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Selfish Bastards: A Review of “Atlas Shrugged, Part I”

I saw Atlas Shrugged on Saturday, April 16th. It was a sold-out showing to an all-White audience in a predominantly White area. The audience contained a large contingent of Tea Party people, mostly Christian, as well as libertarians and Objectivists. There was geeky anti-government banter as we waited for the movie to begin. There was applause after the movie ended, but I did not join in. In fact, I found this to be a deeply disappointing adaptation of the first third of Ayn Rand’s epic novel about the role of reason in human existence and what would happen if the rational and productive people—the Atlases that carry the world on their shoulders—were to shrug off their burden and go on strike.

Atlas Shrugged could be a spectacular movie. It is certainly a spectacular novel, although not a perfect one, primarily because it is deformed by the grotesque excess of Galt’s Speech, 60 odd pages in which the novel’s hero John Galt explains Rand’s philosophy of Objectivism. But I have to hand it to Rand, because at least for me, she managed to make even Galt’s Speech a page-turner. In truth, although I reject Rand’s individualism and capitalism and would not have lasted five minutes in her presence, Atlas Shrugged is one of the most audacious and enthralling novels I have ever read—and I have read most of the classics—and even it does not equal Rand’s earlier novel The Fountainhead. Atlas Shrugged is the greatest mystery novel of all, for it is about what makes civilizations rise and fall. It is the greatest adventure of all, for it tells the story of a man who stopped the world. Read more

Tea is for Tribe: It’s About Race, Stupid!

The Long Racial History of the Tea Party’s Deficit Trojan Horse

It's About Race, Stupid!

Back when only the founding population had suffrage, the opposing political factions were often organized around alternative philosophies of government. Even then, ideologies were often stalking horses for individual, regional, occupational, or denominational agendas. Within the past century, both these sincere ideological differences and parochial interests have been overshadowed by a new force in American politics: tribalism. The concomitant empowerment and demographic explosion of identity groups competing and conflicting with White American interests created a series of tectonic shifts in the fault lines beneath the surface of the American political landscape.

White Americans have a taboo against pursuing their group interests and an affinity for ideals and abstractions. They also retain the fiction that their representatives are beholden to them, despite a wealth of evidence to the contrary. In light of these factors, the ambitious politician seeking White votes is beset with the task of parroting a rhetoric that is rooted in abstract ideology, yet aligned with White American group interests. Once elected, it’s then in his interest to renege on both his implicit and explicit promises, as the lobbyists swarming around him pay more and pay more attention. Read more

Why Mahler? Norman Lebrecht and the Construction of Jewish Genius

2011 marks the centenary of the death of Gustav Mahler. This follows last year’s one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the composer’s birth. In addition to an upsurge in performances of Mahler’s works by orchestras around the world, last year also saw the release of a second book about Mahler by the journalist and music critic Norman Lebrecht entitled: Why Mahler? How One Man and Ten Symphonies Changed the World. This book is the latest in a long line of encomiums by Jewish music critics and intellectuals that have transformed Mahler’s image from that of a relatively minor figure in the history of classical music at mid-Twentieth Century, into the cultural icon of today. Lebrecht wants his latest work to ‘address the riddle of why Mahler had risen, from near oblivion, to displace Beethoven as the most popular and influential symphonist of our age.’[1]

Like his previous book about Mahler (Mahler Remembered) the focus here is on alerting us to fact of Mahler’s towering genius, and how this genius was inextricably bound up with his identity as a Jew. Overlaying this, as ever, is the lachrymose vision of Mahler the saintly Jewish victim of gentile injustice. Lebrecht’s new book is another reminder of how Jewish intellectuals have used their privileged status as self-appointed gatekeepers of Western culture to advance their group interests through the way they conceptualize the respective artistic achievements of Jews and Europeans. Read more

The Southern Point, Part 2: Agrarians and Cavaliers

Mosler’s “The Lost Cause” – demonstrating the destroyed home of a returning CSA soldier after the war’s end

Up until recently it has been very difficult to combat the Northern domination of the press and its ability to manipulate public opinion both here and abroad. This was true in the 19th century and even more so in the 20th when Jewish forces joined the radical left in America, rallying around the press and other media industries. However, the Internet now offers us the opportunity to get out from under these stifling controls. And I predict that this will result in a gushing fountain of information reinforcing the dignity of the Southern Point as a central component in the development of White American racial consciousness.

I am thrilled to see the integrity and success of The Occidental Observer as an online phenomenon. Yet I have noticed a general dearth of articles about the Southern Tradition and I hope that perhaps I can at least begin to fill that gap as well as attract others who know more than I about the subject. We should really get something going in this direction.

I hereby pick up the gauntlet that Tom Sunic recently threw down in his article, “Which Way White Man, Part 1”:

It remains a great mystery why White American nationalists today are not more attuned to the cultural heritage of the antebellum South. If eloquently framed, it could prove to be powerful cultural artillery for safeguarding White racial identity. Southern Agrarians of the mid- thirties of the 20th century were erudite scholars from all fields of social science and literature and in many respects their aesthetic and political visions surpassed those of their contemporaries in Europe, the so-called European national-revolutionaries or national-conservatives. Instead, the image of Southerners as toothless hicks is still widespread — courtesy of not just liberal scholars but also of many lazy Whites. The South had never experienced the egalitarian steamroller of the French revolution and therefore it had been able to retain some parts of the old European mediaeval values better than Europeans themselves.

And again, in his book Homo Americanus: Child of the Postmodern Age, he suggests, “Probably now, in the open field of postmodernity, some of their traditionalist Southern legacy could be restored and used as a weapon in future culture wars”(174). Oh, Tom, if you only knew the scope of what you were pointing towards. Read more

The Southern Point, Part I: The Political Thought of John C. Calhoun

…the monster little heeding…
Pounces with his mouth of venom
At the head of Lemmikainen
But the hero quick recalling
Speaks the Master words of knowledge
Words that came from distant ages
Words his ancestors had taught him

From the Kalevala, ancient Finnish epic

The great tragedy of American History is that the South had a point.

The essence of the point is that while every human being on the planet deserves compassion and consideration and we are all in some universal way, brothers and sisters derived of one eternal source, race counts. It’s pretty simple. What you are and who you come from affect the general direction of your economic, political, or social endeavors as well as proclivities towards certain types of behavior. And, of course, there are many factors contributing and detracting from the matrix of evolutionary success or failure – nature, nurture, luck, heredity, climate, trading routes, geographic terrain and even the zodiac, etc. ad infinitum.  All of these considerations affect the area that one desires to live in, the way one is perceived by others, the unique advantage (or disadvantage) one gains from the forebears, the community one chooses to be a part of, and the company that one prefers to keep. It used to be that discussing race among a plethora of potential topics was well-received in decent company. “Of what blood are ye?” “Who are your people?” “What are they known for?” “Round here, we do things l’ak this (and it’s been l’ak that for as long as anyone can remember), but we’d love to trade points if you’ve got some good ones to share”…and so on. There was none of this hysterical sensitivity, an uneasy fear of giving or taking offense, and a thin-skinned obligatory reassurance that “we didn’t mean it like that” that we have all come to associate with modern parlance. Read more

Truth, Heresy, and Heroes

White identity politics is a form of heresy, and heresy has grave consequences.  Advocating White nationalism or merely defending White interests often results in a loss of social standing.  Moral cowards, amoral sycophants, and racial traitors are rewarded while heroes and righteous guardians are demonized.  Pretending that Whites are social constructs or have no legitimate interests to defend is accepted, even celebrated, in a society infested with anti-White multiculturalism.  White racialists realize that the cornucopia of cultures is designed to exclude any White culture, and the future rainbow of races is actually a muddled mess of miscegenation.  It is therefore a tremendous challenge to steadfastly support of the White extended genotype.  The anti-White opposition is well-funded, well-organized, malicious, and persistent.

White advocacy is beset on all sides.  Campaigning against White genocide attracts derision and scorn from anti-Whites.  Lamenting the decline of the White population into minority status is attacked as intolerance.  Merely calling attention to, let alone denouncing, the maliciously disproportionate amounts of violent interracial crime committed against White people is paradoxically described as hate.  Protecting the continuity of family lineage by expecting exclusively White marriages and White procreation is seen as backwards, provincial, or outdated.  Suggesting that many trends or ideas that harm White interests have been disproportionately created, organized, disseminated, or financed by Jewish interests can lead to accusations of insanity or mental instability. Read more

Harold Covington’s Northwest Quartet

In 1989, prolific British writer Paul Johnson published Intellectuals offering case studies of a string of intellectuals, beginning with Jean-Jacques Rousseau and then Shelley, Marx, Ibsen, Tolstoy, Hemingway, Bertolt Brecht, Bertrand Russell, Sartre, right on down to more modern public thinkers. Johnson’s point is that however much these men (and Lillian Hellman) might have professed love of “humanity” and “progress,” they were rats to the actual people around them.

For example, Johnson wrote of the poet Shelley:

Any moth than came near his fierce flame was  singed. His first wife, Harriet, and his mistress, Fay Godwin, both committed suicide when he deserted them. In his letters he denounced their actions roundly for causing him distress and inconvenience. . . .  His children by Harriet were made wards of the court. He erased them completely from his mind, and they never received  a  single word from their father. Another child, a bastard, died in  a  Naples foundling hospital where he had abandoned her.

Of Karl Marx, the self-professed savior of the working man, Johnson wrote: He seduced his wife’s servant, begot a son by her, then forced Friedrich Engels to assume paternity. Marx’s daughter Eleanor once let out a cri de coeur in a letter: “Is it not wonderful, when you come to look things squarely in the face, how rarely we  seem to practice all the fine things we  preach—to others?” She later committed suicide.

Johnson concluded that we must “Beware intellectuals.” “Not only should they be kept well away from the levers of power, they should also be objects of particular suspicion when they seek to offer collective advice.” Read more