a matriarchy. Women in this matriarchal system however lose their feminine qualities and have to strive to be superwomen—or caricatures of themselves. Children robbed of paternal authority also tend to act like adults before their time and the search for social success forces adults to maintain youthful attitudes regardless of their age. The result is that the entire American society remains a stunted childish one.

Worse, the lack of character development among Americans causes them to be marked by a general cowardice. Americans do not understand—and vigorously oppose—militaristic societies such as were present in Europe. As a result, their soldiers are mostly reluctant participants in forced wars that they later regret having conducted. Even the heroes of American noir fiction are not marked by any strong individual will but rather by passive ‘behaviourist’ reactions to external stimuli.

In this context, we may note the concomitant absence of any clearly defined foreign policy in America apart from the ambition for commercial aggrandisement. We know how the initial isolationist tendency of the United States in the beginning of its history was replaced by a forced interventionism in the twentieth century. The authors maintain that the later interventions of America in Europe, as well as in the East, were prompted not by any ideology but by a desire to maintain its commercial dominance in the world. However, it may be argued that America too has been driven politically by something approximating to an ideology even if it be only a negative anti-European one directed against both Europe and Russia. The Monroe Doctrine of 1823, for instance, crystallised this anti-European stance of the Americans, while America’s involvement in European industrial development after 1945 is further evidence of its ambition to control Europe commercially as well as politically. Its foreign policy thus is essentially a continuation of the anti-European attitudes of the early Puritan settlers and revolutionaries of the country.

The cultural influences that America brings with its economic colonisation are, however, deleterious to the radically different, historically aristocratic, identity of the Europeans. The American is not only a mercantile predator lacking a strong historical culture, but he is also marked by an incapacity for creation, artistic or scientific. Infused with a desire for material comfort, his interests are all material and temporary and lack both depth and duration. This superficiality precludes the formation of artistic individuality. The lack of personal development—apart from a steadfast desire for self-made financial ‘success’—also produces a standardised society constituted of mass individuals.

Just as America has little cultural creativity, its education too is geared towards the quantitative disciplines of business, science and technology that require more computational ability than creativity. However, even the various American mechanical inventions are mostly only applications of scientific discoveries originally made in Europe by Europeans.

Living in the present, with no notion of the value of the past, America is singularly ahistorical and utopian so that it is best characterised as a Coca-Cola Marxist state. America cannot indeed constitute a nation since it is composed of diverse populations that do not share a common historical background, and it has no sense of the significance of the state, which incorporates the past of its people and their entire spiritual and intellectual heritage. The danger of a country that lacks any clear sense of history or destiny is that it threatens the existence of other countries or cultures that may have such a sense and that are not strong enough to defend themselves against the American ‘empire’—which is indeed not a ‘Roman’ empire but, rather, a ‘Carthaginian’ one.

For Europe, in particular, the American empire is perhaps the greatest danger that it faces since it has, since the end of the last war, been steadily colonised by America—economically and even culturally—and has now become so accustomed to the American hegemony that it automatically approves of and voluntarily propagates the American way of life. The call for Europe’s independence that the authors end the present work with is thus a reminder of the situation in which Germans found themselves during the Napoleonic occupation of German territories at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Only a European consciousness that resists the American occupation the way the Germans resisted the French and formed a unified German state and empire can lead to the creation of a unified and independent Europe.


[1] Allan Bloom’s The Closing of the American Mind (1987) notes the dangers of moral relativism in the modern American universities but does not study the international implications of this phenomenon.

[2] The ‘Groupement de recherche et d’études pour la civilisation européenne’ was established in Nice in 1968/1969 as a conservative European cultural association by Dominique Venner, Giorgio Locchi, Alain de Benoist, Pierre Vial and other French nationalists.

[3] This work began as a short article by Giorgio Locchi (1923–1962) that had been commissioned in 1975 for the Nouvelle École and was considerably expanded by Alain de Benoist (1943– ). It was not published in book form until an Italian translation, Il male Americano, appeared in Rome in 1979.

A Commentary on the film “Quisling: The Final Days”

“Minister President Quisling addresses the nation.”

“Men and women of Norway, a few days ago, the world received the news that Adolf Hitler, the Führer and Chancellor of the German Reich, had died, as befitting a hero, at his command post in Berlin during his heroic effort to prevent the Bolshevik destruction of his country and of Europe.  With Adolf Hitler’s passing, we have lost an historic character capable of creating an era in the history of humankind.  If Europe does not go under, surely the future will acknowledge that the salvation of European cultural civilization was due to Adolf Hitler.  His National Socialism made Germany into a mighty bulwark capable of breaking the red wave of Bolshevism.  His life’s greatest tragedy was that he, despite all his efforts, was unable to bring about peace between England and Germany.  Such an alliance would have ensured world peace and neutralized Bolshevism.   I will not betray our cause.  Nor will I let it succumb to lawlessness and Bolshevism.”

So begins the 2024 Norwegian language film, “Quisling: The Final Days.”  Here’s a poster.

In the center is Vidkun Quisling, Norway’s head of state from 1940 to 1945, played by a Norwegian actor who looks remarkably like the real Quisling.  On our left is his wife Maria, and on our right is Paster Peder Olsen, whose diaries, the filmmakers inform us, inspired parts of the film.

I was struck by the favorable take on Hitler in Quisling’s speech. Where else have I seen Hitler put in a positive light in a film, fiction or documentary?  Leni Riefenstahl’s 1935 documentary, “Triumph of the Will” came to mind and that was it.

The part about Hitler trying to bring about peace with England doesn’t square with the officially sanctioned story about him.  If Hitler didn’t want war with England, that would imply that the bombing of London was really the result of Churchill’s warmongering.  What would have been Churchill’s motive to go after Germany as he did, including was he bought and paid for—the word is he was in major debt and needed help with that.

I came upon the Quisling film browsing Kanopy, a service of my local library.  It’s an excellent list of both current and older films, including classics, to stream for free, four to six films a month dependent on how I use it.  You can check to see if your local library subscribes to Kanopy.

The title caught my eye.  I knew of Quisling.  A notorious figure. Treasonous collaborator with the Nazis during the German occupation of Norway, sold out his country, persecuted Norwegian Jews.  Executed after the war.  He even has his own word: a quisling is a traitor.

I noted that the film has a top director, Erik Poppe, whose films include “The King’s Choice,” 2021, about three days in 1940 when the King of Norway is given a German ultimatum to surrender or die.  Pastor Olsen is played by Anders Danielsen Lie, who was superb in the fine Norwegian film, also 2021, “The Worst Person in the World.”

I was drawn to the WWII setting.   WWII, especially in Europe, is a monumentally significant historical event.  Making sense of it contributes to a better understanding of the present time, including our (I’m an American) pre-occupation with Israel, a distant and small country 263 miles long and from 71 to 6.2 miles wide.

I streamed “Quisling: The Final Days” and was knocked out by it. Artistically top of the line—direction, cinematography, tour-de-force acting performances by the three leads, and a believable, engaging, and thought-provoking screenplay.

I find it intriguing how little attention has been paid to this film.  It’s attracted very few reviews: Variety reviewed it and that’s it among major reviewers.   The New York Times, Washington Post, The Guardian, the Roger Ebert site, nothing.  If I hadn’t stumbled upon it browsing Kanopy, I wouldn’t have known about it.

I compare this Quisling film favorably to another foreign film, “Parasite,” a Japanese film that won the 2020 Academy Awards for Best Picture, Best Direction, and Best Original Screenplay.  I write film reviews at Amazon under the pseudonym “Green Wave.”  In my Amazon review of “Parasite,” I called it “expertly crafted, glossy, politicized tripe.”1  The Rotten Tomatoes site, which aggregates published film reviews, lists six reviews for “Quisling: The Final Days” and 495 for “Parasite.”  Why the discrepancy?  Figuring out how the public flow of information and ideas works, who controls it, will contribute to a better understanding of what things and people we attend to and what we make of them.  Quick, name one Russian other than Putin.

Besides from Kanopy, “Quisling: The Final Days” is available for rental at Google Play.  Amazon Prime has it free with ads, though personally, I prefer paying money to anticipating ads and dealing with interruptions.  It’s also other places, check around.

If you plan on watching “Quisling: The Final Days,” you might want to stop reading this post after this paragraph and perhaps come back to it after you’ve seen it.  The rest of this writing is a series of comments on the film.  They include extended quotes from the screenplay and a lot of spoilers.  I don’t want to get in the way of your fresh experience with the film more than I might already have with these preliminary remarks.

Personally, I stay away from reviews and analyses before I watch a film or read a book.  I want to start cold, as it were, let whoever created it take me where they will and come to my own conclusions.  If something particularly interests me, I go to what other people have had to say about it and compare what they offer to what I took from it.

One of the reasons I’ve taken the time to write up this post about the Quisling film is I found the few reviews and analyses of it I’ve read to be perfunctory and shallow.  Whether I’m up to it or not, this fine film deserves careful and insightful consideration.

In what follows, I offer some disparate observations with the hope that they add up to something of worth.  Incidentally, the wheels of justice turned much faster in those days than they do now.  Quisling was arrested on May 9th, 1945 and executed on October 24th of that same year.  This week as I’m writing this, mid-October, 2025, I read of the execution in the U.S. of a man convicted of murder in, I’m serious, 1993.

*   *   *

Lutheran Pastor Peder Olsen, a hospital chaplain who has not previously worked with prisoners, is assigned by his church superior to provide religious counsel and guidance to Quisling, whom they know to be a Christian.

Paster Olson goes to see Quisling in prison.  As he nears Quisling’s cell, the guard responsible for watching over Quisling remarks to him, “If he hangs himself, we can’t shoot the bastard.”

Peder peers into the dark, gloomy, barren cell at Quisling dressed in casual clothes sitting alone at a small wooden table.   He introduces himself and says he has come to provide pastoral service, to be “someone to talk to, to help you clear your mind and find peace.”

“I am innocent,” responds Quisling firmly.  “I have no unfinished business with church, God, or country.  Psychiatrists seriously consider everyone in our movement as permanently mentally impaired.  These so-called investigators want me to admit to being some sort of opportunist, a spineless Peer Gynt character with only self-interest in mind.  I fought for my country for five long years, day and night.  You don’t believe me?  You think I only fought for riches, titles, salutes, stuff and nonsense?  The armor of an insecure man?   I couldn’t care less about any of that, I have acted according to my convictions.  For that, I feel no shame.”

Attempting to establish a relationship with Quisling and knowing he has met with Hitler, Peder asks Quisling, “What was Hitler like?”

“A passionate man.  You can always question the outcome, but he believed in something.  You can’t say that about everyone.”

“Is that something you admire?”

“Belief?  Of course.  But I admire certainty even more.  You can’t, like Hitler did, base your politics on belief.  You need to know.  Spend time finding the sources.  To know.  I’ve worked all my life on my philosophy, Universism.  The actual truth.  I’ve given myself the mission of lighting a candle for humankind.  To find the true philosophy of life.  In accordance with both science and empiricism.

“I’m sure Universism is very interesting,” says Peder.  But what we really should aspire to are the words and deeds of Christ.   Love.”

“Universism is the same thing, just greater,” says Quisling.  It concerns—”

“Mr.  Quisling, greater than love?  What is greater than love?”

Quisling remains silent for several seconds, apparently unable to think of a reply, and the scene ends.

During Quisling’s silence, I pondered Peder’s question, which was really an assertion, that there isn’t anything greater than love.  What came up for me during those moments is that, depending on the context, indeed there are other values or personal attributes, whatever to call them, that are at least on an equal plane with love, among them, honor, integrity, decency, generosity, respect, protectiveness, accomplishment, insight, and wisdom.  Just now writing these last couple of sentences, I flashed on the title of an old song popularized by The Mills Brothers vocal quartet, “You Always Hurt the One You Love.”

Here’s a head of state talking about philosophy.  I tried to imagine an American president—FDR, Truman, Eisenhower, Ford, Nixon, Reagan, the Bushes, Clinton, Obama, Biden, Clinton, Trump, any of them—expounding on philosophical precepts.  It reinforced my impression that these days our political system is going to give us the likes of Kamala Harris and Donald Trump to choose from—no Jeffersons and Madisons.

This initial meeting between Quisling and Peder set up the relationship that is the spine of the film.  Peder is bent on getting Quisling to acknowledge and confess his sins to God.  A characteristic exchange between the two men:

“The Jews rejected Jesus Christ for Barabbas, a robber,” Quisling points out.   “The same choice the world faces today.  Many would prefer a Barabbas to a Messiah any day.  I cannot accept such a thing.  I need to fight to the very end!  I’ll be more dangerous after my death.”

“You’re no Messiah, Vidkun.   You’re a human being, a sinner, just like the rest of us.  Do you have the courage to trust in the Lord?   Do you trust me?  Then you should ask the Lord to forgive your sins.  Say, ‘God have mercy on me, a sinner.’  Say that to God.  Don’t be afraid to say it.  God will not forsake you.  I will not forsake you. “

Most certainly, this is not Quisling’s wife Maria’s message to him.  Maria’s contrasting outlook to Peder’s is a central element in this drama.

Peder goes to Maria and Quisling’s luxurious home—Quisling is in prison– to introduce himself.  He asks her how she and Quisling met.

“We met in the Ukraine, my homeland,” she replies.  “He was very famous.  Captain Quisling.  He saved thousands of lives during the great famine.  Look at these.  [Pictures of starving children and bodies piled up.]  Thousands.   Jews as well.  I saw him for the first time through my office window.  [She was a secretary.]  I could tell straight away that this man could achieve anything.  He was to be my destiny.”

During a visit to her husband in prison:

“Do not bow down!  You hear me? Do not let anyone break you.  There’s no one as strong as you.  I knew that as soon as I laid eyes on you.  ‘There’s a man who will not be broken,’ that’s what I thought.  You are Captain Quisling.  My Captain Quisling.”

Maria’s talking about the prosecutors in his court trial, but she’s also talking about Peder.  This film raises the question of whether Christianity as a religion and Christian clergy promote what amounts to bowing down among adherents.  It can be assumed that Peder has every good intension, but is he diminishing Quisling, making him self-deprecating and self-doubting, humbling him, making him compliant, subordinate to what arguably is an imaginary god, a young Jewish political insurrectionist from two millennia ago who never himself claimed to be divine, and to Peder himself.  Was Quisling being pressured by both the legal process and a Christian minister to become less of a man?  To director Erik Poppe and his screenwriter’s credit, based on their film, this question can legitimately be answered both yes and no, which puts “Quisling: The Final Days” on a higher artistic plane than something like the sophomoric, pedantic “Parasite.”

*   *   *

“Quisling: The Final Days” deals directly with the Jewish issue.  What was Quisling’s culpability with respect to the treatment of Norwegian Jews during the occupation?   It is a central aspect in Quisling’s court trial.

To help me make sense of this aspect of the film, I looked for a book that dealt with Quisling and Jews.  A number of books have been written about Quisling, including in recent years, but from what I can tell, just about all of them are extremely biased against him.  I did find one published back in 1966 that is reputed to be sympathetic toward Quisling, Quisling: Prophet Without Honor by journalist and biographer Ralph Hewins.2  I’ve read that Hewins got a lot of static for saying good things about someone who had said good things about Hitler.  I obtained the Hewins book and found it a thoughtful and balanced account of its subject.  It’s available in college libraries and Amazon sells reasonably priced used copies.

According to Hewins, Quisling was antisemitic, largely prompted by his deadly fear of an international Marxist conspiracy in which Jews played a central role.  As for Jews’ place in Norway, Hewins quotes Quisling as affirming that

There are many who say that a Jew cannot be expelled from Norway simply because he is a Jew.  In my opinion, no such reasoning could be more superficial.  A Jew is not Norwegian, not European.  Jews have no place in Europe.  They’ve are an internationally destructive element.  The Jews create the Jewish problem and cause antisemitism, and it is not difficult to understand why. The only possible solution is for Jews to leave Europe and to live in some area as far away as possible, preferably an island [he was thinking of Madagascar].3

Hewins reports that on October 26th, 1942, Quisling introduced a law confiscating Jewish property which was implemented in 126 cases.  On November 17th of that same year, he decreed that all full-Jews, half-Jews, and quarter-Jews register with the nearest authorities.

According to Hewins, Quisling’s antisemitism did not run to genocide.  In fact, he had saved thousands of Jewish lives during the Ukrainian famine during the 1930s.  Hewins believes Quisling’s claim that he was unaware of the Nazi’s “final solution,” and that he was not forewarned of the deportation of around 1,000 Jews to Germany by the German SS and took no part in it.  However, asserts Hewins, Quisling did not attempt to counteract the German initiative, and arguably that negligence as head of state was criminal.  The major question in Hewins’ mind is whether it deserved a sentence of death.

In the film, there is this exchange in the court trial between Quisling and the prosecutor:

“It’s foul to accuse me of persecuting the Jews.  I who have done such extensive humanitarian work.  I am bold enough to say I’ve helped more Jews than anyone else in Norway.”

“Yet in various accounts you claim that Judaism in to blame for everything.  And that the ‘Jewish troll’ must be conquered.  What part did you play in the deportation of Norwegian Jews, Mr. Quisling?”

“I knew nothing.”

“You knew nothing?  As head of the police, you knew nothing of the nature of this mission?”

“There was talk of them being sent to Poland.  That’s all I knew.”

“You must have known something.  You said on record that you visited the camps where thousands of Jews were sent in 1942.”

“Yes, and they appeared to be regular labor camps, work places.  Nothing out of the ordinary.  Nothing that left an impression on me.”

“Nothing that left an impression?   Who knows what he must have seen!”

Peder didn’t believe Quisling about Norwegian Jews:

“How can you say you knew nothing?   That’s your approach, twisting the story to fit your worldview.  It doesn’t matter to you who gets sacrificed along the way, who dies.

“Are you referring to the deportation?”

“Of course I am!  You knew!  You held a fiery speech about the ‘Jewish problem’ shortly after the Donan [the ship carrying the Jews] left Oslo. You defended your actions.”

“The issue was complex.  Much more complicated than you make it.  First, I didn’t know everything.”

“You were Minister President!”

“Under great political pressure!”

“Innocent people were murdered.  That is indefensible!”

“War has other rules!  People die in wars! The Bolsheviks were much worse.  I have proof with my own eyes. I spent eight years up to my knees in dead bodies!  Who are you to teach me about suffering?”

Did Quisling know that the Norwegian Jews’ fate was not good and repressed it or chose to think otherwise?  Or did he really not know?  Did Roosevelt know about the fate of the Jews, did Churchill?  To what extent do we have the capability to deny the truth about the world and about ourselves?  To its credit, this film poses these questions.

*   *   *

In court, near the end of the trial.

“That I, who faithfully served my country, should be accused of treason while those who are truly responsible for this misfortune, who sabotaged the armed forces, who drove us into the war, go free!  They may rejoice and say ‘Hah! we got him in the end.’  I know I aimed to do good.  My actions have been solely for the good of my own people, and for the advancement of the Kingdom of God on Earth that Jesus Christ came to establish.  I am not aware of doing anything to harm the people of Norway.  I have done my utmost to keep the Nordic countries from becoming a theatre of war.  [Norway had 324 war deaths.  Finland’s total was around 80,000.   England’s around 383, 000.  The Roosevelt administration shipped enough young Americans to distant realms to run the total of deaths up to 405,000.]  I have prevented civil war, tried to remedy the invasion and occupation, limit the enormous misfortune they caused the Norwegian people.”

“Vidkun Abraham Lauritz Quisling is hereby sentenced to death for crimes against the Military Penal Code.”

*   *   *   ·

In a recent writing, I contrasted the way the 2024 film “The Order” portrayed events I dealt with in a book I wrote.4   My purpose was to get across that different storytellers can tell very different stories, and that we need to keep that in mind when we take in what anybody tells us.  It’s especially important to keep in mind that we are prone to give credibility to visual portrayals of something—film, television, YouTubes—because we can see it happening.   With fictional depictions, we realize those are actors and there’s a screenplay and it’s been edited, but there it is going on right in front of us.  The same with documentaries: those pictures are the real thing, but the order in which they are shown and the meaning they are given in a voice-over and what isn’t shown can lead us to conclusions that aren’t warranted.

To illustrate my point in this recent writing, I contrasted the way “The Order” and my book depicted the death of a man named Bob Mathews back in 1984.  I’ll do the same thing here with two accounts—the film’s and the Hewins book’s—of the execution by firing squad of Vidkun Quisling in 1945.

First, the account in “Quisling: The Final Days.”

The day of the execution, it’s just Peder and Quisling in Quisling’s cell.

In the evening, Peder shaves Quisling with a straight-edged razor, which adds an intimacy to their relationship.

Well after midnight, uniformed men enter the cell.

“It’s time.”

Quisling and Peder ride together in a van to the execution site.

During the drive, partly voice-over and partly in Quisling’s spoken words, from the Gospels of Mathew, Mark, and Luke:

“Behold the Son of Man is betrayed into the hands of the sinners.”

“And the soldiers led him away into the castle and they called together the whole band of guards.  And they clothed him with purple and planted a crown of thorns which they put on his head.”

“And they led me out to crucify me.  And they betrayed me into the place of Golgotha.  It was the third hour and they crucified me.”

“And in the ninth hour, Jesus cried with a loud voice, ‘My God, my God, why has thou forsaken me?’”

“Father, forgive them for they know not what they do.”

They arrive at the execution site.

A uniformed official takes off Quisling’s handcuffs.  Quisling turns and reaches back and hands his hat to Peder and says quietly, “Goodbye.”

Quisling’s arms are strapped to a wooden wall.

A blindfold is put in place.  Quisling doesn’t want it.  “I wish to look death in the eye,”

“These are the rules.”

A white circle is pinned to his chest.

The ten-man firing squad marches into place.

A long silence, the camera close up, just Quisling’s head and shoulders, a light shining on him.  When will the shots ring out?  The tension mounts.

Quisling shouts, “I am innocent!  You are about to shoot an innocent man!”

From a distance, we see Quisling strapped to the wooden wall and the firing squad in place.  They take aim.  Shots.  Quisling twitches and slumps, held upright by the straps.  A soldier strides forward and shoots him in the head with a pistol.

Sometime later, Peder sitting in a field of grass holding the hat Quisling had handed him.

The film ends.

The Hewins book’s account of Quisling’s last day:

Quisling is informed that he will not be pardoned and will be executed that night.  Hewins doesn’t say that it was Peder who gave him the news.  In fact, Peder Olsen isn’t mentioned at all in Hewins’ book on Quisling.

Quisling spends part of his last hours writing a twenty-page summary of his philosophy of Universism.

He reads the Bible.

He speaks with the Bishop of Tønsberg, whom he tells, “I handed Norway to the King in good order. What would Norway have done without me?”

He writes a message to be sent to his followers. “Do not handicap yourselves with the idea of revenge, because the trend of events will avenge the wrongs you suffered, not only from those who initiated the prosecutions but also with the society that has permitted this lawlessness.”

When he was taken from his cell at 2:00 a.m. Oct 24th, 1945, he leaves his Bible open with this text underscored: “He shall redeem their souls from defeat and violence and precious shall their blood be in His sight.”

He shakes hands with each of the ten-man firing squad.  He tells them, “Don’t allow your conscience to bother you in later years.  You are acting under orders and doing your duty as soldiers.”

He is tied to a stake.

The bullets strike his heart.

When they take off his blindfold, his eyes are open.


Endnotes

  1. The Amazon review of the film “Parasite.” https://www.amazon.com/gp/customer-reviews/R1ZIKM6G7ARUP0/ref=cm_cr_getr_d_rvw_ttl?ie=UTF8
  2. Published by New York: The John Day Company.
  3. Hewins, p. 326.
  4.  The writing: Robert S. Griffin, A Commentary on the Movie “The Order,” The Occidental Observer, posted June 21, 2025.   My book: Robert S. Griffin, The Fame of a Dead Man’s Deeds: An Up-Close Portrait of White Nationalist William Pierce, Indianapolis: 1stBooks Library, 2001.