Our project, our purpose, our goal and our cause is to save our race. But we in the white racial activist community, by ourselves, lack the power to save our race — to save it from its dispossession, from the loss of its homelands, from the loss of its independence, from its subjugation to alien rule and domination, from its reduction to minority status, from its destruction and ultimate extinction.

Since it is beyond our power, and beyond our control, to save our race, we look to something else beyond us, far greater than us, to help us.

The only human agency we can look for, and hope for, to save us, is the existence of something inherent and latent, but presently mostly suppressed or inactive, in our race. The existence of such a power is the necessary precondition for any possibility of saving our race. Only such a power could give us something we could direct, that we could work with, sufficient to save our race.

Thus everything we hope to achieve is based on the assumption that this power does exist. This latent power is an embedded sense of racial group identity and loyalty.

This sense of racial group loyalty is not distributed equally throughout all our race. It is essentially absent in many while in others it is so strong as to already be manifest and active, as in the white activist community. We must hope that it would be potentially strong enough in the majority of our race to be able to save us.

Ultimately all our hopes for the salvation of our race depend on this — to find that, when our backs are to the wall things will change. We have to believe that whites are like the lion in the old Disney cartoon Lambert the Sheepish Lion. The lion has always acted like a sheep, and always thought it was a sheep. But when the moment demands it, he is a lion after all.

In effect, our hopes are based on the assumption that enough of our race have the lion of racial loyalty somewhere inside them, and our mission is to bring it to life and direct it.

We look with both hope and despair for signs of this latent racial force that could save us. This power is generally so suppressed and hidden that evidence for it is usually indirect and circumstantial, often no more than fleeting hints. Yet it is the substance behind what Kevin MacDonald has termed “implicit whiteness” and what our opponents decry as unconscious racism.

What is needed is something to activate this untapped racial force, to make it snap on a mass scale. What could set in motion a rising tide of racial consciousness and sense of racial group identity and loyalty?

There are many things that can do this at the individual level, and we have all heard many stories of individual racial enlightenment. But this election could potentially be that very something that could trigger this power at the mass level.

Never has race been so conspicuous and prominent a factor as in this election. This is generally ignored or denied or minimized, like the 800 pound gorilla in the room that everyone pretends isn’t there. But it is the dominant undercurrent of the election, with all intelligent observers on all sides knowing it, even if they pretend otherwise.

That is the reason passions are running much higher in this election than usual, and why record voter turnouts are expected. It could be, as it has been described, a racially transforming moment for our society and country, and the world.

Our opponents hope the transforming moment will be for them, but we can also hope that it will be for us. A racially polarizing moment could be a transforming event, elevating the implicit and unconscious white racial identity to the explicit and conscious level.

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The best thing that can happen for us in this election is that it produces a degree of racial polarization sufficient to serve as the activating trigger for that latent sense of racial group consciousness and loyalty.

This can be accomplished by an unprecedented racial gap in voting patterns that is clear for all to see, and especially if it is so great as to carry the white candidate to victory against all the odds and predictions, against all the disparity in money, against his own lack of racial appeal and loyalty, and against the wishes and plans and agenda of the dominant elite in the power structure who have been working so successfully for our dispossession and destruction over the last century.

If not sufficient to produce a white electoral victory, we should hope that the racial voting gap will still be large enough to show that the black winner won with the smallest share of the gentile European vote of any previous winner in our country’s history.

It is possible that in this election cycle the black candidate could win with as little as 42% of the white vote, which would mean that he won with less than 40% of the gentile European vote. Such a percentage would be particularly striking given the natural tendency to vote for the Democrats in the wake of the catastrophic Bush administration and during economic hard times.

We should prefer that the awakening of our race will be achieved by a great victory that encourages and empowers them with the display of their united power. But if that fails, then our awakening could still be achieved if the racial voting gap is large enough to shock whites with the realization of their racial dispossession in the electoral process, with their loss of political control and independence.

So win or lose we must hope for the maximum racial voting gap, and a resulting racial polarization as clear as the different racial reactions to the verdict in the O.J. Simpson murder trial.

What is important in this election, whichever candidate wins, is that our race wins. Winning for us can be defined as the largest and clearest possible racial voting gap, such as the black candidate winning half the proportion of European gentile votes as the other votes, such as 40% of the European gentile vote and 80% or more of the others. If this happens then our race will have demonstrated an unprecedented degree of racial electoral unity, and this in itself will be its victory.

The point is we can still win this election if the white candidate loses, if the racial polarization resulting from a large racial voting gap is sufficient to awaken the racial consciousness of our people. If the black candidate wins we will need this newly awakened sense of racial unity and power to check the anti-white agenda and ideology of the radical left that he will bring to the executive branch. We will need all the help we can get.

In “Picking Up the Pieces,” Part 5 of the PBS series Making Sense of the Sixties , televised January 23, 1991, Doug McAdam, professor of Sociology at Stanford University, stated:

I remember going to the last above ground Weatherman convention [in 1969], and sitting in a room and the question that was debated was, “Was it or was it not the duty of every good revolutionary to kill all newborn white babies.” At that point it seemed like a relevant framing of an issue, the logic being, “Hey look, through no fault of their own these white kids were going to grow up to be part of an oppressive racial establishment internationally, and so really your duty is to kill newborn white babies.” I remember one guy kind of tentatively and apologetically suggesting that that seemed like it may be contradictory to the larger humanitarian aims of the movement, and being kind of booed down.

The Racial Marxist ideology, mentality and agenda of the people who were booing in that room in 1969, perhaps including Weatherman co-founder William Ayers, will be strongly represented in an Obama presidency, allied, now as then, with the radical black racial ideologies represented then by such groups as the Black Panthers.

Our race, and especially white racial activists, will be entering much more perilous times. We must only hope that something will snap in the collective mind of our race, like Lambert, and awaken the lion within to rise to the challenge.

Richard McCulloch’s website is at www.racialcompact.com.

When does a Jewish, liberal New York Times columnist come to the defense of white America?  Only when he thinks it’s not as “racist” as portrayed by his media brethren.

In other words, only when whites wrest themselves from their natural instincts (and logical objections) against a black candidate for office and prostrate themselves before the Multiracial Messiah are they deserving of mercy.  Some defense.  This is rather like a foreign conquering sovereign who decides, after enough native nobles have knelt to kiss his ring, that the locals aren’t so bad, after all.

Of course, this is not “defense” of white Americans.  It’s another cruel and clever twist in the campaign against them.

An associate of mine, Edmund Connelly, likes to highlight the richly-textured anti-white bias of many modern movies.  In his analysis of Remember the Titans, he describes a scene where a white football player who’s favored by the coach — but is not as skilled as his black counterpart — voluntarily gives up his playing spot to the black player.

What I note from this analysis is the incredibly powerful (and dangerous) message it sends to young white men:  The measure of your goodness is your willingness to voluntarily step aside for the superior black man.  This is what makes for a white hero.  It’s not a matter of simply grudgingly stepping aside for affirmative action’s sake.  The truly great and decent white man acknowledges both internally and externally that he’s a weak wisp who’s only been propped up all these years by a racist white system. This pathetic weakling shows his Christ-like character by handing over his place.

These are the white Americans Frank Rich reserves his “defense” for.  Certainly not those who would rise to the defense of whites who seek to assert their white identity and their legitimate interests as white people.  Certainly not those who openly object to the powerful Jewish influence on American policy both home and abroad.  Only those who go along to get along — who have been psychologically broken by the system Rich’s co-ethnics and their cohorts have built.

And indeed, there are such whites.  Many are found among the ranks of so-called “conservatives,” whose first place of refuge against accusations of racism is to protest that not all whites are “racist.”  That this is the first place of refuge is a bad sign because it confirms who’s already won the argument:  the anti-white crowd.  I like to fantasize that more whites will respond, “So what?  All ‘racist’ means is that I stick up for whites just like blacks, Jews, and others stick up for their people”

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Yet I fear that the water cooler isn’t quite ready for that yet.

In the meantime, whites should be wary.  When Frank Rich claims to defend you, he’s probably not really trying to come up with the true defense of your people.

Christopher Donovan is the pen name of an attorney and former journalist.

The enormous bailout of Wall Street continues to reverberate. By all accounts, part of the dynamic was that public sentiment changed after the enormous drop in the stock market on Monday (Sept. 29) along with dire warnings about the consequences of not passing a bailout. The market then rose in anticipation that a bill would be passed, but when a much enlarged bill was finally passed on Friday, the message from all quarters was that the US was in for a long, deep recession despite the huge infusion of cash. As this is being written, the stock market is again posting huge losses because of fears that the financial meltdown is spreading to Europe.

It would be surprising indeed if such a result didn’t lead to anger and frustration. People have seen their property values plummet and their retirement accounts shrink dramatically. Many face the prospect of losing their job or earning substantially less. Some analysts have argued that even with the rescue plan we still face a financial Armageddon.

It’s natural under such circumstances to seek someone to blame — especially because this is a man-made disaster rather than a part of the normal business cycle. Conservatives have focused their ire on the pressure that the Democrats in Congress (e.g., Barney Frank, Christopher Dodd, Maxine Waters) brought to bear on Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to lower lending standards for minorities.Steve Sailer has shown that Karl Rove and the Bush administration were into it up to their eyeballs in an attempt to wring a few Latino votes.

The problem with these analyses is not that they are false. The problem is that these partisan perspectives in the end read like politically correct dogma if one leaves out righteous indignation directed at Wall Street itself. Wall Street, after all, is where so much of that bad paper ended up — the bad paper that they weren’t able to unload to others for huge fees before the collapse. Indeed, quite a few financial analysts paint the following picture which is based on a report that appeared on National Public Radio. (See here for an audio version and here for a transcript):

Because of the growth of the global economy, there was a huge pile of money looking for investment vehicles. The vast US mortgage market was an attractive source of relatively high returns compared to US Treasury bonds, so Wall Street developed mortgage-backed securities to tap into this market. There was a huge demand for these securities — so much so that Wall Street didn’t want the party to end when there were no more available mortgages that had been created by traditional credit standards. This led to lowering standards for lending and “financial alchemy” whereby Wall Street created ever more exotic investment vehicles (such as collateralized debt obligations) able to tap into this vast pool of money.

The beauty of the scheme was that everyone was making money hand over fist —  illegal immigrants with no financial assets, real estate agents, mortgage brokers, and the great Wall Street financial firms. Normal homeowners were delighted  because their  homes were going up in value and they were able to refinance their homes and get cash to buy nice stuff.

But none of it could happen without the people at the top of this food chain — Wall Street — coming up with the investment vehicles able to channel this toxic paper to tap into this global pile of money and certifying via credit rating agencies that these products were sound investments. Wall Street was also involved in lobbying and pressuring Congress on issues regarding de-regulation of the financial markets.

Once one accepts that Wall Street itself bears a considerable portion of the blame for this disaster, then it gets interesting.  Much of the debate about the bailout in the media framed the issue as a conflict between “Main Street” and Wall Street. As noted in a previous column, Main Street is basically a code word for middle class whites. And the sticky point is that, as also noted in that editorial, Wall Street is heavily Jewish.

We at The Occidental Observer do not want to prejudge the extent of Jewish involvement in the present situation. This is a complex story whose full details are still emerging. We intend to continue to post articles and commentary on this issue as further information becomes available.

We are not the only ones who have noticed that this dichotomy has overtones of classic anti-Jewish themes. The ADL is concerned about “a dramatic upsurge” in anti-Jewish messages on internet discussion boards devoted to finance and the economy in reaction to the huge bailout of Wall Street. The ADL press release is predictable in its attempt to characterize such outbursts as irrational hatred against Jews: Abe Foxman complains darkly that in times of economic downturns, “The age-old canards [the ADL’s favorite word is ‘canard’] about Jews and money are always just beneath the surface.”

Admittedly, the comments compiled by the ADL tend to be one-liners without any attempt to develop an argument: “[Jews] run Wall Street so they should be to blame. There is at my count roughly 1500 of them that should be in the penitentiary. Not a single one will suffer.”  Another wrote about the Jews that “They love money nothing else, no faith or religion can be so heartless to their victims.” This is about what one can expect to find on public message boards.

The problem is that we all know that there is more than a grain of truth to the claim that Jews run Wall Street, just as there is more than a grain of truth to the claim that Jews run Hollywood. In fact, as we previously pointed out, Benjamin Ginsberg, a prominent social scientist, noted during the 1990s that 50% of Wall Street executives were Jewish.

Nevertheless, the immediate reaction of the ADL is to attempt to stifle any such comments and simply label them as “anti-Semitism.” They applaud attempts to remove these statements as they appear, but complain that “the rate at which new posts are arriving prevents [monitors] from removing all of the objectionable material before it is widely read.”

Such heavy-handed attempts to squelch discussion of Jewish influence can be seen on a wide range of issues, most notably the role of the Israel Lobby in influencing US foreign policy in the Middle East. When John Mearsheimer and Steven Walt published their work on the Israel Lobby, organizations like the ADL were quick to condemn them as anti-Semites and compared their writing to classic anti-Jewish themes in writings like the Protocols of the Elders of Zion.

But the bottom line is that there is no attempt to soberly and rationally determine the real extent of Jewish involvement in this disaster. The  entire topic of Jewish involvement in the financial system is taboo. It is not surprising that the police-state tactics favored by the ADL fuel the flames of anti-Jewish conspiracy theories when all attempts to raise the issue of Jewish influence in the financial system or other areas of American life are met with powerful efforts to enforce silence.

The situation is similar to a previous financial scandal — the one involving Michael Milken, the notorious 1980s junk bond king. As a 1989 National Review article noted, Milken “is Jewish, as were many of his partners and peers. (Indeed, about the only sympathy he has gotten is from those who see his prosecution as an instance of anti-Semitism.)”

Much of the discussion of the Jewish role in this financial scandal centered around the book Den of Thieves by James B. Stewart. Jewish activist Alan Dershowitz called Den of Thieves an “anti-Semitic screed” and attacked a review by Michael M. Thomas in the New York Times Book Review because of his “gratuitous descriptions by religious stereotypes.”  Thomas’s review contained the following passage:

James B. Stewart . . . charts the way through a virtual solar system of peculation, past planets large and small, from a metaphorical Mercury representing the penny-ante takings of Dennis B. Levine’s small fry, past the middling ($10 million in inside-trading profits) Mars of Mr. Levine himself, along the multiple rings of Saturn — Ivan F. Boesky, his confederate Martin A. Siegel of Kidder, Peabody, and Mr. Siegel’s confederate Robert Freeman of Goldman, Sachs — and finally back to great Jupiter: Michael R. Milken, the greedy billion-dollar junk-bond kingdom in which some of the nation’s greatest names in industry and finance would find themselves entrapped and corrupted.

Sounds like a Jewish cabal to us. Thomas later noted that “If I point out that nine out of 10 people involved in street crimes are black, that’s an interesting sociological observation. If I point out that nine out of 10 people involved in securities indictments are Jewish, that is an anti-Semitic slur. I cannot sort out the difference. . . .”

Dershowitz pulled out all the stops in this particular campaign — even purc[adrotate group=”1″]hasing a full page ad in the New York Times (at a cost of $450,000) and ads in three other newspapers.

The difference between the current  crisis and the Den of Thieves debacle is that the consequences to the financial system of the current Wall Street disaster are far greater and they are far more likely to have a negative effect on pretty much everyone. When a new version of Den of Thieves describes in detail the Jewish involvement in the current catastrophe, perhaps not even Alan Dershowitz or the ADL will be able to keep the lid on the bottle.

There are other signs of anxiety about accusations of Jewish responsibility for the current financial meltdown. Tim Rutten, who often writes on Jewish issues for the Los  Angeles Times (see here, here, and here), clearly has his  antennae up for overtones of anti-Jewish rhetoric in the current discussion. In a column titled “Mean St. replaces Main St.,” Rutten disputes the Main St. versus Wall St. dichotomy, stating that it has

become a kind of shorthand. Main Street translates as small and rural, virtuous and without guile. Wall Street means urban, greedy and devious. Palin invoked it Thursday, when she proudly labeled herself a “Main Streeter.” So did Joe Biden, in recalling his hardscrabble Scranton roots and the talk at his local Wilmington diner.

The obvious political implication of all this historical symbolism — and that’s really what it is, at this point — is that essentially decent Main Street will prosper if only it is liberated from the oppression of fundamentally venal Wall Street. The problem is that no one is willing to admit honestly that there’s no way to punish Wall Street without punishing everybody else.

Rutten may be right that “there’s no way to punish Wall Street without punishing everybody else.” But that is hardly an argument for forgetting about the very real differences between Wall Street and Main Street.

For people like Rutten, the Main St./Wall St. rhetoric is a short step to populist outrage against Wall Street. It’s an “Us versus Them” kind of thinking that must be squelched at all costs. His column narrowly construes Main St. as people living in rural areas, when it is obvious that, as I have noted previously, the term is a code word for the white middle class. And he conjures Wall St. out of existence by arguing that financial markets are truly national and not centered in Wall St. Nice try. But it’s rather transparently lame.

This latest disaster may well have some very far-reaching effects on political rhetoric about Jews in the US, at least in the absence of a truly Draconian campaign that effectively keeps such rhetoric seething beneath the surface. And given that the financial crisis is now global, keeping Jewish involvement out of the public mind may be more difficult than ever given that many countries do not have the very powerful infrastructure of Jewish activism and media influence present in the US. In the age of the internet, the task of the ADL and activists like Alan Dershowitz is infinitely more  difficult.

Stay tuned.